The Macro-Regional Project of Intermarium: the Baltic State's
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China's Belt and Road Meets the Three Seas Initiative
MAY 2020 MAY WARSAW China’s Belt and Road meets the Three Seas Initiative Chinese and US sticky power in the context of the COVID-19 pandemic ISBN 978-83-66306-74-5 and Poland’s strategic interests Warsaw, May 2020 Author: Grzegorz Lewicki Editing: Jakub Nowak, Małgorzata Wieteska Graphic design: Anna Olczak Graphic design cooperation: Liliana Gałązka, Tomasz Gałązka, Sebastian Grzybowski Polish Economic Institute Al. Jerozolimskie 87 02-001 Warsaw, Poland © Copyright by Polish Economic Institute ISBN 978-83-66306-74-5 Extended edition II 3 Table of contents Executive summary ...........................................4 Civilizations. The US, China and the Biblical logic of capitalism ...............7 Sticky power. China’s dream of a new Bretton Woods and the gravity of globalization...............................................12 Belt and Road. The dynamics of Confucian sticky power . 16 Three Seas. Where Belt and Road meets Bretton Woods ...................23 5G Internet. How digital geopolitics shapes the Three Seas' development...26 Poland. The Central Transport Hub and Three Sees Fund as gateways for the US and China .........................................29 The mighty sea of coronavirus. COVID-19 as a trigger of dappled globalisation ................33 A new perspective. Beyond the snipe and the clam ...............................36 Bibliography .................................................38 4 Executive Summary → The power of Western civilization seems political influence during the ongoing di- to be waning, in contrast to the power gital transformation of global economy. of Confucian civilization. After super- → Both China and the US effectively imposing civilizational identities in ac- use their sticky power; their ability to cordance with modern civilization theory shape the rules of globalization to their onto data from the In.Europa State Power benefit by projecting economic power Index, Confucian civilization (i.e. -
Hist Gosp T.Cdr
STUDIA Z HISTORII SPOŁECZNO-GOSPODARCZEJ 2011 Tom IX Lidia Jurek (Florencja) THE COMMUNICATIVE DIMENSION OF VIOLENCE: POLISH LEGIONS IN ITALY AS AN INSTRUMENT OF APPEAL TO “EUROPE” (1848–1849) In the late March 1848 Władysław Zamoyski stopped in Florence to visit the grave of his mother buried in the magnificent church of Santa Croce. Florence was on his half-way from Rome to Turin, two centers of the springing Risorgimento, where after long strivings the prince Czartoryski’s right hand man managed to obtain agreements about the formation of Polish Legions. It must have been soon after when Zamoyski received a letter from the Prince dated 22 nd of March with the words reacting to the outbreak of 1848 revolutions in Europe: “the scene, as you must know by now, has again changed completely. Berlin and Vienna – by far our enemies – suddenly transformed into our allies. Now the Italian Question becomes of secondary importance to us”1. This article intends to interpret this unexpected turnabout and recalling of Zamoyski’s Italian mission through the lens of the broader propaganda game Czartoryski conducted in Europe. By the same token, it will shed a new light on the function of Hôtel Lambert’s legions. Hôtel Lambert’s legionary activities in Italy were conventionally analyzed through their diplomatic character and their military efficiency. However, as Jerzy Skowronek observed, Czartoryski acted “in accordance with his impera- tive to make use of every, even the smallest and indirect, action to evoke the Polish cause, to provoke another manifestation of sympathy with it, to condemn the partitioning powers” 2. -
The Ukrainian Weekly 1987
ТаІИНPublishtd by tht Ukrainian National A5sociation Inc.. a fraternal non-profit associationу| Vol. LV No.9 THE UKRAINIAN WEEKLY SUNDAY, MARCH 1.1987 25 cent5 Treblinka survivors' testimony begins Gen. Petro Grigorenko dies NEW YORK - Petro Hryhorovych in Demjanjui( trial's second week Grigorenko, a founding member of Special to Svoboda and The Weekly said, wore black uniforms, while the both the Moscow and Ukrainian Hel Germans were dressed in green. He sinki monitoring groups, and a former JERUSALEM - Two survivors of recalled his experiences in the camp Red Army general, died here at Beth the Treblinka death camp testified this dramatically and emotionally as he had Israel Hospital on Saturday, February week at the war crimes trial of John done in German and American courts, 21. He was 79. Demjanjuk, and both identified the at legal proceedings against, among A tireless defender of human and retired autoworker as "Ivan of Tre others, Feodor Fedorenko and Mr. national rights until his death, Gen. blinka" in dramatic appearances. Demjanjuk. Grigorenko was confined for nearly six During cross-examination of both Mr. Epstein pointed at Mr. Demjan years (1963-1964, 1969-1974) in Soviet witnesses, the defense pointed out juk and shouted, "This is the man, the psychiatric hospitals in retaliation for inconsistencies in each witness's own man sitting over there," in identifying such activities. testimony given at various times as well him as a guard at Treblinka named In 1978, while in the United States for as discrepancies between the testimo Ivan. Some of the spectators at the trial medical treatment, he was stripped of nies of both men. -
XENOPHON PAPER “Blue Growth As a Driver for Regional Development”
Matt eo Bocci, Frédérick Herpers, Thanos Smanis, Christophe Le Visage Thodoros E. Kampouris • Andrew Kennedy • Nataliia Korzhunova Emmanouil Nikolaidis • Natalia Zubchenko No16 XENOPHON PAPER “Blue Growth as a Driver for Regional Development” October 2018 2 XENOPHON PAPER no 16 The International Centre for Black Sea Studies (ICBSS) was founded in 1998 as a not-for-profit organisation. It has since fulfilled a dual function: on the one hand, it is an independent research and training institution focusing on the Black Sea region. On the other hand, it is a related body of the Organisation of the Black Sea Economic Cooperation (BSEC) and in this capacity serves as its acknowledged think-tank. Thus the ICBSS is a uniquely positioned independent expert on the Black Sea area and its regional cooperation dynamics. ___________________________________ The ICBSS launched the Xenophon Paper series in July 2006 with the aim to contribute a space for policy analysis and debate on topical issues concerning the Black Sea region. As part of the ICBSS’ independent activities, the Xenophon Papers are prepared either by members of its own research staff or by externally commissioned experts. While all contributions are peer-reviewed in order to assure consistent high quality, the views expressed therein exclusively represent the authors. The Xenophon Papers are available for download in electronic version from the ICBSS’ webpage under www.icbss.org. In its effort to stimulate open and engaged debate, the ICBSS also welcomes enquiries and contributions from its read- ers under [email protected]. XENOPHON PAPER no 16 3 Matt eo Bocci • Frédérick Herpers • Thanos Smanis • Christophe Le Visage Thodoros E. -
The Education of Alexander and Nicholas Pavlovich Romanov The
Agata Strzelczyk DOI: 10.14746/bhw.2017.36.8 Department of History Adam Mickiewicz University in Poznań The education of Alexander and Nicholas Pavlovich Romanov Abstract This article concerns two very different ways and methods of upbringing of two Russian tsars – Alexander the First and Nicholas the First. Although they were brothers, one was born nearly twen- ty years before the second and that influenced their future. Alexander, born in 1777 was the first son of the successor to the throne and was raised from the beginning as the future ruler. The person who shaped his education the most was his grandmother, empress Catherine the Second. She appoint- ed the Swiss philosopher La Harpe as his teacher and wanted Alexander to become the enlightened monarch. Nicholas, on the other hand, was never meant to rule and was never prepared for it. He was born is 1796 as the ninth child and third son and by the will of his parents, Tsar Paul I and Tsarina Maria Fyodorovna he received education more suitable for a soldier than a tsar, but he eventually as- cended to the throne after Alexander died. One may ask how these differences influenced them and how they shaped their personalities as people and as rulers. Keywords: Romanov Children, Alexander I and Nicholas I, education, upbringing The education of Alexander and Nicholas Pavlovich Romanov Among the ten children of Tsar Paul I and Tsarina Maria Feodorovna, two sons – the oldest Alexander and Nicholas, the second youngest son – took the Russian throne. These two brothers and two rulers differed in many respects, from their characters, through poli- tics, views on Russia’s place in Europe, to circumstances surrounding their reign. -
Acta 103.Indd
Acta Poloniae Historica 103, 2011 PL ISSN 0001–6892 Marek Kornat THE POLISH IDEA OF ‘THE THIRD EUROPE’ (1937–1938): A REALISTIC CONCEPT OR AN EX-POST VISION? The concept of ‘the Third Europe’ – or ‘the Intermarium Bloc’ – was certainly an interesting political project invented by the Polish Foreign Minister Józef Beck in the years 1937–8. It was bold and ambitious, but quite controversial, therefore it was merely mentioned in many works devoted to the foreign policy of the interwar Poland. There can be no doubt today that without a careful analysis of the assumptions of this concept, it is impossible to grasp the real meaning of the Polish ‘policy of balance’ between Nazi Germany and the Stalinist Soviet Union, as well as the way of thinking of the Polish leaders about international affairs towards the end of the 1930s. The idea of concentrating the smaller states of East-Central Europe around Poland was one of the most essential and independent politi- cal concepts of Beck, although, quite naturally, it referred to various similar ideas put forward by Polish political thought and in the Polish Ministry of Foreign Affairs from the dawn of Poland’s independence. Had this project any real basis in the political reality of the Europe of the 1930s? What was its essence? What were its concrete pros- pects? What aims did Józef Beck connect with it – who was regarded, not without reason, as a fi rm adherent of bilateralism in international relations and a critic of the concept of ‘bloc-building’ as a method of fi nding security? What were the possibilities of Polish diplomacy in the realities of the late 1930s? Was it a real political project, or maybe only a concept described by historians ex post? What determined its failure? The present study is devoted to refl ection upon these questions. -
Andrzej Szmyt Russia's Educational Policy Aimed at The
Andrzej Szmyt Russia’s Educational Policy Aimed at the Poles and the Polish Territories Annexed During the Reign of Tsar Alexander I Przegląd Wschodnioeuropejski 7/1, 11-28 2016 PRZEGLĄD WSCHODNIOEUROPEJSKI VII/1 2016: 11-28 A n d r z e j Szm y t University of Warmia and Mazury in Olsztyn RUSSIA’S EDUCATIONAL POLICY AIMED AT THE POLES AND THE POLISH TERRITORIES ANNEXED DURING THE REIGN OF TSAR ALEXANDER I 1 Keywords: Russia, tsar Alexander I, the Russian partition of Poland, the history of education, the Vilnius Scientific District, Prince Adam Jerzy Czartoryski Abstract: The beginning of the 19th century in Russia marks the establishment of the modern system of education, to much extent based on the standards set by the National Commission of Education. Prince Adam Jerzy Czartoryski , then a close associate of Alexander I, used the young tsar’s enthusiasm for reforming the country, including the educational system. The already implemented reforms encompassed also the territories of the Russian partition. The unique feature of the Vilnius Scientific District created at that time was the possibility of teaching in the Polish language in all types of schools. It was the school superintendent Prince A. J. Czartoryski who deserved credit for that - due to his considerable influence upon the tsar’s policy towards the Poles. After the change in the position of the superintendent (1824) and the death of Alexander I (1825), the authorities’ policy on the Polish educational system became stricter, and after the fall of the November Uprising Polish educational institutions practically disappeared. The source base of the text is constituted by the archival materials stored in the State Historical Archives in Kiev and Vilnius as well as in the Library of The Vilnius University. -
It-Tlettax-Il Leġiżlatura Pl 1156
IT-TLETTAX-IL LEĠIŻLATURA P.L. 1156 Dokument imqiegħed fuq il-Mejda tal-Kamra tad-Deputati fis-Seduta Numru 80 tas-7 ta’ Frar 2018 mill-Ispeaker, l-Onor. Anġlu Farrugia. ___________________________ Raymond Scicluna Skrivan tal-Kamra 1st Part of 2018 Ordinary Session of the Parliamentary Assembly of the Council of Europe 21 – 26 January 2018 Strasbourg, France Hon Emanual Mallia, MP Hon David Stellini, MP Hon Jason Azzopardi, MP Hon Etienne Grech, MP Hon Stefan Zrinzo Azzopardi, MP CONSEJL DE t'EUROPE DELEGATION TO THE PARLIAMENTARY ASSEMBLY OF THE COUNCIL OF EUROPE First Part-Session- 22 to 26 January 2018 The Assembly brings together 324 men and women from the parliaments of the Council of Europe's 47 member states. Though it contains many voices, reflecting political opinion across the continent, its mission is to uphold the shared values of human rights, democracy and the rule of law that are the "common heritage" of the peoples ofEurope. Delegates Attending the First-Part Session 2018:- Hon Emanuel Mallia- Head- 22 to 26 January Hon David Stellini- Member- 22 to 26 January Hon Jason Azzopardi - Substitute Member - 23 - 26 January Hon Etienne Grech- Substitute Member - 22- 23 January ,, Hon Stefan Zrinzo Azzopardi -Substitute Member- 21-23 January Jolm Vella- delegation secretary- 22 to 26 January 2018 Annex A- Agenda of Plenary and Committees ,, Annex B - Resolutions and Recommendations adopted by the Assembly Annex C- Synopsis of Committee Meetings Annex D- CVs of candidates for Human Rights Commissoner Annex E- Motion for a Resolution no. 144 79 AIJ11ex F- Written question no. -
The Three Seas Initiative
Updated April 26, 2021 The Three Seas Initiative The Three Seas Initiative (3SI) is a regional effort in According to EU data, the 3SI region remains less well-off Europe to expand cross-border energy, transportation, and economically compared with the rest of the EU; the 3SI digital infrastructure and boost economic development in countries together comprise just under 30% of EU territory the area between the Adriatic Sea, Baltic Sea, and Black and 22% of its population but account for 10% of the EU’s Sea. Twelve countries (Austria, Bulgaria, Croatia, the gross domestic product (the EU data predate Brexit and so Czech Republic, Estonia, Hungary, Latvia, Lithuania, include the United Kingdom). Infrastructure gaps are Poland, Romania, Slovakia, and Slovenia), all of which are considered a factor behind regional economic disparities. members of the European Union (EU), participate in the According to EU data, road and rail travel in the 3SI region 3SI (see Figure 1). take, on average, roughly two to four times longer than comparable travel in the rest of the EU. The U.S. government, including some Members of Congress, have indicated strong backing for the 3SI. In Figure 1. Three Seas Initiative November 2020, the House of Representatives passed a bipartisan resolution “expressing support of the Three Seas Initiative in its efforts to increase energy independence and infrastructure connectivity thereby strengthening the United States and European national security” (H.Res. 672, 116th Congress). Officials from the Biden Administration and the Trump Administration have expressed diplomatic support for the 3SI, and high-level U.S. officials (including then- President Trump in 2017) have joined its annual summits. -
The Intermarium As the Polish-Ukrainian Linchpin of Baltic- Black Sea Cooperation
The Intermarium as the Polish-Ukrainian Linchpin of Baltic- Black Sea Cooperation Edited by Ostap Kushnir The Intermarium as the Polish-Ukrainian Linchpin of Baltic-Black Sea Cooperation Edited by Ostap Kushnir Technical Editor: Margaryta Khvostova Language Editors: Edyta Basiak, Victoria Barry This book first published 2019 Cambridge Scholars Publishing Lady Stephenson Library, Newcastle upon Tyne, NE6 2PA, UK British Library Cataloguing in Publication Data A catalogue record for this book is available from the British Library Copyright © 2019 by Ostap Kushnir and contributors All rights for this book reserved. No part of this book may be reproduced, stored in a retrieval system, or transmitted, in any form or by any means, electronic, mechanical, photocopying, recording or otherwise, without the prior permission of the copyright owner. ISBN (10): 1-5275-2712-3 ISBN (13): 978-1-5275-2712-6 CONTENTS List of Abbreviations ................................................................................ vii Introduction ............................................................................................... ix Ostap Kushnir Chapter One ................................................................................................ 1 The Evolution and Implementation of the Intermarium Strategy in Poland: A Historical Perspective. Daria Nałęcz Introduction. The original idea of the Intermarium. The war with Russia and the failure of the Intermarium. The Intermarium in inter-war times: Oblivion. The Intermarium in communist and post-communist Polish realities. Concluding remarks. Chapter Two ............................................................................................. 22 Ukraine and the Intermarium: From the Middle Ages to the Collapse of the USSR Volodymyr Poltorak Introduction. The Ukrainian point of view on the Intermarium. Imagined past: Pre-Intermarium strategies from the Middle Ages and Early Modern Ages. The long 19th century: Back to the future (1795-1914). Ukraine and the Intermarium in the 20th century. -
The Three Seas Initiative: Configuration and Global Geopolitical Consequences
Opinion Paper 48/2021 26/04/2021 Óscar Méndez Pérez* The Three Seas Initiative: Visit Web Receive Newsletter Configuration and Global Geopolitical Consequences The Three Seas Initiative: Configuration and Global Geopolitical Consequences Abstract: The Three Seas Initiative (3SI) is an alliance of Central and Eastern European countries located among the Baltic, Black and Adriatic Seas. Its objectives focus on achieving an interconnected region, with a north-south approach, in the fields of energy, infrastructure and telecommunications. At the same time, it has an eminent geopolitical component that not only can be felt in the region, but that also involves the four major world powers: the US, Russia, China and the European Union. Keywords: Three Seas Initiative, geopolitics, Central and Eastern Europe, energy, infrastructures, telecommunications. How to quote: MÉNDEZ PÉREZ, Óscar. The Three Seas Initiative: Configuration and Global Geopolitical Consequences. Opinion Paper. IEEE 48/2021. http://www.ieee.es/Galerias/fichero/docs_opinion/2021/DIEEEO48_2021_OSCMEN_Tresmares _ENG.pdf and/or link bie3 (accessed on the web day/month/year) *NOTE: The ideas contained in the Opinion Papers shall be responsibility of their authors, without necessarily reflecting the thinking of the IEEE or the Ministry of Defense. Opinion Paper 48/2021 1 The Three Seas Initiative: Configuration and Global Geopolitical Consequences Óscar Méndez Pérez Introduction The Three Seas Initiative (TSI) is a collaborative platform between Poland, Croatia, Austria, Bulgaria, -
Slovenské Národné Stredisko Pre Ľudské Práva
SLOVAK NATIONAL CENTRE FOR HUMAN RIGHTS ALTERNATIVE REPORT on the implementation of the Convention on the Elimination of All Forms of Racial Discrimination Bratislava, Slovakia, 2012 Contents Introduction ................................................................................................................................ 3 Article 2 ...................................................................................................................................... 5 Article 3 .................................................................................................................................... 10 Article 5 .................................................................................................................................... 17 Article 7 .................................................................................................................................... 39 2 Introduction The Slovak National Centre for Human Rights (hereinafter referred to as the “Centre”) as an independent and non-profit legal entity is a specialized national institution that promotes the observance of the principle of equal treatment and develops its activities in combating discrimination. The Centre was established by the Act of the Slovak National Council No. 308/1993 Coll. on the Establishment of the Slovak National Centre for Human Rights, which became effective on 1 January 1994 (hereinafter referred to as the “Act“). At that time the Centre performed mainly tasks in the area of research and education, gathered