University of Cincinnati

UNIVERSITY OF CINCINNATI

August 1, 20 03

I, Kirsten Grant Lupinski , hereby submit this as part of the requirements for the degree of:

Doctor of Education (Ed.D.) in:

Educational Foundations

It is entitled:

Cultural Differences in Body Image: The Perspectives of European American, African American and Asian American College Women

Approved by:

Patricia O’Reilly Annette Hemmings Lanthan Camblin Amy Bernard

Cultural Differences in Body Image: The Perspectives of European American, African American and Asian American College Women

Division of Research and Advanced Studies of the University of Cincinnati

In partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of

DOCTORATE OF EDUCATION (Ed.D.)

In the Department of Educational Foundations of the College of Education

2003

Kirsten Grant Lupinski

B.S. Public Health, University of North Carolina, 1993 M.S. Health Education, University of Kentucky, 1996

ABSTRACT Kirsten Grant Lupinski University of Cincinnati- Educational Foundations

Committee Chair: Dr. Patricia O'Reilly, PhD, Professor, Educational Foundations Dissertation Title: Cultural Differences in Body Image: The Perspectives of European American, African American and Asian American College Women

Cultural Differences in Body Image: The Perspectives of European American,

African American and Asian American College Women is a single university case study, conducted at a large Midwestern public university. The sample population consisted of

European American, African American and Asian American women between the ages of

18 and 25 and who have lived in the U.S. for at least the past 10 years. The sampling was based on comparable case selection in which the three ethnic groups were compared on their body image and levels of body satisfaction.

The quantitative portion of this study consisted of administering the Young

Women’s Experiences with Body Weight and Shape assessment, created in 1997 by M.E.

Delaney et al. There were a total of 450 women surveyed (278 European American, 148

African American and 24 Asian American).

The qualitative portion of this study consisted of 3 semi-structured focus groups;

1 European American, 1 African American and 1 Asian American. A total of 28 women participated in the focus groups.

The purpose of this study was to obtain information from college-age women representing three different ethnicities with regard to their body image, body shape, appearance and related factors. The findings from this study will provide the health education profession with valuable data and information on body image from a cultural perspective. In addition, body image prevention/intervention programming that addresses women based on their ethnic background can be developed using the information and data from this study.

A One-Way ANOVA and Tukey Post Hoc test were conducted to identify differences between the three groups on the assessment. Patterns and themes were coded and analyzed for the information obtained during the focus groups. Results from the assessment and the focus groups, literature findings, feminism and cultural studies theory were triangulated and conclusions drawn. African American women expressed the greatest level of body satisfaction on the 5 subscales of the assessment and these findings were supported by the information provided from the 3 focus groups.

TABLE OF CONTENTS

LIST OF TABLES 6

LIST OF FIGURES 7

CHAPTER 1: STATEMENT OF PROBLEM 8

Problem Description 8 Purpose and Objectives 12 Limitations of Study 13 Assumptions 13 Significance of the Problem 14

CHAPTER 2: LITERATURE REVIEW 16

Introduction 16 Body Dissatisfaction in American Society 17 Body Image: A Big Issue in American Society 18 History of Women’s Ideal Body Images 20 Obsession with Thinness 24 Contributing Factors to Body Image Development 28 Social Comparisons 29 Friends and Family Influence 30 Identification with Mothers 31 Parental Influences 33 Socioeconomic Background 34 Sexual Abuse and Body Image 35 Body Image in Different Ethnicities/Cultures 36 African American Women and Body Image: Less Dissatisfaction 37 African American Women and Body Image: Similar Dissatisfaction 42 Asian American Women and Body Image 44 Why are There Differences Between Ethnicities? 50 Why are African American Women Under Reported? 52 African American Cultural Beliefs: Protective Factors 54 Feminist Theory 58 Patriarchy and Capitalism 59 The Beauty Myth 60 The Role of Advertising 62 The Diet Industry 63 Cosmetic Surgery 64 Media and Advertising 65 Hunger and Eating Issues 66 What is Feminism? 67 Foucalt: What is Feminine? 68 Gender Roles 70 Racism: An Added Injustice 74 Cultural Studies Theory 76

Advertising and Media: Contributors to Body Dissatisfaction 76 What’s on Television? 78 Media: Teaches Gender Roles 79 The Influence of Magazines 83 Television: What’s on and Who’s in Charge? 85 Body Image Prevention/Intervention Programs 92 Summary/Conclusion 94

CHAPTER 3: METHODS 96 Introduction 96 Purpose of Study 97 Research Questions 100 Research Design 100 Quantitative Assessment Design 100 Factor 1- Weight Dissatisfaction 102 Factor 2- Slimness As Quality of Life 102 Factor 3- Interpersonal Messages Regarding Slimness 102 Factor 4- Rejecting the Societal Value of Thinness 103 Factor 5- Valuing Exercise 103 Qualitative Focus Group Design 106 Reliability 107 Validity 107 Population and Sample 108 Quantitative Assessment Participants 108 Qualitative Focus Group Participants 108 Figure 1 110 Figure 2 111 Data Collection Procedures 112 Quantitative Data Collection 112 Qualitative Data Collection 112 Data Analysis 113

CHAPTER 4: RESULTS 115 Introduction 115 Demographic Characteristics of Quantitative Survey Participants 115 Table 1 116 Table 2 117 Quantitative Assessment Results 118 Results of Five Subscales 118 Table 3 120 Results of Each Survey Item 121 Table 4 122 Table 5 124 Table 6 126 Table 7 131 One-Way ANOVA: Comparisons Between Groups 133 Table 8 134 Tukey Post Hoc: Multiple Comparisons Between Groups 135

Subscale 1- Weight Dissatisfaction 135 Subscale 2- Slimness As Quality of Life 135 Subscale 3- Interpersonal Messages Regarding Slimness 136 Subscale 4- Rejecting Societal Value of Thinness 136 Subscale 5- Valuing Exercise 136 Table 9 138 Summary of Quantitative Survey 139 Qualitative Focus Group Comments/Results 139 Demographics of Focus Group Participants 139 Researcher Comments on Focus Groups 140 Figure 3 142 Figure 4 143 Figure 5 144 Researcher Comments on Asian American Focus Group 145 Researcher Comments on African American Focus Group 145 Researcher Comments on European American Focus Group 146 Qualitative Focus Group Questions/Results 146 What is Body Image? 146 What is the Ideal Body Image in Mainstream Society? 147 What is the Ideal Body Image in your Culture? 148 What Role Does Food Play in your Culture? 150 What are the Characteristics of an Attractive Woman? 150 Does Thinness Equal Success? 152 What is your General Level of Body Satisfaction? 154 Is There Anything You Would Like To Change About Your Body? 156 Do You Exercise? And Why 159 Do You Feel the Media Influences Your Body Image? 162 What Influence Does Your Family Have on Your Body Image? 166 What Influence Do Your Friends Have on Your Body Image? 169 Did Growing Up in An African American Community Have Protective Factors? 171 What Would You Recommend For a Culturally Sensitive Body Image Program? 172

CHAPTER 5: DISCUSSION 174 Introduction 174 Weight Dissatisfaction 175 Slimness As Quality of Life 180 Interpersonal Messages About Body Image 188 Rejecting the Societal Messages of Thinness 196 The Value of Exercise 202 Conclusions From This Study 205 Implications For Future Research 208 Summary 211

REFERENCE LIST 213

APPENDICES 245

APPENDIX A: EXISITNG BODY IMAGE PREVENTION PROGRAMS 246

APPENDIX B: QUANTITATIVE ASSESSMENT 247

APPENDIX C: QUANTITATIVE ASSESSMENT SUBSCALES 251

APPENDIX D: QUANTITATIVE ASSESSMENT FACTOR LOADING OF EACH ITEM 253

APPENDIX E: DEVELOPMENT OF QUANTITATIVE ASSESSMENT 255

APPENDIX F: ASSESSMENTS CONSIDERED FOR STUDY 256

APPENDIX G: ORIGINAL QUALITATIVE INTERVIEW GUIDE 262

APPENDIX H: FINAL QUALITATIVE INTERVIEW GUIDE 264

APPENDIX I: FOCUS GROUP INSTRUCTIONS 266

APPENDIX J: EXPERT PANEL ON BODY IMAGE 268

APPENDIX K: TRUSTWORTHINESS OF THE DATA 269

APPENDIX L: RESEARCHER REFLEXIVITY 271

APPENDIX M: INFORMED CONSENT FOR FOCUS GROUPS 273

APPENDIX N: QUALITATIVE DATA- MATRIX DISPLAY 275

APPENDIX O: ASIAN AMERICAN FOCUS GROUP PARTICIPANT DESCRIPTIONS 280

APPENDIX P: AFRICAN AMERICAN FOCUS GROUP PARTICIPANT DESCRIPTIONS 2281

APPENDIX Q: EUROPEN AMERICAN FOCUS GROUP PARTICIPANT DESCRIPTIONS 282

LIST OF TABLES

TABLE 1: Ethnicity Frequency Distribution of Sample 116

TABLE 2: Ethnicity Frequency Distribution of Population 117

TABLE 3: Descriptives of Five Subscales 120

TABLE 4: Frequency Distribution for Each Statement 122

TABLE 5: Frequency Distribution For Each Statement-Five Categories (Percentages) 124

TABLE 6: Frequency Distribution For Each Statement- Three Categories (Percentages) 126

TABLE 7: Responses to Each Statement on Survey 131

TABLE 8: ANOVA Subscale Results 134

TABLE 9: ANOVA-Tukey Post Hoc Comparisons Between Groups 138

LIST OF FIGURES

FIGURE 1: Sample Frequency Distribution- Graph 1110

FIGURE 2: Population Frequency Distribution- Graph 111

FIGURE 3: Asian American Focus Group Room-Map 142

FIGURE 4: African American Focus Group Room-Map 143

FIGURE 5: European American Focus Group Room-Map 144

CHAPTER 1

Statement of Problem

Problem Description

Body image, in particular body dissatisfaction and disordered eating behaviors have been associated with women for many years. Body dissatisfaction prevalence is greater than 60% for high school females and greater than 80% for college-age women

(Spitzer, Henderson & Zivian, 1999). This age group (high school to college) is at the

8 greatest risk for developing unhealthy eating practices and behaviors (Striegel-Moore et al., 1990). These overwhelming statistics put young women at an increased risk for developing severe physical, mental and emotional complications. Body image dissatisfaction plays a role in a woman’s overall development, attitude, behaviors and self-esteem. Body shape and size dissatisfaction in women have been shown to play a role in women’s daily lives. Body image is an important factor in self-image and it is believed that a negative body image is linked to low self-esteem and a negative self- image. It also has been shown that body image concerns and sociocultural factors have played a role in the development of disordered eating.

Internalizing the thin beauty ideal results in the experience of a discrepancy between the ideal and one’s actual self and prompts body dissatisfaction for most women, because the ideal is impossible to obtain. Weight dissatisfaction, in turn, motivates behavioral efforts to lose weight or prevent weight gain. (Cash & Pruzinsky, 2002, p. 185)

Women in American society today are faced with numerous pressures; looking “right” and fitting into the “ideal” beauty image that has been created and normalized has been shown to cause stress, anxiety, depression and more severe complications. Brownell

(1991) reported that for many women, issues of body image and control of weight and body shape may limit quality of life and lead to unhealthy behaviors. Young females have reported that looks, weight and figure are top on their list of worries and stresses.

Concern with body weight and appearance in America has become so common among women that many researchers have begun to describe it as normative behavior. The drive for thinness in Western societies is a prominent issue and has led to thin being the norm.

This norm is culturally reproduced and maintained by a variety of influences on women’s body image. Appearance has become so ingrained in America’s young population that they are spending a great deal of time, energy and money on improving how they look

9 and less time on school, social life and other related issues. “Current societal standards for female beauty emphasize the desirability of thinness and thinness at a level that is impossible for most women to achieve by healthy means” (Tiggemann, 2002, p. 91).

One study reported that 50% of females would prefer to be run over by a truck than to be fat and 66% would prefer to be mean or stupid rather than fat (Maine, 2000). In addition, the number 1 wish for girls ages 11 to17 is to lose weight. In a nationwide poll done in 1991, Shortchanging Girls, Shortchanging America, girls ages 9 to15 reported that, the way they look is the most important determinant of self-worth. These findings prove that American women and female adolescents are obsessed with their weight and appearance. This obsession and the development of a negative or unrealistic body image are the result of numerous influences present in our society and lead to the perception that women need to be beautiful and attractive in order to be successful.

These societal influences have been identified in previous research. They include the media, parents, peers, and culture. The mass media is present in every aspect of

American’s lives. Most people read the daily newspaper, which is filled with advertisements for products that enhance beauty and with images of thin, beautiful and unrealistic women. Additionally, the average American watches 2 hours and 45 minutes of TV daily (Kaiser Family Foundation, 1999). Spending so much time viewing different forms of media is likely to have an effect on consumers and the effect facing many women is a decrease in body satisfaction. Parents also have been shown to affect how young girls develop their sense and level of body satisfaction. Parents are instrumental in reinforcing societal messages and passing them onto their children. Specifically for young girls, body image has a distinct societal image and value placed upon it. As previously discussed, American society places a strong value on females living up to an

10 ideal image that centers on being thin and beautiful. Numerous conclusions have been drawn indicating that if both parents are encouraging their children (daughters) to lose weight or making comments about their appearance; this will have a greater influence on their body image development, than just one parent’s comments. Parents encouragement of weight lose and comments to daughters seem to be a stronger predictor or influence over their daughters than the girls’ actual weight loss or eating behaviors, except when the behaviors constitute extreme dieting practices (Wertheim, Mee, & Paxton, 1999). An individual’s friends and peers also may be responsible for development of body dissatisfaction. Being teased by peers is associated with greater concerns about physical appearance and dietary behaviors (Tantleff-Dunn & Gokee, 2002).

Ethnicity and cultural background have been shown to contribute to women’s body dissatisfaction as well. It has long been believed and supported by research that

European American women possess a greater dissatisfaction with their bodies than any other ethnic group. Sharlene Hesse-Biber (1996, p. 108) states, “The excessive pursuit of thinness has been rare among People of Color in the United States and in Non-Western developing societies such as Asia, Africa and South America and in fact these societies view obesity quite positively.” This belief still exists today, despite more current research that contradicts this statement. European American women and Women of Color reported similar scores on the Eating Disorder Inventory Scale, indicating similar disordered eating behaviors (LeGrange, Telch, & Agras, 1997). European American women and

African American women have also indicated similar desires to be smaller than their current size and weight (DiGioacchino, Sargent, & Topping, 2001). Cultural differences among American women contribute to their development of body image and the factors that affect their level of body satisfaction. Cultural factors are just as important in

11 studying body image dissatisfaction but not as well understood and researched. These factors and the differences and similarities between African American, Asian American and European American women need to be identified in order to establish prevention/intervention programs for women based on their ethnic identity and experiences.

Women in America are faced with numerous influences and pressures to fit into an ideal beauty standard therefore, prevention/intervention programming that address these issues from an ethnic and cultural perspective is needed. Women from all cultures experience dissatisfaction with their bodies and other problems related to body image, consequently research needs to be conducted that include women from a variety of ethnic/cultural backgrounds. Research that identifies the cultural differences that affect women’s body image will assist in the development of these programs and in the increased level of body satisfaction among African American, Asian American and

European American women.

Purpose and Objectives

The purpose of this study was to identify factors contributing to the development of body image from a cultural perspective among female college students ages 18 to 25 from a large, public, 4-year Midwestern university. The females studied were from three different ethnic groups, European American, African American and Asian American, and had lived in the United States for at least the past10 years. The information obtained in this study will allow body image prevention/intervention programs to be adapted or developed to address women based on their ethnic background and cultural experiences.

In addition, the results of this study will contribute new information on body image to the health education/promotion field. The findings from this study will be published and

12 presented in order to inform and educate health educators who work with the college female population. Two theories were used to guide the development of the assessment tool and focus group questions: feminist theory and cultural studies. These theories assisted in the identification of the overall factors that were addressed in the development of body image. Feminist theory supplied the overall theme of women’s body image being influenced and constructed based on what members of the dominant group in American society (White males) dictate and normalize. Feminism supports the belief that a patriarchy and the limitations women face in a patriarchal society lead to a high level of body dissatisfaction. Cultural studies looks at the role the mass media plays in how women feel and think about their bodies and how current societal messages and values lead many women to feel devalued and dissatisfied with their bodies. Both theories address the fact that Women of Color face added pressures (such as racism and social injustice) in American society that may contribute to their body dissatisfaction.

The following objectives were met:

1. Assessing participants’ attitudes and behaviors on weight dissatisfaction, their self-consciousness about appearance, their experiences with other’s messages and perceptions of body image, their rejection of the social norms and their levels of exercise. 2. How they culturally define body image, what an ideal body image is in American society, the ethnic group with which they identify. 3. Identifying the differences in attitudes, beliefs and perceptions of body image, body shape and appearance among college-age women of different ethnic backgrounds (African American, European American and Asian American) on the individual and cultural level. Determining the influencing factors on these differences or similarities. 4. Determining the participant’s current level of body and weight dissatisfaction. 5. Determine how messages in the mass media influence how participants feel about their body image. 6. Identifying current exercise habits/behaviors and whether they were influenced by a desire to change body appearance, shape or size. 7. The impact family and friends have on participant’s level of body dissatisfaction.

8. Determining how the data that I obtained reflects the feminist theory and cultural studies pertaining to women and body dissatisfaction/satisfaction.

Limitations of Study

This study was conducted at a large, public, 4-year Midwestern university with females ages 18 to 25 and can only be generalized to the women at this university and within this age group.

Assumptions

The researcher had to assume that the individuals who participated in the quantitative survey understood the questions and answered them honestly and accurately.

It also was assumed that the participants in the focus groups answered the questions honestly and accurately.

Significance of the Problem

Body image prevention/intervention programs do exist; however, there currently are no programs that look at body image from a cultural perspective. “Unfortunately few investigations have been conducted to expand the understanding of the development of

Asian American (and African American) body image” (Cash & Pruzinsky, 2002, p. 500).

In addition, the majority of programs addressing body image are components to an eating disorder intervention and requires individuals to be diagnosed with an eating disorder in order to be placed in the treatment program. Three programs that have been identified that do not require a trained professional to administer and are not part of an eating disorder program are: The Body Image Workbook: An 8-Step Program for Learning to

Like Your Looks, by Thomas Cash; Full of Ourselves by Catherine Steiner-Adair and

Niva Piran’s feminist-based program. These programs are discussed further in Appendix

A and Chapter 2. Cash’s program is the only body image program that has been evaluated

14 and found statistically significant improvements in body image among program participants.

The one component these three programs are lacking is addressing body image from a cultural perspective. As previously stated, there is a great need to study body image in ethnic groups other than European American because no ethnic group is immune to body dissatisfaction and associated disorders. African American and Asian

American women need to be included in body image research in order to construct new or adapt existing prevention/intervention programs to meet their needs and increase their success rates. It widely has been believed that African American and Asian American women are satisfied with their bodies and do not engage in unhealthy behaviors in order to fit into the “ideal” American beauty standard. However, current studies and my personal observations indicate a shift in this belief and research needs to include Asian

American and African American women in order to identify the factors that contribute to their levels of body satisfaction.

CHAPTER 2

Literature Review

Introduction

The purpose of this chapter is to review the literature related to body image. The chapter includes the following topics:

• Body image in American society

• The history of women’s ideal body images

• American women’s obsession with thinness

• Contributing factors to body image development

• Body image among African American women

• Body image among Asian American women

• An overview of feminist theory in relation to body image

• An overview of cultural studies in relation to body image

• Body image intervention/prevention programs

There is a limited amount of literature related to Asian American women’s body image; consequently, more research is needed on this ethnic group, which this study attempts to accomplish. There recently has been an increased amount of literature available concerning African American women and body image; however, this literature has resulted in conflicting findings. When compared to European American women, the majority of the literature concludes that African American women have a greater level of body satisfaction then both Asian American and Euro American women. However, there have been studies that found African American women have similar levels of body dissatisfaction to Asian American and European American women. Both of these arguments are included in this literature review. There also is a lack of literature available that looks at the body image issues that concern women from ethnic backgrounds other than European American. For example, the majority of studies look at weight and appearance in relation to an ideal established for European American women and do not address the various issues beyond body weight and size, which effect women from other ethnic groups. This study allowed African American and Asian American women to identify issues that are present within their cultures.

As addressed in Chapter 1, the purpose of this study is contributing new information to the health education field about college women’s body image from an ethnic perspective. In addition, this study will identify body image issues in women from three different ethnic groups (African American, Asian American and European

American) in order to adapt current or create new prevention/intervention programs. The final section of this chapter gives an overview of the existing programs that have been developed to assist primarily European American women address body image issues.

Body Dissatisfaction in American Society

An overwhelming number of women in American society today report some degree of dissatisfaction with their bodies. Body dissatisfaction prevalence is greater than

60% for high school females and greater than 80% for college-age women (Spitzer,

Henderson, & Zivian, 1999). This age group (high school to college) is at the greatest risk for developing unhealthy eating practices and behaviors, including eating disorders

(Striegel-Moore et al., 1990). Body image can be defined by many constructs: how you see yourself, how you feel others perceive you, how you feel about your body and how you feel in your body. Lightstone states, “Body image involves our perception, imagination, emotions and physical sensations of and about our bodies. It is not static, but ever changing. It is psychological in nature and much more influenced by self-esteem than by actual physical attractiveness, as judged by others. It is learned” (Lightstone, www.edreferral.com, 2002).

Body Image: A Big Issue in American Society

Body image recently has become a major issue in society; this can be seen by the

newspaper, magazine and other media sources with stories about plastic surgery, eating

disorders, diets, exercise and other related issues. In our society, thinness and beauty in

women is associated with happiness, success, acceptability and wealth, which adds to the pressure and need to fit into the male constructed ideal of beauty. It is widely believed that men have constructed the “ideal” body norm for females and consequently measure a woman’s worth and existence by these unrealistic standards. However, women are also involved in the development of this “ideal” body image. Women buy into the idea that they need to be a certain size, wear specific clothes and have the right look in order to be successful or to attract a man. Being overweight is associated with being lazy, having a

18 lack of will power and being out of control. In our society being overweight is considered a social liability and fat on a woman’s body is seen as inferior and worthless (Orbach,

1993). Within our society, being overweight is perceived to violate the cultural ideal of self-denial and self-control, two attributes that are highly valued for women (Grogan,

1999). There is no doubt that our cultural values today promote and emphasize unrealistic thin and beautiful body ideals to women and that non-conformity to these ideals will lead to social disapproval (Grogan, 1999). “Current societal standards for female beauty emphasize the desirability of thinness and thinness at a level that is impossible for most women to achieve by healthy means” (Tiggemann, 2002, p. 91). Susan Bordo points out that, “preoccupation with fat, diet and slenderness in women is normative and Western culture surrounds women with clear messages that overweight must be destroyed and eliminated, the ideal body is tight and completely under control” (Bordo, 1993, p. 186).

Women learn from a young age that being thin is what is accepted in society and not conforming to these beauty standards can set you up for failure or lack of success in life. Society places an enormous value on physical beauty for women compared to men.

Women engage in body changing behaviors such as obsessive exercise, dieting and cosmetic surgery at far greater rates than men and girls and women experience more pressure to have a slender body size than boys and men do (Rand & Kuldan, 1990). Very few women regardless of ethnic background are raised in America who do not have some dissatisfaction with their overall body or specific body parts. In 2000, Dittmar and others asked men and women to describe what a good-looking woman and man looked like. The responses described the ideal woman as a babe, attractive, beautiful, elegant, slim and trim. The ideal man was described as strength, smart, strong, muscular and powerful.

These results attributed a woman’s worth to how she looked and a man’s to what he

19 could do. Men feel satisfied if their bodies are healthy and functioning; women only feel satisfied if their bodies are thin and beautiful (Zerbe, 1995).

There have been numerous studies on American women depicting the dissatisfaction with their body image, size and shape. A national survey done in 1995 found that 48% of women negatively evaluated their overall appearance and 46-51% were dissatisfied with their physical attributes (Cash & Henry, 1995). Louis Harris conducted a study in 1987 that concluded 75% of American women and 54% of

American men often think about their physical appearance and would prefer their bodies were different. Harris also reported that 78% of women in this study were dissatisfied with their weight. These findings put emphasis on the fact that our culture has an obsession with external standards and image. The beauty standard undoubtedly affects women more than men; the standards that are created for men are more lenient and accepting of a wider range of body shapes and sizes than those created for women. A man’s success and value is not determined by his beauty and weight or length of hair, as a woman’s is. In fact, appearance may be a woman’s most important and profitable asset in society.

History of Women’s Ideal Body Image

It is necessary to understand how a woman’s body has been represented and used as a commodity throughout history and the historical context of the obsession with thinness. The idealization of a slender and thin body has not always been the norm in

Western culture and, in fact, many years ago was the absolute opposite. In the Middle

Ages, the 1600s to 1800s, plumpness was considered the ideal for women and an indication of high status and what was described as attractive. In the 1800s women were considered sexy and attractive if they were heavy and had a layer of fat on their bodies;

20 this meant that they had the money to eat well and were able to conceive children.

Women in the bourgeois (upper) class wanted to have more weight on their body in order to depict their class and health. Weight on a woman indicated that her husband was successful and they had ample money. In 1890, Cosmopolitan magazine listed the attributes of the most admired American women. They included golden hair, brown eyes, soft and smooth skin with olive tone, little color in cheeks, defined features, figure healthy and round (Fraser, 1998). This would never be the case today and in fact many of the opposite characteristics are considered ideal.

By the end of the 1800s however food was not as hard to acquire and being plump was no longer a sign of wealth and prestige and the idea of thinness started to come into fashion at this time (Fraser, 1998). Women began to wear corsets to enhance their bodies while taking away the flaws they may have; it made her more feminine (Best, 1991).

Corsets were used to control a woman by restricting the amount of movement and activities she was able to engage in and constricted her to the role of mother and housewife, not allowing her to leave the house. The corset in the early 1900s was the external device that controlled a woman’ s body, just as a woman today is controlled by the cultural ideal and boy image and influencing factors, such as the media.

At this same time in America, the concept of counting calories and how to calculate ideal weights came into existence and could now be used to control food intake.

The idealization of slenderness entered into Western culture at this time and women began to use unhealthy and destructive behaviors to meet this unrealistic ideal. The first best selling diet book, Diet and Health, With Key to Calories was published in the1930s

(Austin, 1999) and advertisers began to use thin models at this time, which contributed to the start of the unrealistic beauty ideal for American women. The ideal woman at this

21 time was termed the Gibson girl and was literally a sketch in magazines that constructed a tall, slender woman with a tiny waist and dainty features; she was not a real person.

This image was a change from the previous plump ideal; however, it was a constructed image and not a real woman that women were now trying to emulate. In the early 1900s, a new ideal image emerged, the Flapper, which was a woman in a straight, slim dress that did not show hips or breasts and thinness (Fraser, 1998). In order to fit into this new fashion style, women began to replace wearing corsets with dieting. Dieting became the new way to control women’s bodies.

By the 1920s women were beginning to seek ways to control their weight through decreasing food consumption and increasing exercise. At the same time, advertisers began the practice of manipulating women into thinking that products would change their lives and give them new freedom and liberation. Women were told they could now change their appearance with clothes, cosmetics, diets and exercise, and they were buying into this concept, emotionally and economically. According to one study, after World

War II, 62% of high school girls reported dieting at sometime and 37% were currently on a diet. In addition, 15% were using diet pills and 9% were on fasts (Dwyer, 1967). As the body image ideal changed, the proportions of Miss America contestants changed with these influences over the years.

Proportions of Miss America Contestants

Year Bust-Waist-Hip Ratio

1920s 32-25-35

1930s 34-25-35

1940s 35-25-35

1950s 36-23-36

(Fraser, 1998, p. 41)

By the end of the 1950s the slender model became the dominant image in all forms of media and the amount of dieting and exercising undertaken to lose weight was increasing. Another reinforcement of the cultural ideal of thinness was born in 1959, the

Barbie Doll. She had large breasts, long blond hair, a tiny waist, narrow hips and long legs. In theory, Barbie’s body type can occur in 1 in 100,000 women (Norton, 1996), yet this was the ideal that girls and women were now trying to measure up to. If Barbie were in real woman, she would have the measurements of 38-18-34 and would have a hard time standing straight up on two legs. By the 1980s and 1990s women’s bodies began to take on a leaner and stronger ideal and women used unhealthy behaviors to reach this unrealistic ideal. The ideal became so drastic and unrealistic, that without dieting, exercise, surgery and other unhealthy behaviors women could not reach these standards.

“Women began to spend excessive amounts of time, energy and money in the pursuit of a lean and muscular body” (Brumberg, 1997, p. 123). “By 1995, American women spent

$100 million on ‘cellulite busters’ and liposuction had become the most popular plastic surgery in the United States” (Brumberg, 1997, p. 127). To this day, women continue to spend excessive amounts of time and energy on attaining the ideal beauty standards that society has constructed.

It is interesting to note that the ideal of slenderness and attractiveness that is present in our culture today was not always the ideal; however, there always has been an ideal or standard to which women were subject to conform to. At times it was a healthier image, but it always has been constructed by a male definition of beauty with contributions and buy in from women. Therefore, although the thin and unhealthy images we have today were not the ideal years ago, women have always has to meet the standard

23 of femininity and conform to what is the ideal beauty image at a particular time in history.

Obsession With Thinness

Numerous research studies have indicated that most women in America today are dissatisfied with their bodies. The obsession with thinness has been shown to begin before females reach college. The Eating Disorders and Referral Information Center reports that 50% of female teens think they are too fat. Adolescent females have reported that looks, weight and figure are top on their list of worries and stresses. The drive for thinness in Western societies is a prominent issue and leads to dieting as being the norm.

This norm is culturally reproduced and maintained by a variety of influences on a woman’s body image.

Dieting was seen as a right of passage for girls and women. Thompson states,

“The presentation of dieting as an inevitable requirement for growing up female initiated a cycle of dieting that was hard to stop. Dieting was a way to have control over your ever-changing body” (Thompson, 2001, p. 41). A study done in 1985 by Fallon and

Rosen indicated that at any one time, over half of all American women are dieting and

75% of normal weight women think they are “too fat.” In addition, Penny Cortvried and others recorded the discourses that women use to describe their bodies in an interview study they conducted from 1994-1996. The following quotations are from their findings on how women described themselves; “I’m getting better, but I don’t like my legs and butt.” “Yes, I would say from the waist downwards I would like to be smaller.” “I’d like my thighs to be smaller and my butt’s too big” (Grogan, 1999, p. 124). These are just a few findings from one study, but it is apparent that the majority of American women hold this sentiment today. Also, the number one wish for girls ages 11 to17 is to lose weight.

In a nationwide poll done in 1991, Shortchanging Girls, Shortchanging America, girls ages 9 to 15 reported that “the way I look is the most important determinant of self- worth.” Children, especially females, have a distinct understanding of the value of thinness and develop a negative impression of fat people. In a study of 10- and 11- year olds who were shown drawings of other children and asked who they liked the most, fat kids were routinely ranker the lowest (Nichter, 2000). High school girls who are overweight are consistently labeled as enjoying fighting, being inactive and lazy, being tougher than others and having no feelings (Neumark-Sztainer, Story, & Faibisch, 1998).

Body weight, appearance and thinness have become an issue for American women. A

1972 study found that only 6% of teenagers were concerned with their weight (Eisele,

Hertsgaurd, & Light, 1986). By 1986, 81% of adolescent females were of normal weight, but 78% wanted to weigh less (Eisele, Hertsgaurd, & Light, 1986). Kostanski and

Gullone (1998) found that over 80% of their study’s females were dissatisfied with their bodies. The 1990 Youth Risk Behavior Survey concluded that 42.5% to 45.3% of females and 14.5% to 16.0% of males in grades 9-12 were currently trying to lose weight and the same report showed that 43% of adult females were trying to lose weight (Serdula et al.,

1993). Interviews conducted with 8- and 13- year old girls showed that girls learn about the ideal, slim body and know dieting is a way to control weight by the age of 8. Both age groups wanted to be thin later in life and were dissatisfied with their weight and shape beginning at the age of 8 (Grogan & Wainwright, 1996). It reported the mean age that girls start to worry about their weight is 14 (Cooke, 1994). At this age, girls become influenced by the constant pressures from the media, begin to exercise as a way to control weight, read teenage magazines, become concerned about their appearance, restrict their eating and engage in other associated behaviors (Office of Women’s Health, 2000).

Recent research has concentrated on what factors influence and contribute to a young women’s development of body image. Kaz Cooke (1994) reports in her book, Real

Gorgeous: The Truth about Body and Beauty, that at the age of 12, 60% of girls report being on some form of a diet and by the age of 14 this number rises to 80% (Cooke,

1994). In addition, 95% of American women report dieting at some time in their life

(Grogan, 1999).

Age was shown as a prediction of women’s body image concerns. Women under

40 consistently report a greater concern about weight than those over 40 (Tiggemann &

Stevens, 1999). Body dissatisfaction in women was found to be significantly higher in college women than after graduation. In college 82% of the women reported wanting to lose weight and after college 68% wanted to lose weight (Heatherton et al., 1997). Other findings among college women report that 80% of women diet and 50% binge eat during their first year of college (Silberstein et al., 1988; Striegel-Moore et al., 1990). College- age women consistently perceive their bodies as much larger than they would like and larger than what they feel men prefer (Forbes et al., 2001). A study done with college females by Monteath and McCabe in 1997 reported 94% of women expressed a desire to be smaller than their perceived actual size, 96% perceived themselves as larger than the societal ideal and 56% underestimated their size. One study conducted on the transition that women make from high school to college, found that women did not significantly change their eating patterns (Vohs, Heatherton, & Herrin, 2001). This was only one study that found college women do not change their eating patterns, but it also found that once in college these women experienced a greater level of body dissatisfaction. Another study looked at women throughout their college careers and found that women’s level of restrained eating remained the same and their dieting and eating pathology did not change

(Colley & Toray, 2001). An increase in body dissatisfaction may not have been witnessed in this study due to the fact that the amount of women dissatisfied with their bodies has consistently remained at a high rate throughout the years. There are large numbers of American women that are dissatisfied with their bodies. The 1997 Body

Image Survey conducted by Psychology Today found 56% of females were dissatisfied with their overall appearance, 71% were dissatisfied with their abdomens, 66% were dissatisfied with their hips and 89% wanted to lose weight (Garner, 1997).

Women who do not fit into the ideal standards or who are far from what is considered ideal beauty in American culture tend to exhibit a greater dissatisfaction with their bodies than women who are closer to the ideal. Larger girls, those that were found to be the farthest from the ideals, reported more dieting and body dissatisfaction (Huon,

1994). Another study found that those with the highest BMIs, (Body Mass Index, a ratio or height to weight) had the highest levels of dissatisfaction. The same results were found by Dunkley, Wertheim and Paxton in 2001; the best predictor of body dissatisfaction was a larger body size. BMI and body satisfaction have consistently been shown to be correlated and the college women who report the most body satisfaction also have the lowest weight (Mortenson, Hoerr, & Garner, 1993). Additional support for the thought that current body size predicts body dissatisfaction in women comes from Gruber and others. They found two factors that motivated dieting and body dissatisfaction: actual body fat and body perception (Gruber et al., 2001). A 2001 study by Barber found that mood is unlikely to alter body image. Therefore, it is questioned which way this works; does a low level of expression cause dissatisfaction with one’s body or the opposite?

Studies support both thoughts. These findings bring a woman’s current body weight,

27 shape and size into the mix as a potential contributing factor of dissatisfaction with one’s body.

Contributing Factors to Body Image Development

The factors that influence how a woman feels about her body have been studied for years and some clear patterns have emerged, such as the influence of the media, peers and parental pressure. The social pressure that is apparent in society tends to be seen as the umbrella of all the significant pressures for developing dissatisfaction with body image. Social pressure rather than self-esteem problems or depression has been shown to significantly correlate with body image and eating disturbances (Williamson &

Netemeyer, 1997). Another study found the same significance in the contribution of social pressures, but it also found that a woman’s current body mass and the internalization of ideal body standards were significant predictors of body dissatisfaction

(Stice, Shaw, & Nemeroff, 1998). When a group of 16- year -old females was asked why they want to be thinner, their most frequent response was because of the influence of the media. Other responses included to be more attractive, feel more confident and in control and because it is what society says (Tiggemann, Gardiner, & Slater, 2000). Females continue to report that societal pressures placed on them are influential in developing dissatisfaction with their body image. An interview with female’s ages 14 to16 found that

48% dieted at least once and the most frequently cited source of pressure was the media.

This source was followed by popular girls while parents and family members were not being reported as a significant contributor to body image (Wertheim et al., 1997). In a

2001 study media was rated as exerting the most pressure followed by peers and then parents. The study also found that the three factors combined had a greater influence on body dissatisfaction than one factor alone (Dunkley, Wertheim, & Paxton, 2001).

Social Comparisons

Along with societal factors, social comparison has been shown to play a role in women’s feelings about their bodies (Beebe et al., 1997). Studies have found peers to be a stronger target of comparison than models and celebrities, but models and celebrities were indicated to be target comparison groups for females ages 13 to16 (Jones, 2001).

Rieves and Cash looked at the social developmental experiences of women in relation to body image and found three factors that stand out: social comparison with a sibling’s appearance, perceptions of their mother’s body image and teasing and criticism related to appearance (1996). Social comparison has been shown to contribute to body image development. Tantleff-Dunn and Gooke state, “Research has shown that individuals who compare themselves to others whom they view as physically attractive rate their own attractiveness lower than individuals who compare themselves to others viewed as unattractive” (2002, p. 109). All of these factors have been positively correlated with body dissatisfaction in other research. A tendency to make social comparisons when evaluating physical appearance and one’s level of internalization of sociocultural norms stressing the importance of thinness and attractiveness were found to be contributing factors to body dissatisfaction (Stormer & Thompson, 1996). Women who reported higher scores on comparing one’s physical characteristics to that of others were strongly associated with body image dissatisfaction and eating disturbances (Thompson,

Heinberg, & Tantliff, 1991). College students rated their top target groups for appearance comparisons and indicated their top four as friends, classmates, other university students and celebrities (Heinberg & Thompson, 1992).

Friends and Family Influences

Friends and family have been shown to influence how females develop their body image. Appearance has a strong meaning for girls that they tend to keep their distance from the girls they perceive will threaten their self-esteem: this is a self-protector or means to establish a better image of themselves. The fact that girls have to use this means of competition in order to boost their self-image is a testament to the fact that appearance and body image are big issues for adolescent girls. This practice adds to their development of a negative image and isolates them from others. Social pressure forces young girls to manipulate their weight and appearance in order to be well liked and part of the “in” group. Although these messages are not centered on losing weight, they do convey the idea that weight and appearance have a great deal to do with who you are and how you are valued in this society.

Young girls were most likely to feel that thinness and adhering to the cultural beauty standard would increase the amount of friends they had and whether or not they were part of the popular group or not. Friends have been shown to have a strong relationship to female’s body dissatisfaction and dieting and exercise behaviors. The frequency that friends talked about dieting was a significant predictor of body image concern, dietary restraint and weight loss behaviors (Wertheim & Paxton, 1999). It has been shown that the degree of bulimic symptoms reported were associated with perceptions of occurrence of anorexia nervosa and bulimia in friends. Peers have been shown to contribute to a young women’s body image development. “Being teased by peers is associated with greater concerns about physical appearance and dieting behaviors” (Tantleff-Dunn & Gokee, 2002, p. 110). In addition to peer’s feedback, modeling of peers’ behavior may also contribute to feelings about body image. This

30 shows that one’s perception, and not necessarily what is real, can be a predictor of body dissatisfaction and related behaviors. In a few studies teasing about appearance also was indicated to influence a women’s body dissatisfaction (Brown, Cash, & Lewis, 1989;

Garner, 1997; Lavin & Cash, 2001). Rieves and Cash indicated three significant factors in college women’s current body image: physical appearance related to teasing, social comparison of a sibling’s appearance and perceived mother’s body image attitudes.

Identification With Mothers

Many research studies have reported that girls’ identification with their mothers plays an important role in normal identity formation. Girls who seem to identify on a higher level with their mothers and have a good relationship tend to pattern their lifestyle and behaviors after them. Research has been done specifically on girls and mother’s body image or body dissatisfaction. One such study done by Smolak and Levine (1999) found a link between girls with poor body image and their mother’s comments about their daughter’s weight or strong concern over their own weight. They concluded that a mother’s attitude toward her own body greatly influenced her daughter’s attitude toward her body. These same researchers studied the issue of teasing and criticism about weight from family and its impact on the development of a negative body image for adolescent girls. They concluded that the more an adolescent girl was teased or criticized about her weight from family members, the greater her chance of being dissatisfied with her body

(Levine, Smolak, & Hayden, 1994). A young woman’s identification with her mother also plays a role in body image development.

Girls will identify with many aspects of their mothers attitudes and behaviors, including those that the mother has toward her own body. For example, when mothers criticize their own bodies, daughters identify with this process and criticize their own bodies as well. (Kearney-Cooke, 2002, p. 102)

Additional information supports the belief that mothers are both instrumental and influential in their daughters’ development of body image, whether positive or negative.

Mothers’ dieting and weight concerns were associated with their daughters concerns on the same issues (Pike & Rodin, 1991). Encouragement from mothers to either loose weight or diet has been linked to an increase in their daughters’ dietary restraint

(Benedikt, Wertheim, & Love, 1998; Mukai, 1996; Pike & Rodin, 1991). Steiger et al.

(1994) found similar conclusions that support the hypothesis that mothers’ level of weight concern, beliefs and comments about their own bodies contribute to the body image their daughters develop. In fact, Ricciardelli and McCabe, unlike other findings, found that perceived pressure from mothers was the number one sociocultural factor that predicted body dissatisfaction (Ricciardelli & McMabe, 2001). In addition to pressure, one study found that mothers’ dieting status, preoccupation with thinness and body dissatisfaction were significantly associated with girls’ dieting and drive for thinness

(Sanftner et al., 1996).

There have been a few researchers who found no correlation between a mother’s attitude and beliefs about her body and the development of her daughter’s attitude and beliefs about weight and body image (Altie & Brooks-Gunn, 1989; Ogden, 2000). In addition a limited number of studies found no relation between a mother’s dieting behaviors and body image with that of her daughters (Byely et al., 2000).

Parental Influence

Although the majority of research concerning parental influences on a girl’s body image development has concentrated on a mother’s behaviors, actions and attitudes, a few studies were done looking at both parents and just fathers. Kearney-Cooke states,

Parents are important agents of socialization who influence their children’s body image through modeling, feedback and instruction. The affirming and

nonaffirming reactions of parents toward their children, by words or nonverbal communications contribute to the development of body image. Parent’s words and actions lead a child to internalize a beauty standard and what they should look like. The more a parent (mother or father) is critical about their child’s body, the stronger the internalization of a thin ideal becomes and the more negative a child’s body image becomes. (Kearney-Cooke, 2002, p. 100)

Familial influences can be very strong in a woman’s development of body image, in particular Kearney-Cooke believes that a woman’s body image is based on a mental image of the body that was formed by interpersonal experiences and these experiences are so powerful that they override the individual’s perceptions of reality. “The predominance of unrealistic standards of beauty in the culture in conjunction with internalization, identification and projection lead to developing a negative body image and a negative mental picture” (Kearney-Cooke, 2002, p. 99). Parents are instrumental in reinforcing societal messages and passing them onto their children. When specifically looking at young girls, body image has a distinct societal image and value placed upon it.

As previously discussed, American society places a strong value on a female living up to an ideal image, which centers on being thin and beautiful. Numerous conclusions have been drawn that indicate that both parents encouraging their daughter to lose weight or making comments about her appearance will have a greater influence on her body image development. Parent’s encouragement of weight loss seems to be a stronger predictor or influence over their daughter than their actual weight loss or eating behaviors, except when the behaviors constitute extreme dieting practices (Levine et al., 1994; Thelen &

Cormier, 1995; Wertheim, Mee, & Paxton 1999). “Parents can influence body image development by selecting and commenting on children’s clothing and appearance or by requiring the child to look certain ways and eat or avoid certain foods” (Smolak, 2002, p.

69). Parental modeling has been shown to play a role in the development of a child’s body image. “Parents might remark on the appearance of their own bodies or might

33 engage in calorie restrictive dieting or exercise solely to loss weight. This behavior may teach children to focus on and be unhappy with their body shape” (Smolak, 2002, p. 69).

A father is also likely to influence a daughter’s body image in a positive or negative manner. “A father’s view on the ‘ideal’ body for women, his attitudes towards women’s bodies, his reactions to his daughter’s changing body and his comments about her body are likely to influence her body image development” (Kearney-Cooke, 2002, p.103). One study that looked solely at the influence a father’s comments about weight had on his daughter's dissatisfaction with weight and body image, found a positive link

(Keel, Heatherton, Harden, & Horning 1997). Another study found similar results: a father’s encouragement for his daughter to lose weight was related to the frequency of a daughter’s dieting, but the father’s dieting behavior did not predict a daughter’s dieting behavior (Thelen & Cormier, 1995). Parental encouragement, praising and criticizing about weight and encouraging dieting is associated with greater dieting and body concerns in daughters (Benedikt, Wertheim, & Love, 1998).

Socioeconomic Background

Some studies go beyond the attitude and beliefs of a family and look at a child’s socioeconomic background or class in relation to the development of body image. Body dissatisfaction appears more frequently in higher classes than in lower classes. Higher- class girls report significantly greater levels of restrained eating and body dissatisfaction and distortion and they place greater importance on physical appearance than the same age group (13-to-16 year olds) of lower class girls (Ogden, 2000). This idea is interesting because it takes into account the fact that children of color, especially African American children, tend to be lower class in America and as we will look at, culture and ethnic background play a strong role in body image development and body dissatisfaction.

Family income has been found to be the lowest for those who have the highest BMI levels. BMIs over 30 live in households with an average income of $16,978; those with a

BMI between 24-29 live in households with an average income of $21,829 and those with a BMI 19-23 came from families with an average income of $27,747. In addition, those in the highest BMI group were more or less likely to be in managerial roles than those with a lower BMI (Averett & Korenman, 1996). However, Thompson points out from her research with women from varying backgrounds, “Poverty is an injustice that may make women vulnerable to developing eating problems” (Thompson, 2001, p. 89).

The women that she interviewed consistently used food as a coping mechanism for their lack of power. Food became these women’s drug of choice to cope with a lack of money, power and control in their lives. They chose food because it was cheaper and easier to obtain than alcohol or drugs.

Sexual Abuse and Body Image

Sexual abuse is often seen in women who develop disordered eating patterns. In fact, many studies have concluded that between one-third and two-thirds of women who have eating problems have been sexually abused (Thompson, 2001). Disordered eating patterns and clinically classified eating disorders have been shown to be ways women display that a sense of control/power has been taken away from them. By controlling their food intake or exercise patterns they can have a sense of power back. The control a women or girl gets from dieting is something she can attribute to herself and accomplish on her own, giving her a greater sense of power and worth. Women who have been abused look for a way to cope with their emotions and often food is the solution. “A common thread running through the stories of the women I interviewed is the power of food to buffer pain. Women across race, class and sexuality began to diet or to binge to

35 help them numb difficult emotions- rage, anger, loneliness, anxiety and fear” (Thompson,

2001, p. 96).

Sexual abuse has long been associated with women developing a negative body image or an eating disorder. Sexual abuse adds to all the other factors that women are dealing with in society. “Body image problems stemming from abusive experiences are not only specific to the abused body part but may be generalized to the entire body, resulting in overall body dissatisfaction, intense feelings of shame about the event and the body and body distortion” (Fallon & Ackard, 2002, p. 119).

Body Image in Different Ethnicities/Cultures

The majority of research on women’s body image and body dissatisfaction has been with European American women. However, there has recently been an increase in the amount of research that has included African American women. Asian American women are not included at the same rate. For years, it has been assumed that Women of

Color in America had a greater level of body satisfaction than European American women. Sharlene Hesse-Biber (1996, p.108) states, “The excessive pursuit of thinness has been rare among people of color in the United States and in non-Western developing societies such as Asia, Africa and South America and in fact these societies view obesity quite positively. They view being overweight as positive and associate it with health and wealth.” Hesse-Biber goes on to address the fact that in poor countries it is considered healthy to have a body with fat on it; the extra fat is needed in lean times and is a sign that you are wealthy and can afford food. Research traditionally has indicated that

European American women have a much greater concern about their appearance and put more value on how they look than women from different cultures (African American and

Asian American). However, current research is beginning to show that women who live in America, regardless of ethnicity are experiencing body dissatisfaction at similar rates.

African American Women and Body Image: Less Dissatisfaction

One of the earliest studies on body image to include African American women was conducted in 1983 by Furnham and Alibhai. They looked at the body image concerns of immigrants from Africa to Great Britain and found that African women in general enjoy fuller figures. Another study by Neff and others (1997) concluded that body size perceptions, desired body weight and weight control behaviors differed by race. Forty- one percent of European American adolescents (14 to18 years of age) and 29% of

African American adolescents perceived themselves as overweight; 45% of European

American and 16% of African American students reported dieting and exercising in the week prior to the study. This study confirms with Furham and Alibhai that African

American women have a cultural tolerance for being overweight and obese and European

American women have a greater cultural standard of thinness. “While the White standard of female attractiveness consists solely of a slender body shape, Black females have described their standard as comprising a multitude of body focused and non-body focused factors, including, personal style, grooming, fit of clothes, hairstyle, skin tone/color and ethnic pride” (Celio, Zabinski, & Wilfley, 2002, p. 234). Attitude and personality play a bigger role in defining beauty in an African American than appearance does. Other studies concluded that African American women had more body satisfaction than

European American women. Forty-eight percent of African American women and 66% of European American women reported wanting to lose weight (Rosen & Gross, 1987).

Another study that looked at weight lose and dieting, found that significantly less African

American girls were dieters than European American girls (Emmons, 1992). African

American women and girls are more tolerant of being overweight, tend to diet less frequently and perceive themselves to be less overweight that European American women do (Wilson, Sargent, & Dias, 1994). African American women have been shown to be more satisfied with their appearance and weight than European American women

(Cash & Henry, 1995; Smith et al., 1999). European American women are more likely to overestimate weight and be more dissatisfied with their weight (Casper & Offer, 1990;

Desmond et al., 1989; Rucker & Cash, 1992). African American women also have reported more body satisfaction than European American women (Crago et al., 1996;

Harris, 1994). European American women report a greater weight concern than African

American (Thompson & Sargent, 2000). Ideal body size is larger for African Americans and size is not as important in judging attractiveness (Powell & Kahn, 1995). Losing weight for women in the African American community brought on negative reactions from others. An African American woman that was quoted in Thompson’s book states, “I grew up in a rural African American community where home grown and healthy was the norm. Men liked a healthy woman, “When poverty is a constant threat, dieting just isn’t a household word.” Another woman stated, “Her African American friends considered

African American women of varying weights to be desirable and beautiful.”

European American women in the United States have greater body dissatisfaction than women in all other ethnic groups (Raich et al., 992). European American college-age females consistently have reported a more negative body image than African American college students (Abrams, Allen, & Gray, 1993; Akan & Grilo, 1995; Harris, 1994).

Another study comparing African American and European American college females found that European American women are more likely to restrain eating, use laxatives and binge and purge and African American women had lower levels of eating disordered

38 behavior (Abrams, Allen, & Gray, 1993). College women were asked about their satisfaction with their bodies and it was found that 18.2% of European American and

8.7% of African Americans were rarely satisfied, 48.7% of European American and

34.8% of African Americans were sometimes satisfied, and .8% of European American and 13% of African Americans were always satisfied. The researchers concluded that

African American college women were more satisfied with their body (Harris, Walters, &

Waschell, 1991). College-age European American women had significantly more body dissatisfaction and a greater preoccupation with a desire to be thin than African American women. (Abood & Mason, 2000). A study on college-age women found that European

American women practiced unhealthy eating related behaviors at a greater rate than

African American women; 47% of African Americans and 58% of European Americans considered themselves overweight; 30% of African Americans and 45% of European

Americans indicated that food and weight control were emphasized in their family; 44% of African Americans and 55% of European Americans were afraid of gaining weight and 19% of African Americans and 42% of European Americans felt that gaining five pounds would significantly affect their attractiveness (Gray, Ford, & Kelly, 1987). A meta-analysis of college-age women looked at 35 studies on body image and found an overall theme that European American women in Western countries had greater eating disturbances and body dissatisfaction then Women of Color (Wildes, Emery, & Simons,

2001).

African American women in general have a higher BMI, compared to European

American women and still report a less negative body image (Akan & Grilo, 1995).

African American women do not perceive being overweight as unhealthy and report more positive feelings about their bodies and less concern about body weight (Kumanyika,

1993). African American women perceive themselves as smaller than actual and

European Americans selected a smaller silhouette than what they actually desired

(DiGioacchino, Sargent & Topping, 2001). When looking at African American men and

European American men, European American men had less desire than African

American men to date women with heavier than ideal body sizes and felt they would be criticized for dating a woman larger than ideal (Powell & Kahn, 1995). Additional researchers with similar findings that African American women have a more positive body image include Miller et al., 2000; Henriques, Calhoun, 1999; Harris, 1994; Rucker and Cash, 1992; Williamson et al., 1991 and Rosen et al., 1991.

Fat Talk, a book by Mimi Nichter (2000), revels how adolescent girls from the

African American and European American communities feel about body image, in particular the book focuses on a negative image and body dissatisfaction. Sixty percent of

African American girls reported there was a difference between their ideal of beauty and that of European American girls’ ideal of beauty (Nichter, 2000). African American girls reported beauty as what is on the inside it is a sense of pride they got from their mothers.

Sixty-three percent stated that beauty is having the right kind of attitude and personality when dealing with others and only 2% said it is making yourself look as close as possible to an ideal shape. When African American girls described the ideal girl, their list began with attributes rather than physical traits, which is contradictory to how European

American girls describe the ideal. If a girl can clothe and groom herself and have a good personality to carry this off, she is termed, “looking good,” regardless of her weight, skin color and body size or shape, according to African American girls.

Weight tended to be the greatest attribute in determining an European American women’s beauty; however to Women of Color, especially African American women,

40 thinness may be the most powerful marker used to judge their physical attractiveness.

“For Women of Color, body size is only one of many factors used to judge attractiveness” (Thompson, 2001, p. 11). Another study found that European American girls are significantly more likely to voice weight concerns compared to African

American girls (Schreiber et al., 1996). Neff found that 29% of African American girls

(ages 14 to18) and 41% of European American girls perceived themselves as overweight;

13% of African American and 28% of European American girls were currently dieting;

34% of African American and 60% of European American girls wanted to lose weight

(Neff & et al., 1997).

In general, African American women, and consequently adolescents, tend to be more accepting of their size and have a more positive body image than European

American women. School Girls, a book by Peggy Orienstein (2000), explores two middle schools and the obstacles that girls face. Body image is one of the obstacles explored by

Orienstein. African American girls at a predominantly African American school did not experience the pressures of being thin and did not feel that body image was a problem for them. In fact, they valued being big and strong and saw as a positive attribute. European

American girls in a predominantly European American school put a high value on being thin and stated that having an eating disorder is considered an honor. Thompson’s research found similar results when looking at where women went to school. Those who attended predominately European American schools saw thinness as dominant and those who went to racially mixed or predominately African American schools saw a wider range of body acceptance.

The above research indicates that African American females have a more positive body image, diet less and have a greater satisfaction with their bodies and appearance,

41 over European American females; however, there is research that contradicts this. Many researchers have indicated a recent increase in body image dissatisfaction and disordered eating in females from various ethnic backgrounds, including African Americans and

Asian Americans (Altabe, 1998; Smith, 1999).

African American Women and Body Image: Similar Dissatisfaction

Current research has been finding that African American women have similar levels of body dissatisfaction to European American women (Caldwell, Brownell, &

Wilfley, 1997; Demarest & Rita, 2000; Smith, 1999). European American women and

Women of Color reported similar scores on the Eating Disorder Inventory Scale, indicating similar disordered eating behaviors (LeGrange, Telch, & Agras, 1997).

European American women and African American women also have indicated similar desires to be smaller than their current size and weight (DiGioacchino, Sargent, &

Topping, 2001). Eating disturbances are beginning to become prevalent in numerous ethnic groups that have been traditionally thought of as protected from such issues

(Weiss, 1995). African American and European American women showed an equal attitude level in not wanting to be fat or gain weight (Abrams et al., 1993). In addition, it was reported by Pumarega et al. (1994) that among African American women readers of

Essence magazine and European American women readers of Glamour magazine, there was an equal body-related attitude and it was negative. Another study concurred with this belief and found there was no difference between African American and European

American women’s body dissatisfaction (Caldwell, Brownell, & Wilfley, 1997). A 1993 study looking at how many African American and European American women report trying to lose weight, found almost identical numbers; 38.4% of European American women and 38.6% of African American women indicated that they were currently trying

42 to lose weight (Serdula et al., 1993). A recent study indicated that African American college women reported similar levels of body dissatisfaction and drive for thinness that had been seen in research on European American college women (James, Phelps &

Bross, 2001).

The majority of research on Women of Color and body image has taken place within the last 8 to 10 years. Therefore, the information that is available prior to this time period cannot be used to generalize ethnic groups and body dissatisfaction and disordered eating. However, as early as 1987, is was reported that 44% of African American women were afraid of gaining weight, 51% used restrictive dieting and fasting and 71% engaged in binge eating (Gray, Ford, & Kelly, 1987). This study was one of a very few at this time and was conducted with a sample from just one university. While the results are limited, it does give an indication that African American women were engaging in similar behaviors to European American women.

African American women have begun to report engaging in harmful eating, dieting and exercising behaviors at similar rates to European American women. Although the current statistics indicate that European American women engage in harmful eating and dieting behaviors in a quest to control their weight and enhance their appearance,

African American women tend to engage in other behaviors to enhance their appearance such as buying the right clothes and having their hair done (Fitzgibbon, 1998).

Similarities in binge eating were found in another study, which stated 17.82% of

European American women and 16.67% of African American women reported binge eating behaviors (Johnson, Rohan, & Kirk, 2002).

Asian American Women and Body Image

The majority of the research on Women of Color is focused on African American women, but a few studies have included Asian American women. As with the African

American community, Asian Americans have traditionally been reluctant to acknowledge positively or negatively anything about their physical appearance. “The emphasis on the restraint of strong negative emotions may inhibit Asian Americans who are experiencing extreme dissatisfaction with their body image from disclosing this information to others, especially mental health professionals” (Kawamura, 2002, p. 244). This fact may contribute to the widely held belief that Asian Americans have a more positive body image than European American women and a lesser tendency to develop disordered eating symptoms.

There is one known study that looks at the effects of Asian values on body image.

“Mukai and his colleagues studied the effect of Asian values of the need for social approval on eating disturbances in Japanese college students and they found the need for social approval predicted eating disturbances” (Kawamura, 2002, p. 244).

Another study found that Asian communities are suffering greater numbers of eating disorders than ever before and, in fact, they are reporting rates of eating disorders at 25 times higher than was reported 15 years ago (Hempel, 2002). These numbers are from Hong Kong, where the Western influence of the dieting and fitness craze is apparent. When the first eating disorder clinic opened in 2000, they received 300 calls in the first week (Hempel, 2002). Another look at women in Hong Kong indicated a body dissatisfaction rate of 40% in 1995, which is even higher today (A.M. Lee & S. Lee,

1996). Traditional Asian culture, like traditional U.S. culture, associated being overweight with prosperity and good health. Today, this is no longer true. A study by

Mintz and Kashubeck (1999) revealed that Asian American women desire a thinner body size, but they also reported a lesser tendency to diet and develop eating disorders when compared to European American women. Beyond weight and thinness, facial features have been shown to be a source of dissatisfaction for Asian American women. Mintz and

Kashbeck (1999) found Asian American women were less satisfied with their eyes and faces than European American women. Skin color has been a source of dissatisfaction with Asian American women. “Light skin is a sign of femininity, purity and upper-social- class status. White skin continues to be valued in many Asian communities” (Kawamura,

2002. p. 245). Traditionally in Asian cities such as Hong Kong, physical appearance has not been emphasized and inner beauty was considered a more important attribute.

However, today (2002) these cities are reporting increasing rates of eating disorders and body dissatisfaction. They are using strict dieting and exercising and taking on the same behavioral patterns that have been seen in American women for years (Lai, 2000).

Similar to the statistics on Miss America contestants, Miss Hong Kong contestants have shown a decrease in BMI over the years. In 1975, the average BMI was 17.99, in 1985 it was 18.77, in 1990 it was 17.98 and in 2000 it is the lowest to date, 17.13 (Leung & Lam,

2001).

The Office on Women’s Health reports that Asian American girls’ body dissatisfaction is increasing and they are just as concerned about weight and shape as

European American women (The Office of Women’s Health, 2001). In 1995, it was reported that an increase in eating and body image disturbance among Asian American women was beginning to occur (Yoshimura, 1995). Binge and purging rates were shown to be 2.7% in 1985 and 5.1% in 1993 among college-age Asian American women (Nevo,

1985), indicating that rates among Asian American women is similar to those reported by

European American women. It has been shown that binge eating prevalence in Asian

American women (33.6%) is at a greater rate than European Americans (30.6%) and

African Americans (23%) (French et al., 1997). A greater concern about body shape, higher body dissatisfaction and a greater drive for thinness was seen in Asian American women compared to European American women (Haydek, Rorty, & Henker, 1999).

Other studies have shown that Asian American women report some form of greater dissatisfaction with their bodies than any other ethnic group, including European

American women. Asian American women reported a fear of fat and eating attitudes and behaviors and body satisfaction compared to European American women (Sanders &

Heiss, 1998).

When looking at specific body parts, Asian American women reported less satisfaction than European American women with height, eyes, breasts, face and arms

(Mintz & Kashubeck, 1999). European American women reported greater satisfaction with arms, face, hair, height, shoulders and stomach size compared to Asian American women and overall body satisfaction was similar between the two groups (Wardle et al.,

1993). Facial features and height are often sources of discontent for Asian American women because they represent differences from the dominant culture’s beauty ideals

(Hall, 1995). Eyelids have become a major discontent for Asian American women. Asian eyes are stereotyped and given the perception of tiredness, disinterested and passiveness

Consequently, eyelid surgery in which a fold is created on the upper eyelid to give the image of bigger and more interested eyes and nose reconstruction are the most common forms of plastic/cosmetic surgery among Asian American women (Hall, 1995). African

American women and Asian American women reported that skin tone is an issue; Asian

American women wish to be lighter skin color (Sahay & Piran, 1997).

The frequency of eating problems among Asian American college women was lower than European American college women (Lucero et al., 1992). Asian American women reported lower body dissatisfaction and more disordered eating and problematic dieting attitudes and behaviors than European American women (Akan & Grilo, 1995). It is interesting to note that both of these studies occurred before 1995, indicating that these findings may accurately generalize Asian American’s at this time. However, the current research overwhelmingly reports a similarity between Asian American and European

American women’s body dissatisfaction.

The presence of attitudes and behaviors associated with disordered eating has increased among Asian American women and this may be attributed to an adaptation or acculturation for individuals exposed to the dominant culture (Katzman & Lee, 1997).

Acculturation is the process by which one group asserts its influence over another: this is likely to result in a difficult and conflicting situation (Davis & Katzman, 1999). Asian

American women reporting a higher acculturation rate scored higher on the Drive For

Thinness and Bulimia Scales of the Eating Disorder Inventory (Davis & Katzman, 1999).

In 1999, Haudek, Rorty and Henker concluded that Asian American women’s increased body dissatisfaction and drive for thinness was a result of the increased pressure to fit the western ideal or their own cultural thin ideal. Either way, Asian American women felt the pressure to fit into a beauty ideal that is unrealistic. The Asian American culture places a strong value on conforming to the social norms of American society; in America one of these norm is the European American beauty standard (Mukai, Kambaro, & Sasaki,

1998). Western ideals have come to affect Asian American women negatively.

“Increased exposure to Western cultures has been implicated in the attitudinal shifts regarding both body size and facial features. Though younger Asian American women

47 are aware of traditional Asian ideals that promote weight gain, they seem to be more likely to subscribe to Western ideals of thinness” (Kawamura, 2002, p. 246).

Racism and negative stereotypes may be influential in Asian Americans’ body image development. Asian Americans are physically distinct and possess physical characteristics (nose, eyelids, skin color) that are different than the dominant group in

American society. This apparent difference has been shown to attribute to racism against

Asian Americans and, in turn, give them the idea that their features are “bad” or “wrong,” in turn leading to a negative body image. Kawamura’s study indicated that Asian

American women who had nose and eyelid surgery were hoping that these changes would enhance their beauty and increase their social status.

Stereotypes of Asian American women may contribute to body dissatisfaction.

Asian American women are rarely shown in the media and when they are, it is for their petite, youthful, feminine appearance in a submissive role rather than their ethnic beauty or features. These stereotypes along with racism contribute to an Asian American women’s body dissatisfaction.

In the African American community acculturation has been shown to be a risk factor for developing disordered eating behaviors and body dissatisfaction as well

(Cachelin, 2000; Davis, & Katzman, 1999). African American girls were shown to report high levels of wanting to assimilate to the images seen on TV, which overwhelmingly adhere to the European American standard of beauty (Botta, 2000). African American women at predominately European American universities have reported an internalization of the dominant cultures’ ideal of thinness and beauty (James, Phelps, &

Bross, 2001; Lester & Petrie, 1998). African American female college students showed a positive correlation between measures of dietary restraint, drive for thinness and fear of

48 becoming and the idealization of the European American culture (Abrams et al., 1993).

Thompson states, “The stresses of acculturation may also lead to eating problems”

(Thompson, 2001, p. 11). She believes that acculturation is not the root cause of Women of Color developing a negative body image or disordered eating behaviors, but it is one factor that can contribute. However, Ogden and Elder did not find a relationship between acculturation and disordered eating (Ogden & Elder, 1998).

As I reported with African American women, Asian American women have been stereotyped as not having eating disorders or a negative body image. Asian American women are considered to be naturally small and thin and consequently go undiagnosed with eating related issues, just as African American women do (Tsai, Hoerr, & Song,

1998).

Why Are There Differences Between Ethnicities?

The majority of current research looks at whether or not there are differences in body dissatisfaction between Women of Color and European American women, but it does not look at why this is or is not occurring. Suggestions for these differences have included: African American women develop a positive valuation of appearance by an alternative beauty aesthetic, African American women are less likely to acquire eating disorders associated with a drive for thinness due to differences in the cultural construction of femininity in African American communities and a positive body image reflects a need to deny health risks/behaviors (Lovejoy, 2001). Others agree with these theories and offer other reasons as to why the perception is that European American women have the greatest degree of body dissatisfaction. For instance, it has been suggested by Lovejoy (2001) that, “African American women have a greater acceptance of a range of different body weights and perceive themselves as thinner and are more

49 likely to be satisfied with their overall appearance.” In cultures such as the African

American culture it has been believed that plumpness is valued and not looked at negatively: therefore, being overweight may be more acceptable than in other ethnic groups. It is traditionally believed that African American women have less pressure from peers and significant others within the African American community to be thin

(Greenberg & LaPorte, 1996). African American girls tend to have alternative images of beauty and are more flexible in concepts of beauty and report a greater satisfaction with their overall body shape (Parker et al., 1995). Patricia Hill Collins stated in 1990, “The extended family, church and African American community are safe places where Black women can critique the dominant ideology and form their own images of beauty”

(Buchanan, 1993, p. 40). Others held the same belief, that the African American community and African American families supported African American women in their resistance of the ideal beauty standards (St Jean & Feggin, 1998). Identification and a strong connection to the African American community has protected African American women from developing a negative body image (Petersons et al., 2000).

Another study found the opposite, that the African American culture did not protect females from the sociocultural factors associated with body dissatisfaction

(French et al., 1997). This may not have looked at a person’s identification within the

African American community, but simply at where they physically lived. Another factor that may support the theory that Women of Color have a more positive body image is the community in which they were raised in. African American women who grew up and went to school in predominantly African American communities report having a more positive body image than African American women who grew up in predominately White communities (Thompson, 1994). In our society today, the majority of college women,

50 who I am going to be looking at in my research, are from more affluent backgrounds and live in communities that are not predominately African American like many of their mothers did. This may account for the more recent findings that African American,

European American and Asian American women experience similar levels of body dissatisfaction.

Another factor that may protect African American women from developing dissatisfaction with their bodies is their identification as a mother. The role of being a mother and caregiver in the African American community is seen as a source of power and authority and young women listen to their mothers’ ideas on beauty and attractiveness, which are not in line with European American ideals. African American women are taught to be strong and independent by their mothers and they are taught how to survive in a European American dominated culture. This includes not conforming to

European American beauty standards. In addition, the overall African American community has been thought to be a protective factor for African American women from developing negative body images. African American women seem to have a greater appreciation of healthy body size and less emphasis on physical acceptance (Root, 1990).

African American women in general enjoy fuller figures and perceive a larger female more favorably than European American women (Furnham & Alibhai, 1983; Rucker &

Cash, 1992).

Why Are African American Women Under-Reported?

There have been numerous reasons and suggestions as to why Women of Color are just as dissatisfied with their bodies as European American women and why the rates of disordered eating are increasing among Women of Color. African American women traditionally are not help-seekers and are raised to be independent and strong and not ask

51 for assistance. Consequently, they traditionally have not sought out treatment for disordered eating problems; there is a stigma in the African American community against seeking counseling (Hunt, 2002). Women of Color do not seek help for a variety of reasons: feelings of shame, fear of stigma, therapy being seen as a sign of weakness, feeling that one should be able to handle issues oneself, the notion that family is the support system and the idea that counseling costs too much money (Cachelin et al.,

2001). Consequently, African American women are not seen for eating-related disorders and this can contribute to the idea that African American women have a greater satisfaction with their bodies. It is not that they do not have the same eating-related problems as European American women; it is that they do not seek treatment at the same rates as European American women. Eating problems and going to counseling are seen, as normal behaviors in the European American community and European American women do not hesitate in seeking help. Therefore, the number of European American women with disordered eating issues is documented at a greater rate than African

American women. Due to this fact, eating disorders and related issues are often misdiagnosed in Women of Color, especially in African American women. Becky

Thompson states, “The stereotype that eating problems are a White girls’ phenomena has led many highly trained professionals to either misdiagnose or ignore women of color.

Social stereotypes of plump or obese Black women may avert the therapist from examining any issues around food and body image. Similarly, a thin Japanese American woman may not be assessed for an eating disorder” (Thompson, 2001, p. 12). In addition, body dissatisfaction and disordered eating among Women of Color may have different characteristics than they do for European American women and, therefore, go unrecognized. Western standards and ideals define what eating disturbances look like and

52 who is susceptible to them (King, 1993). However, there are many factors that support the idea that Women of Color experience an equal level of body dissatisfaction as

European American women. For example, African American women are more likely to use binge and purge eating behaviors in which an outward appearance cannot identify the issues and problems they are experiencing. This allows the behavior to go undiagnosed.

Additionally African American women often engage in disordered eating behaviors and report dissatisfaction with their bodies as a reaction to racism, sexism and other forms of oppression and not because they want to conform to the beauty ideal, as European

American women do (Thompson, 1992).

African American Cultural Beliefs: Protective Factors

Cultural beliefs that may have protected ethnic groups against eating disorders and related issues may be decreasing as Women of Color start to face pressures to acculturate (Miller & Pumariega, 2001). Acculturation has been suggested as playing a role in the development of eating issues because women from different ethnic backgrounds are striving to be accepted, and they feel they can accomplish this by conforming to the cultural ideal of beauty. The degree of Westernization women of all backgrounds are exposed to increases their risk of developing disordered eating behaviors

(Abrams, Allen, & Gray, 1993; Dolan, 1991). African American and Asian American women are exposed to the same media images and societal values of beauty that

European American women are and this can add to a negative perception of their bodies.

Women of Color are experiencing the social pressures that have long been attributed to disordered eating in European American women: increase in social, vocational and economic progress, the pressure to succeed and move ahead, the pressure to look perfect, double oppression- racism and sexism, decreased extended family protection, interracial

53 marriages, devaluation of racial features and manners and representation in the media

(Root, 1990). These issues are increasingly being talked about amongst Women of Color and therefore may be reasons why they traditionally have been protected from disordered eating and dissatisfaction with their bodies. Disordered eating has been associated with the upper socioeconomic classes and up until recently, few People of Color were included in this group. Today, there are more African American and Asian American women in these higher socioeconomic classes. This higher socioeconomic status contributes to their need to fit into the European American beauty standard. In Thompson’s book, she describes an African American women’s move up the social ladder:” When my father’s business began to bloom and my father was interacting more with White businessmen and seeing how they did business, suddenly thin became important. If you were a truly well-to-do family, then your family was slim and elegant” (Thompson, 2001, p. 32).

African American women receive mixed messages from their community and the dominant European American community on what is acceptable and this attributes to a greater confusion about their bodies (Hsu, 1987; Williamson, 1998). They are being told to embrace their ethnicity and accept who they are. However, they are seeing ads for how to straighten their hair and lighten their skin. This adds to African American women’s anxiety about their appearance and contributes to a greater dissatisfaction. Not only do

African American and Asian American women have to deal with weight, as European

American women do, but they also have added pressures such as skin color, hair texture, body size and facial features. These features in African American and Asian American women are not compatible with the European American cultural ideal, and is contributing to African American and Asian American women’s increase in body dissatisfaction. The closer African American and Asian American women’s skin tone, hair texture, body

54 shape and facial features are to European American women’s, the more they are valued and accepted. “Institutions controlled by whites clearly show a preference for lighter- skinned blacks, discriminating against darker ones or against any African American who appears to reject white images of beauty” (Buchanan, 1993, p. 42). African Americans with lighter skin are given preferential treatment by both African American and European

American cultures; the shade of skin is a status (Thompson & Keith, 2001). African

American women with lighter skin complete more years of schooling, have more prestigious jobs and earn more money than darker-skinned African Americans (Hughes

& Hertel, 1990; Keith & Herring, 1991). There are very few African American actresses and those that are successful have basically conformed to traditional European American society beauty standards: tall, thin, light hair and light skin. African American women feel that by conforming to the dominant image of beauty by changing hair style and color, makeup and size and shape, they will fit better into the dominant culture and consequently become more successful (Okazawa-Ray, Robinson, & Ward, 1987). These ideas are put into African American women’s heads by members of the dominant culture along with the media. The messages that African American women receive from the media is a message of thinness, light skin and straight hair. The media does not put forth real images of African American women; all the women in the media look like European

American women (Hunt, 2002).

In general, it is said that African American women have a greater level of body satisfaction than European American women. “The flexible and multidimensional body ideals promoted in the Black culture may increase the probability that Black women will have greater body satisfaction than White women” (Celio, Zabinski, & Wilfley, 2002, p.

235). Body ideals are one means to explain the different body satisfaction levels between

African American and European American women. Other factors include body mass index (BMI), socioeconomic status, other-sex preferences, maternal influences, peer influences and ethnic identity. A higher BMI has been shown to be more acceptable and prevalent in the African American culture. Studies have shown that when comparing

African American and European American women with equal BMIs, African American women are more satisfied with their current weight and overall size. However, African

American women have also shown a positive link between obesity and body dissatisfaction. BMI/weight can have a positive or negative effect on African American women: however, it has been widely indicated to only have a negative effect on European

American women. This shows the importance European American women place on weight and outward appearance. The fact that more African Americans are categorized as belonging to a lower socioeconomic class and that those in the lower Socioeconomic

Economic Status tend to have higher BMI, may contribute to a greater acceptance of body weight and size.

African American men have consistently reported a stronger desire for women who would be classified as not fitting the societal ideal and, in fact they desire larger and shapelier women. “These perceptions are consistent with the studies directly assessing

Black men’s physical appearance preferences in same-race women” (Celio, Zabinski, &

Wilfley, 2002, p. 237). Jackson and McGill (1996) found that African American men felt wide hips and round buttocks were important characteristics of an attractive African

American woman. African American women have been known to set a standard for their daughters to be strong and independent. “These expectations may serve as a protective factor against body dissatisfaction” (Celio, Zabinski, & Wilfley, 2002, p. 238). Brown et al. (1995), found that African American mothers were less critical of their heavy

56 daughters compared to European American mothers. Similarly in 1996 Flynn and

Fitzgibbon found that African American mothers perceived their daughters as an ideal size regardless of their weight.

As was found with European American women, BMI, body weight, shape and size were seen as a predictor for body dissatisfaction with African American and Asian

American women. Body dissatisfaction in Asian American women was shown to correlate with BMI and not the amount of time spent in America (Tsai, Hoerr, & Song,

1998). Risk factors seemed to be greater in Women of Color who were heavier and identified more with European American values (Crago, Shisslak, & Estes, 1996).

African American women, who had a higher BMI, had a greater dissatisfaction with physical appearance (Falconer & Neville, 2000; Harris, 1995; Wilfley et al, 1996). In addition, the more Asian American and European American women weighed, the more concern they reported about weight and shape (Arriazo & Mann, 2001).

Feminist Theory

Feminist theory has been used for years to explain women’s body image dissatisfaction. Many feminists believe that patriarchy and the limits on women’s power is at the core of disordered eating and body image dissatisfaction. Betty Freidan takes a liberal stance on women’s bodies in her book the Feminine Mystic. The Feminine Mystic was one of the first books that addressed women’s body image/dissatisfaction with their bodies from a feminist viewpoint. Friedan identifies the feminine mystic as the perfect housewife: mother, wife and maid. Women know they are dissatisfied with their existence as the perfect housewife and they want something more, but they can not name the problem (Freidan, 1963). What they are looking for are rights equal to men, which includes working outside the home and using their bodies for more than cleaning,

57 cooking and raising children. At the time of the emergence of liberal feminism, the patriarchal system of society, relied on the notion that a woman’s place was in the home engaging in domestic labor. Marketers reinforced this idea by making women feel their purpose, identity and expertise was encompassed in their knowledge to clean a house, cook a meal and raise children. Marketing/advertising wanted to keep women in their homes in order to make money selling household products and advertising manipulated women into thinking they needed a certain product in order to do “their job” as a housewife. A woman’s identity as a housewife kept her from advancing in society and eliminated the threat of women becoming equal.

Patriarchy and Capitalism

Marxist-feminists believe that everything is influenced by economics and that patriarchy and capitalism work together to construct identities and roles for women. This gives women a false consciousness, telling them that buying certain products will make them happy and satisfied. Images of beauty are used to control and limit women. Two spheres are identified by Marxists, the public and private. The public sphere consists of men and is more valued in our society. The private sphere is where women’s roles are, it is the less valued of the spheres. Both capitalism and patriarchy place women on a lower level than men and prevent them from moving forward in society. Many feminists believe that patriarchy is at the root of women’s eating problems and body dissatisfaction. As women are blocked from entering the public sphere and limited in their roles, their self esteem decreases, which leads to body dissatisfaction (Thompson, 1996).

The media has a sole purpose, to make money and therefore believes in Marxism.

The individuals who control the economic production, the money issues of the media, also control the images and ideas that are seen in the media. Consequently, women are

58 depicted in the media in a way that will allow capitalism and patriarchy to thrive. The media is a powerful and influential factor in creating ideals in our society, one of which is the beauty ideal of women. Powerful, European American males control the production of media images and ideas, which subordinate women. Capitalism creates an ideology that serves the interests of the powerful, maintains the status quo and oppresses women.

“Men use the media to promote the culturally desirable body, in order to control women”

(Hess-Biber, 1996, p. 32),

The Beauty Myth

Naomi Wolf (1991) in The Beauty Myth: How Images of Beauty Are Used

Against Women looks at the cultural norm of slenderness and the various ideologies used to describe women’s bodies. Wolf takes the ideas from a Marxist/Feminist perspective and relates them to women’s bodies and the myth of beauty. Wolf believes that patriarchy and capitalism work together to control women and their bodies. In The Beauty Myth:

How Images of Beauty are Used Against Women, Wolf looks at women’s bodies and how capitalism has created an image and reinforces this image. The idea of The Beauty Myth began to appear in America around 1920, the same time that women were beginning to advance in society. This myth, or male-developed ideology of beauty, took the place of domesticity (as described by Betty Friedan) a women being controlled by her role within the home. At this time in history, women began to break out of the mold of the housewife and threaten the dominance of men. Wolf states, “Dieting and thinness began to be female preoccupations when Western women received the vote around 1920. Because when women came in mass into male spheres, that pleasure had to be overridden by an urgent social expedient that would make women’s bodies into the prisons that their homes no longer were” (Wolf, 1991, p. 184). The beauty myth came into existence to end

59 the threat of women moving ahead in society and earning certain rights and privileges.

“When women place so much effort on their body image, they have less energy for and investment in developing unique competence as a worker, parent and friend. By concentrating on their body, they avoid real issues in life” (Zerbe, 1995, p.151,).

Domesticity of women kept the male dominance intact in the past and today the beauty myth has taken on this role. The ideology around female beauty is being used to control their advancement and undo any progress the women’s movement has made; the beauty myth is used as a tool against female advancement.

Wolf explores the idea of women entering the workforce and how in reality it did not help them but actually prevented them from becoming any more equal to men than when they were left to do the housework within the home. For example, women make up half of the world’s population today, but make up only 10% of the world’s income.

Therefore, women are either not getting equal pay for equal work or are hired into low- wage jobs. When women do work outside the home, they are still doing 75% of the housework and child rearing at home. This allows the patriarchy to remain in control by not allowing women’s work to have a bearing on the economy and making women spend their time and energy completing the work within the home. This not only allows the patriarchy to continue, but also capitalism by dictating that women earn less money and make up the majority of traditional women’s jobs or less meaningful jobs.

In The Beauty Myth, Wolf identifies the PBQ, the “Professional Beauty

Qualification.” This standard and norm of beauty defined by men was used to hire and fire women in the workforce. In 1972, beauty was ruled a criteria that could legally gain or lose a woman her job (Wolf, 1991, p. 38). The laws of the United States protected the existence and power of the patriarchy and allowed women to continue to be oppressed.

There are numerous concrete examples in which the male-created ideology of beauty for women was used against her. In 1966, a major airline fired women flight attendants when they reached the “too old” age of 32. In addition, stringent legal restrictions were placed upon their height and weight. Not adhering to these guidelines could lead to job loss.

Even today, in 2002, when you look at female flight attendants it is apparent that they must fit into some standard of beauty. Another example of where beauty came into play in legal matters was in 1986. In Vinson vs. Meritor Savings Bank, the employer was accused of sexual harassment against a woman, but the court ruled that her appearance counted against her and the case was dismissed (Wolf, 1991).

The Role of Advertising

The role women play in society from a Marxist viewpoint is that of child production and rearing and labor within the home, and they are defined by these roles. An additional role that women have is that of consumer and purchaser of products.

Consumerism targets women by attracting them to buy products and to contribute to the economy, which allows capitalism and patriarchy to thrive. The purpose of advertisements is to sell products. In order to do this, an advertiser needs to appeal to the buyer. Consumerism began to give women a false consciousness; they believed what was told to them in the magazines, on the commercials and in the newspapers. By giving women the hope that certain products would change who they are, make them more beautiful and make their lives easier, it increased spending, contributing to both capitalism and patriarchy. The power of the beauty myth was fueled by women’s sense of false consciousness given by the advertising industry.

Magazines have created an ever-changing ideology of beauty to keep women buying products and contributing to the economy. Magazines are seen by Americans as

61 agents of social control and define what is an acceptable role and appearance for women.

Women began to be duped by these advertisements into the idea they could be more pleasing to the eyes (of a man) and become more in control if they simply used these products. Advertisements make women believe they need certain products. They use words such as “support, protect, repair, rebuild, calm and comfort” in order to attract women and make them believe these products will bring them success and beauty. More than $130 billion is spent on advertising annually and most Americans see 300-500 advertisements per day (Maine, 2000, p. 77). In addition, advertising consumes 60% of newspapers, 52% of magazines, 18% of radio and 17% of prime time TV space (Maine

2000, p. 78). Women are consistently portrayed in advertising in stereotypical roles such as in the home, not making important decisions and dependent upon a man.

The Diet Industry

The diet industry also prospers on making women feel they are inadequate and need to change something about their appearance, in particular weight. There are 8 million women in Weight Watchers in the United States today and 12,000 classes per week (Maine, 2000). The amount of money Weight Watchers is making is based on making women feel they are inadequate and that by purchasing their products women will lead a happier and more satisfied life. In the Western world, physical appearance is valued as the ultimate achievement and women are lead to believe that diets can help them reach this ideal. Margo Maine (2000, p. 2), in Body Wars: Making Peace with

Women’s Bodies states, “Attacks on women’s bodies render women insecure and dependent on the latest product, technique or trend, this keeps women in their place.”

Keeping women focused on their physical appearance and spending money on the latest diet craze decreases the energy and resources that women put into focusing on issues of

62 equality. The diet industry comes out with a new product or idea on a daily basis. It is a way for women to spend more money and to be duped into thinking that changing their appearance will make them happier and have more power and control. In the late 1900s

Americans spent $50 billion on diet products annually, this equaled the Gross National

Product of Ireland in the 1900’s (Maine, 2000). The diet industry is a capitalist dream, it has a failure rate of 98%; dieters are constantly feeding their money into the economy with the notion that they can achieve the ideal beauty standard.

Cosmetic Surgery

Cosmetic surgery has been accused of duping women and giving them the message “This will solve all of your problems” and that simply changing your appearance and looks will make life easier and worthwhile. Cosmetic surgery is an expensive procedure and more often than not is performed by men, who profit from it

The bottom line is that women are changing their appearance by unhealthy and risky means in order to meet the cultural beauty norm. Sarah Grogan (1999, p. 49) addresses the issue of cosmetic surgery in Body Image: Understanding Body Dissatisfaction in

Men, Women and Children, “Although women think they are making a free and informed choice, they are not really free to make a genuine choice because of patriarchal cultural pressures. That although women say they are creating a new identity for themselves, they are really conforming to traditional male-dominated ideologies of how women’s bodies should look.”

Media and Advertising

The articles in magazines make women feel they do not fit this idealized standard and women spend hundreds, even thousands of dollars, to change their appearance.

Consequently, the companies selling and pushing these products are strategic about

63 where they place their ads in order to get more consumers. Gloria Steinem, founder of

Ms. Magazine, reported how Ms. Magazine lost a major cosmetics account because it featured women on its cover whom were not wearing enough makeup (according to the advertiser). What is featured on a magazine cover and what is written within the pages, can make or break the amount of advertisers that will support the magazine and whether it succeeds. Magazines need to promote and encourage women to hate their bodies in order to convince them to spend money and contribute to capitalism. Gloria Steinem writes about how difficult it is to fund a magazine such as Ms. Magazine that is not promoting the beauty myth. “With no intention of duplicating the traditional departments designed around feminine advertising categories- recipes to reinforce food ads, beauty features to mention beauty products and the like- we knew it would be economically tough. Fortunately we didn’t know how tough” (Wolf, 1991, p. 81). In other words, had she known going in how hard it would be to sustain Ms. Magazine, I doubt we would have the privilege of reading it today and the opportunity to have a form of media that does not perpetuate the beauty myth and objectify women’s bodies, but gives women a voice and power. When one looks at the magazines on the market today, it is apparent that if they are not catering to the beauty myth, they are not going to sell many issues and ultimately go out of business.

Another way the beauty myth has lead to an increase in capitalism is by prompting successful and professional women to use their earnings on products to enhance their appearance (Wolf, 1991). It has been said that the more money a woman makes, the more she spends on her appearance. It is stereotypical thought that women who earn a certain amount, need to look a certain way or change their look in order to fit their professional position. They can spend up to half of their salary on cosmetics,

64 clothing, and gym memberships simply to mold their body into the beauty myth. It is interesting to compare the money men spend on their appearance. Men do not spend as much on their appearance because they do not have these unrealistic ideologies to live up to.

Hunger and Eating Issues

Beyond the subjugation of women’s bodies based on capitalism and patriarchy,

Wolf addresses the notion of hunger and eating disorders and the related ideologies. The ideology of hunger, calorie restriction and deprivation are all associated with being a woman and are seen as an extension of her role in society. Women are supposed to prepare the food for men and children, but not eat it. Do women eat less than men because they do not have as big an appetite biologically or is it because they have been taught for hundreds of years that they should not eat as much? I am more likely to find an answer to this question based on gender roles and female oppression than in biological factors.

Eating disorders just as the beauty myth tend to occur when women get too close to the power of the male dominance. The more independent and successful a woman becomes, the more she has a need to make herself smaller and insignificant. As men begin to see women as a threat, they enact these strict beauty standards with the most severe outcome being the development of an eating disorder. When women starve themselves, it leads to a lack of energy and decreases the will power they need to fight for equality and the elimination of patriarchy and oppression. Therefore, it is no wonder that

90% of eating disorders occur in females; it is a way to put a stop to their advances in power and control.

What Is Feminism?

Monica Witting wrote “One is not Born Woman,” one of the most popular Post

Structuralist phrases. She states, “A woman has a specific social relation to a man, a relation that implies personal and physical obligations as well as economic obligation.” In other words, a woman’s existence and identity is dependent on men. In order to be labeled a woman, one must be feminine. According to Simone DeBeauvoir (1997, p. 15),

“Throughout history women have been subordinated by men. Women have always been men’s dependent. Men have better jobs, higher wages and more opportunity for success, they are more important in industry and politics”. Post Structuralism looks at the norms and rules that exist in society, such as gender roles, and questions them. Traditionally, norms and rules are passed on to generations and they assist women and men in creating who they are. When women are born, they learn to fit into society as a “girl” and to construct their identity based on feminine socialization. Girls learn to fit into the male- defined world beginning with adolescence, when their bodies are beginning to change, they learn what fat and ideal beauty is in our society. “Girls at adolescence learn to silence themselves in relationships. They also learn to be nice and not hurt others feelings. Learn a polite voice and to set aside their own feelings. They try to conform, change who they are and accommodate others needs” (Zerbe, 1995, p. 43).

Foucault: What is Feminine?

Foucault discourse theory addresses gender roles. One becomes a gender and reproduces gender norms; the sociology of gender is used to explain why women develop a negative body image and the majority of women are dissatisfied with their bodies.

Cultural expectations and norms encourage women to pay attention to their physical appearance and can lead to eating problems and dissatisfaction. In addition, poor body

66 image has become a part of gender role identity for women that it is seen as normal. If one is satisfied with how one looks, she is in the minority and abnormal.

Susan Bordo (1993, p. 27) analyzes women’s body image through Foucault’s

Discourse Theory: “Power produces and normalizes bodies to serve prevailing relations of dominance and subordination.” Bordo agrees with Foucault that eating disorders, diet and exercise come from reproducing normative feminine practices of culture that train the body in docility and obedience to cultural norms. Bordo begins to explain in Unbearable

Weight: Feminism, Western Culture and the Body how she uses the concepts of power and gender to explain women’s bodies and eating disorders. “Anorexia is one extreme on a continuum where all women today find themselves, in so far as they are vulnerable, to one degree or another to the requirements of the cultural construction of femininity”

(Bordo, 1993, p. 47).

Powerful individuals control the discourse and in society women learn the discourse on how to perceive their bodies from the powerful gender, men. The female body is passive and waits for the active male body; this duality creates the American ideology of gender. Because America is a patriarchal society, the male gender created these discourses and ideologies about what it is to be female and feminine and women are left as the oppressed to conform. “The disciplinary practices of femininity produce a subjected, an inferior body and must be understood as aspects of an oppressive and in egalitarian system of sexual subordination. It aims to turn women into docile and compliant companions of men” (Bartkey, 1998, p.37). It has become normal in our society for women to show concern over their body shape and weight. It is not out of the ordinary to develop an eating disorder as a result of the immense pressure. The pressures that are put on women to live up to this male-defined femininity are what lead to

67 unhealthy behaviors and practices, such as food restriction, diet pills, cosmetic surgery and excessive exercise. Women buy into these practices because they represent normative feminine practices of American culture that train the female body to be subordinated and oppressed.

One way to look at women’s excessive pursuit of thinness and attractiveness is through the concept of power. The manipulation of the female body came into play as a way to maintain the power relations between males and females. Power involves domination by one group over the other and in this case, it is the domination of men over women. Slenderness is associated with having a strong will, power, control, discipline and perfection, all attributes commonly used to describe a man. Therefore, from a

Foucalutian viewpoint, a woman’s need to be thin and slender equates with her need to have power and control. The ideology of beauty in our society is set up to keep women in a subordinate position by having them put energy into their appearance and not on advancing themselves or becoming independent. In the case of eating disorders, pressure put on women by the male-dominated group to conform to an idealized standard of beauty has depleted their energy and ability to have a sense of power or control. Women with eating disorders feel that by having control and power over their body they are succeeding and moving forward. Women often feel they do not have control over many things in their lives, but they can control their food intake and exercise habits and consequently become obsessed with this control and sense of success. Anorexia often results from a casual diet in which women experience a small amount of success. This feeling of success and control gives them a sense of purpose they do not feel in other parts of their life and they become addicted and continue to diet and abuse their bodies.

Gender Roles

Susan Bordo, the author of Unbearable Weight: Feminism, Western Culture and the Body, agrees with Wolf’s analysis of capitalism and that appealing to women is a goal of advertising and continues to allow patriarchy and capitalism to work together.

However, she also believes in gender ideologies and that these ideologies service the cultural reproduction of gender equality and consequently support the objectification of women’s bodies and the ideology of the beauty myth.

The duality of men eating the food and women preparing the food is seen in the majority of magazine and television advertisements and the opposite scenario is rarely true. This gender division of labor is what men strive to create. The ideal mother is one who denies herself food but feeds others. A woman’s role is to nurture and feed others.

The construction of femininity equals the denial of hunger, the restriction of food and consuming food in private. Women are depicted as the housewife or caste in a traditional female role, whereas the man brings home the money and is waited on. Gender roles are enforced by the media and advertising industry in the images that they put forth to the public. Gender roles dictate that cooking and raising children are a woman’s job; she should be the one doing these tasks and she should not get thanked or praised for it. It is interesting to note that although men are setting up these dualities of gender roles, women are not only abiding by them, but also supporting them. When it is expected of a woman to take on these gender roles and she complies with the role dictated for her by men without questioning them, it is apparent that she is conforming to ideal standards and the so-called norms/rules of society.

Girls learn to fit in and be feminine from the time they are born; their social ideology of gender is constructed from a young age. Gender is created and constructed; it

69 consists of learned behaviors and expectations and it tells us what we should do, be and think. People are socialized into roles and patterns that guide them, and these roles are not questioned. There is a dualistic division between men and women in every aspect of life. Girls wear dresses and boys wear pants; girls play with dolls and boys play with trucks; girls have long hair and boys have short. Individuals are placed into a gender mold based on their sex and they are socialized into that role. Gender roles are patterns of behavior based on cultural expectations and are learned through socialization. The construction of the ideal feminine body involves numerous rituals such as hair removal, the use of diet products and aids, exercise and surgery. All these rituals exist in order to construct an inferior body that is dependent on a man. This creates an individual’s identity and influences the roles one takes. Socialization controls individuals and gives definition to who people are and defines their place within the external world.

This dualism also is seen in the concept of the body. Women eat little amounts and men eat a lot; women should be on diets and men not. Is a man ever portrayed in a

Weight Watchers or Jenny Craig commercial? No, because it is not normal. Only women need diets to meet the cultural norm and to gain control; men are okay just they way they are. It is part of being feminine to go on a diet, restrict eating and deny temptations.

Bordo uses Foucault’s discourse theory to expand on what it means to be feminine: “Not chiefly through ideology but through the organization and regulation of the time, space and movements of our daily lives, our bodies are trained, shaped and impressed with the stamp of prevailing historical forms of selfhood, masculinity and femininity” (Bordo,

1993, p. 165). The time and space for a woman is her dieting, fashion, makeup and exercise, all of which take up time, energy and money as the pursuit of femininity and beauty changes constantly. Women are required to spend relentless time and energy on

70 obtaining the male-defined ideal and consequently have little time left to fight for power, control and advancement. Therefore, women are serving the hierarchal and dualistic construction of gender.

Advertisements and marketing assist with the socialization of individuals into gender roles. Advertisements, music (lyrics and videos) and television give women ideas about who they are supposed to be and what they are supposed to look like. The media conveys gender roles that are supposed to be carried out in real life. Television portrays men and women in typical stereotypical roles. Men are seen in dominant roles with more power, for instance. Men are depicted more in dramas and high status positions, while women are seen as mothers or taking on other roles within the household, but not outside.

Today, as hundreds of years ago, women’s bodies are controlled by the discourses created by men, which in essence oppress and subordinate them. The ideal of female figures has varied over time and across cultures. Women’s bodies have become products of social control that has been developed by rules, practices and norms. The rules of femininity are learned, one is not born with them. But the rules and norms created in a patriarchal society are powerful and pervasive; the majority of women buy into the cultural beauty ideal and consequently become dissatisfied with their body image because the ideal is unrealistic and impossible to achieve. The role of diet and exercise has become normal for women in America and a preoccupation with fat, diet and slenderness is not abnormal. Men and women exercise, but women engage in this activity in order to control appearance and weight. The ideal of beauty in our society seeks to control women and not men, consequently, women are more affected by the ideal and are more likely to be dissatisfied and practice unhealthy behaviors. Women of Color and their ideals of beauty are addressed in Face Value: The Politics of Beauty by Robin Lakeoff and R.

Scherr (1984). Women of Color who most resemble the beauty ideal of European

American women, especially having light skin tone, have traditionally been described as more beautiful. European American women view other cultures/ethnicities as different and ugly and not able to conform to the Westernized ideal of beauty which encompasses

European American women’s features and characteristics. These characteristics include many features that are difficult or expensive to change: hair color, hair texture, skin tone and nose and eye shape. Women of all cultures believe that looking different is equated to being bad or worse than others. Lakeoff and Scherr (1984, p. 252) describe a book that looks at African American girls’ struggles. “Toni Morrison’s Bluest Eyes shows us how black women suffer because of their vulnerability to the dominant cultures myth of beauty. The young daughter in the book wishes for blue eyes because it will bring happiness, she believes in the dominant cultures beauty ideals.”

Racism: An Added Injustice

Women of Color have to deal not only with the issues of sexism that influence their body satisfaction, but also racism. Sexism and racism cause Women of Color additional pressures that European American women do not deal with. They are caught between being told to look two different ways: conform to the standards of their culture and to conform to the standards of the dominant, European American culture. Although there is more diversity today in the advertising and beauty industry, the same ideas of racism are still present that give Women of Color mixed messages on how they should look. “Today some Women of Color are using plastic surgery to gain acceptance. The number of racial and ethnic individuals undergoing cosmetic surgery has increased due mainly to the fact of trying to fit into the ideal. The type of surgery that Women of Color partake in is dependent on their race. For instance, Asian women are using plastic surgery

72 to change eyelids and noses to become more Western in appearance” (Maine, 2000, p.

138). “Asian women undergo double eyelid surgery, in which folds in the skin are excised across upper eyelids to create a crease and sculpting of the nose tip to create more prominent appearance” (Kaw, 1998, p. 168).

Asian American women traditionally have been told that the shape of their eyes and nose are negative racial traits and by altering them, they will gain more power and control and attain the American beauty ideal. “Surgery gives them a feminine look that is more attractive by society and gives them features that are considered more prestigious”

(Kaw, 1998, p.174). Both the media and medical system benefit from Asian American women wanting to change their facial features in order to resemble European American standards of beauty. The media/advertising industry will increase their profits from cosmetic products and the medical system benefits from women undergoing surgery.

Therefore, society as a whole perpetuates the racial ideology that Asian features are dull, not attractive and not appealing in order for Asian women to spend their time, energy and money conforming.

African American women are not immune to the pressures to attain an ideal beauty. While weight, is a central concern for European American women, African

American women have many other aspects of body image with which they deal. The three main issues consistently identified are: skin color, hair texture and body size.

African American women, as well as Asian American women live in a society of White privilege. Consequently they do not experience the same assets because of their skin color. “When beauty emerged as a dimension of female value in the 19th century the

construction of economically privileged White ladies as beautiful and virtuous was made

possible by contrasting them with degraded, ugly Black womanhood” (Buchanan, 1993,

73 p. 38). African Americans have traditionally been associated with inferior status and ugliness. According to bell hooks “The light skinned Black women with straight hair who most closely resembles the blond ideal has traditionally been deemed the most attractive by Whites and by Western Black men and women. Black women while appealingly different must resemble White women to be beautiful, good hair is considered straight and bad hair is nappy, kinky African American hair” (Cited in Hill Collins, 1990, p. 73).

Cultural Studies Theory

As a theory cultural studies can be used to explain how the media, including television, magazines, movies and other forms, affects women’s body image and contributes to the dissatisfaction the majority of American women feel about their bodies.

Advertising and Media: Contributors to Body Dissatisfaction

The advertising/media industry is a powerful presence in our culture today and it has the ability to shape and change reality. The media can assist individuals in undertaking unhealthy and dangerous behaviors by making these behaviors seem the norm in society. The more one sees a behavior, the more one is likely to model that behavior and to feel it is normal. The dieting and exercise industry bombard the public with products and services that can be purchased in order to make one thin and beautiful.

Women know the importance placed on appearance, and they see women in the ads as being successful and begin to think that by buying certain product they too will improve their appearance and their chances of success. The media is one of the most influential communicators of the thin ideal. The media are often blamed for contributing to eating disorders and body image issues (Streigel-Moore et al., 1986). The sole purpose of the advertising industry and the media is to sell products and make money. Therefore, it plays a big part in shaping how our culture is defined. The ideology that is portrayed in

74 the media is that of the dominant group, which in our society is European American.

Culture is seen not as a tradition but as the relations of domination and subordination, a network of power relations. The media/advertising industry wants to appeal to the largest group possible and, therefore, is going to use the dominant group as its target audience.

There is plenty of research that confirms African Americans and Asian Americans are not seen in the media in the same roles and with the same frequency of European Americans.

In addition to ethnicity, gender is an issue in the media. Women and men are not seen on the same level or with the same frequency. The media consistently shows images of People of Color and women in marginalized roles. The media is a part of popular culture and its goal is to attract as many viewers/consumers as possible in order to make a profit.

It is no secret that the media represents American people in stereotypical ways and that European American people create the images in the media. For instance, men are seen as active, strong and powerful and women as passive, beautiful and often dependent upon men. The media’s influence on women’s body image happens through a number of mechanisms: social comparison, internalization of the thin ideal and investment in appearance for self-evaluation (Tiggemann, 2002). The media puts forth thin beauty ideals that may lead girls and women to equate their own self-worth with their perceived level of beauty and attractiveness. These ideas are perpetuated throughout all forms of media and have added to society’s distortion of reality. The media promotes and reinforces culture’s standards for body shape and size and the importance of beauty, in addition to portraying the image that thinness and beauty are associated with happiness, success and wealth. Individuals make mass media relevant, and it represents aspects of their social experience or one they wish or strive for (Fiske, 1987).

What’s On Television?

TV shows us what is believed to be important in society and like other forms of media, reinforces stereotypes. It shows us what it means to be physically attractive, and

TV assists in the creation and maintenance of the unrealistic standards of thinness for women. TV socializes people and gives them ideas on what they can do and can not do, based on their gender and ethnicity. Today, TV is the most popular medium for advertising. In 1950, only 9% of houses had a TV. Today 98.3% of households have a

TV and 88% of homes have more than one TV (Wood, 1997). A study done in 1999 reported that the average American between the ages of 2 and 18 watched an average of 2 hours and 45 minutes of TV daily (Kaiser Family Foundation, 1999). In addition, children will watch 15,000 hours of TV before high school.

The mass media pervades the everyday lives of people living in Western societies. Most adults read newspapers daily and magazines have huge circulations. Media surveys indicate that fashion magazines are read by the majority of women and girls (estimates up to 83%). Virtually every home has a television set on for an average of 7 hours per day. Over a year, children and adolescents spend more time watching TV than in any activity other than sleeping. Such high consumption is likely to affect consumers in some way. (Tiggemann, 2002, p. 91)

TV programming receives the majority of its profits from advertising; that is why to place an ad during such highly watched TV programs and specials such as the Super Bowl costs millions of dollars. TV is the most common source of both information and entertainment and is watched by virtually everyone in America. Consequently, it plays a major role in American’s (men and women) socialization and internalization of what is acceptable in our society. Margo Maine (1994) reports that teenage girls are exposed to an average of 300-500 ads per day and $130 billion is spent on advertising annually. Add to the bombardment of advertising the fact that adolescent girls are at a very

76 impressionable and influential period in their lives and it is easy to see the influence this has on girls’ body image development.

The advertising industry depends on creating false needs and manipulating consumers into purchasing material things. Advertisements succeed in making people feel they need a certain product by appealing to their feelings and emotions. The advertising industry has mastered the art of manipulation: they create false wants by making consumers believe they need products in order to be a better or more beautiful person. In a 1948 movie one of the characters describes the advertising industry:

“Advertising makes people who can’t afford it, buy things they don’t want, with money they haven’t got” (From Mr. Blandings Builds a Dream House, 1948). Advertisers’ goal is to make the public purchase products and the key to this is making them feel that by using certain products they will become like the person in the ad. Prime examples are the endless advertisements for women’s beauty products, diet aids, exercise equipment and other appearance-changing products. Women are manipulated into thinking and feeling that if they purchase the product being sold by the perfect women in the ad that they will look like her. Advertising persuades its victims of such a transformation by showing them people who apparently have been transformed and are enviable as a result (Grow, 2002).

Media: Teaches Gender Roles

All forms of the media portray ideas about women in popular culture and offer suggestions about what roles women should partake in. The media teaches people what are proper roles for women and what women should look like. There are three themes that characterize the way the media portrays gender: women and minorities are underrepresented, men and women are portrayed in stereotypical ways that sustain socially endorsed views of gender and depictions of relationships between men and

77 women emphasize traditional roles. (Wood, 1997). People look to the media to see how they should look and act. The images in the media are not only stereotypical, but also unrealistic, especially for women. These images are not based on reality; they are based on what people would like to look like and be like. The body type of women in the media is attainable by only 5% of the American female population and this is the image that women are trying to achieve and see as normal. Consequently, the majority of women cannot attain this ideal and the result is dissatisfaction with their bodies and a feeling of failure.

Music videos are a fairly new form of media and one that has stereotypically portrayed Women and People of Color since its inception 20 years ago. In a 1986 study, women were found to be underrepresented in videos 6 to 1. When women, were shown it was as passive and wanting the attention of a man (Brown & Campbell, 1986). Joe Grow analyzed the top 100 MTV videos from 1990 to 1992 and found that men outnumbered women in lead roles 5 to 1, but were equal in supporting roles (Gow, 1996). Therefore, women were used more for physical appearance and men were used for their talent and skill. There have not been many current studies on music videos, but by my personal observations, I would conclude that these statistics have not changed from 10 years ago. I also have observed that Women of Color, especially African American women are overwhelmingly depicted in roles of subordination, or in other words slaves. Asian

American women are hardly seen in music videos, and if they are, it is in a passive and supporting role.

Magazines play a substantial role in shaping images and definitions of what it means to be feminine. The images and articles that appear in magazines not only depict stereotypical roles but reinforce what a woman should look like. Magazines suggest what

78 women should wear and how they should prepare makeup, and they inform their readers of acceptable attitudes and behaviors, offering a meaning of femininity (Currie, 1997).

They reinforce the subordinate role that women play in society and manipulate them into buying products in order to improve their appearance, size and shape. Currie interviewed girls ages 13 to 17 and they stated that magazines were useful sources of knowledge and that they compared themselves to the images in the magazines. Nichter and Nichter

(1991) found similar results: girls related their ideal to the models in the teen magazines

(5’7” and 100 pounds). These measurements put the images within the criteria for an eating disorder. The images that are in magazines are not only influential, but unhealthy.

The covers and content of women’s magazines have been studied for years and overall the findings have remained consistent. In 1975, a study concluded there were two overall themes in women’s magazines: marriage is inevitable for every normal women and to catch a man you must be less competent and more passive (Franzwa, 1975). These themes simply reinforce the idea that women are the lesser sex and need a man to have an acceptable identity. Sixty percent of articles from women’s magazines in the years 1960,

1972 and 1985 contained information about beauty, fashion, cooking and decorating

(Peirce, 1990). These messages represent the pervasive stereotypical messages that are in women’s magazines. Peirce’s study was expanded and included the years 1945, 1955,

1965, 1975, 1985 and 1995. The results of this show little change in messages in current years.

Messages in Women’s Magazines (1945-1995)

Year Appearance Message Message on Female

Traditional Roles

1945 23% 48%

1955 43% 74%

1965 48% 74%

1975 35% 60%

1985 42% 65%

1995 45% 60%

(Schlenker, Caron, & Halteman, 1998)

Research has shown differences between women’s and men’s magazines. The 10

most popular magazines read by women and men in 1987 were analyzed and it was found

that in the women’s magazines there were 57 diet ads and articles and 20 toning articles.

In the men’s magazines there were 5 diet ads and 17 toning articles (Anderson &

DiDomenico, 1992). Nemeroff et al. found similar results in 1996: women’s magazines

published 13 times as many weight loss articles and 6 times as many articles on beauty

and improving appearance than men’s magazines did. Covers of magazines emulate the

same images as the pages of the magazine. Thirty-three percent of female magazine

covers had a message about diet and 0% of men’s magazines did. Twenty-three percent

of female magazines had a message about exercise and 0% of men’s did. Ninety-four

percent of the women’s magazine covers showed a thin female and 50% of the men’s

magazine covers showed a female (Malkin, Wornian, & Chrisler, 1999). These studies

show a never-changing trend: the images of women sell magazines. Playboy magazine, a

magazine filled entirely with images of women, has been looked at over the years and

studies indicate that the magazine’s images of women have remained right in stride with

the ideals that are present in society. From 1959 to 1979, the body weight of the Playboy

centerfolds decreased and they became more curvaceous. Their measurements were 65 inches tall, 116 pounds, and a BMI of 19.26 (Garner et al., 1980). The same statistics

80 were looked at from 1985 to 1997 and it was shown that the models were taller, but weighed less. Their average height was 67 inches, average weight was 115 pounds and an average BMI was18.04 (Owen & Laurel-Seller, 2000). A BMI of 18.5 is the cutoff for malnutrition as determined by the World Health Organization. It is apparent that the images in female magazines not only emphasize a beauty standard and unattainable ideal, but they also give information on how to achieve this standard/ideal.

The Influence of Magazines

Then (1992) conducted a study with female university students and concluded that 68% of the women surveyed felt worse about their appearance after reading female magazines. Thirty-three percent reported that fashion magazines made them feel less satisfied with their appearance and 50% wished they looked like the women in the advertisements. In another study, college women were shown 12 photos of models in women’s magazines and this led to an increase in shame, depression, stress, body dissatisfaction and guilt. This study found that exposure to the media images related directly to eating pathology of college women (Stice & Shaw, 1994). Females exposed to media images portraying the current standard of thinness and attractiveness had a greater body image disturbance than females who viewed neutral images (Heinberg &

Thompson, 1995). College-age women were shown either images of thin models or images of older men and women. The participants who viewed the images of the models had higher scores on a self-consciousness scale and on a body self-consciousness scale, meaning they reported more concern about their bodies (Wegner, Hartmann, & Geist,

2000). In addition, women who were shown slides of models reported higher scores on the anger and hostility scales and on depression scales than those who viewed slides without images of models (Pinhas et al., 1999). Another study found that 33% of college-

81 age females felt dissatisfied after viewing models in advertisements (Richins, 1991).

Undergraduate women who viewed fashion magazines reported being very frustrated about weight, dieting and exercising to lose weight, and they felt guilty when eating and after eating (Turner & Hamilton, 1997).

Other factors have been shown to come into play when viewing magazines. For instance, a woman’s current size and shape may play a factor in how she feels after looking at or reading magazines. A woman who is more aware of her current weight was more affected by the images in magazines than those who were not as aware or concerned (Wilcox & Laird, 2000). Another study broke college women into two groups, those satisfied with their bodies and those not satisfied. The researchers found that women who were initially satisfied did not report more dissatisfaction after exposure

(H.D. Posavac, S.S. Posavac, & E.J. Posavac, 1998). Heavier women were shown to feel worse about their bodies after viewing ideal images of females (E. Henderson-King & D.

Henderson-King, 1997).

The amount of exposure women have to magazine images and their body dissatisfaction has drawn contradictory results. Cusumano and Thompson (1997) found that the internalization of the norms of appearance and not the amount of exposure to the images accounted for female’s body dissatisfaction. However, another study found that the girls who were frequent magazine readers (5th to 12th grade) were 2 to 3 times more

likely to diet to lose weight because of magazine articles and feel that magazine articles

influence what they believe is the ideal body shape (Field, 1999).

Television: What’s on and Who’s In Charge?

TV is the most widely viewed source of media and as previously stated, is in

98.3% of American homes. It is not only TV shows that have been shown to under

82 represent and depict women and People of Color in stereotypical roles, but also commercials. Commercials are used to sell products, so naturally they will use beautiful people in ideal situations in order to attract people to the products. The representation of women in TV commercials has remained virtually unchanged over the years. In 1974, women were seen in 54 to 58% of daytime commercials and 33 to 35% of evening commercials and women represented 86% of domestic products and men represented

78% of nondomestic products (Courtney & Whipple, 1974). There was some change over the next 4 years: females represented 69% of domestic products, but males still represented 78% of nondomestic products. In addition, it was shown that 92% of voiceovers in TV commercials were done by men (W.J. O’Donnell & K.J. O’Donnell,

1978). Women were the images seen on TV selling and using the products, but it was a man’s voice of power and authority telling viewers why they needed the product in the commercial. This division of labor reinforces stereotypes that the woman does the domestic work and the man dictates what is done.

By 1989, women were still more likely to advertise domestic products, 55% of the time, but this figure is not nearly as high as in 1972. However, men were still advertising nondomestic products 73% of the time and doing 90% of commercial voiceovers

(Lovdal, 1989). In 1985, it was reported that viewers could expect a message about appearance on every 2.1 personal care advertisements, 1.1 clothing advertisements, 0.5 weight reduction ads and 1.2 cosmetic ads. In summary, there was a message about attractiveness in every 1 out of 3.8 commercials and the greatest amount of attractiveness messages were by females acting and male voiceovers as the figure of authority (Downs

& Harrison, 1985). By the 1990s there were almost equal speaking parts for women and men in commercials during prime time TV and a drop to 70% of total voiceovers were

83 done by males (Pierracine & Schell, 1995). In 1998, the most current published review of

TV commercials, 71% of voiceovers were male and females represented 66% of domestic products and males represented 70% of nondomestic products (Bartsch, 2000).

Today the spokespersons for products that are seen on commercials show an overrepresentation of male domination; 77% of the most recognizable spokes characters are identified as male and only 5% as female (Peirce & McBride, 1999). There has been an increase in the amount of representation of females in commercials; however there still is unequal gender representation and women are portrayed in stereotypical roles that and conform to the ideal standards set up by society.

It is not only women who are underrepresented in TV commercials, but ethnicities as well. In both TV programs and commercials, less than 10% of appearance time includes People of Color (Wilson & Gutierrez, 1995). A look at commercials from 1992 to 1994 aired during the highest-rated TV shows found 86% of characters were European

American, 11% African American and 2% Asian American. The same study found that

45% of all characters were female and 85.9% of the voiceovers were done by males

(Coltrane & Messineo, 2000). In 1997, the proportion of African Americans in the United

States was approximately 13%, but on TV commercials, the percentage is underrepresented (Taylor & Stern, 1997). The representation of African Americans and women has increased, but again, they are still portrayed in stereotypical roles and men are seen as the symbol of power and authority. Asian Americans also are represented in stereotypical roles; they are represented overwhelmingly in business settings, whereas

European Americans are represented at home settings (Taylor & Stern, 1997). Asian

American women are more likely to be seen in telecommunication commercials than in cosmetic commercials and it is the opposite for African American and European

American women. Asian Americans are consistently shown as hard working and in a business role, which has lead to the stereotype of intellectually gifted, mathematically skilled, technically competent, hard working and serious Asian American (Delener &

Neelankavil, 1990). This proves the media have influenced social stereotypes of different ethnicities and continue to reinforce stereotypes. A study done on Asian American women in magazines found that 60% were shown in a work setting (Taylor & Lee, 1994).

The under representation and stereotypes of women in commercials cannot be argued, but their influence on women can. Women who watched sexist ads, compared to those that viewed a neutral ad judged themselves as heavier. They also had increased dissatisfaction with their bodies (Lavine, Sweeney, & Wagner, 1999). Other studies found contradictory results. In 1997 Harrison and Cantor’s study revealed that body dissatisfaction was not related to the amount of TV viewed or commercials watched.

Another study showed no impact when viewing thin media ideals (Cattarin et al., 2000).

Consequently, it cannot be concluded that TV commercials have an immediate or lasting impact on women’s body dissatisfaction, but they do reinforce gender roles and stereotypes.

TV programming also has been extensively looked at in terms of both women’s representation in numbers and in the roles in which they are portrayed. Just as with magazines and TV commercials, TV shows play a role in expressing the dominant ideology and developing and maintaining cultural stereotypes. The images and false- realities that are portrayed on TV are products of advertisers, network politics and the creative people’s values and egos (Lauzen, 1999). Statistics on the individuals behind the scenes tells a tremendous amount about what is shown on the screen. In 1990, it was

85 reported that 15% of TV producers, 25% of writers and 9% of directors were women

(Steenland, 1995). By the year 2000, these numbers have not changed.

Women behind the scenes on prime time TV (1999-2000)

Occupation Percentage of Women

Producers 35%

Writers 24%

Creators 18%

Executive Producers 17%

Editors 13%

Directors 7%

Directors of Photography 0%

(Lauzen, 2000)

In addition, from 1999 to 2000, 76% of programs had no female creators, 93%

had no female directors, 87% had no female editors and 70% had no female writers.

These numbers show that the individuals behind the scenes of TV programming are

virtually all male and we also can conclude that the majority is European American. In a

study that looked at shows with female executive producers, 52% of them had major

female characters. (Lauzen, 1999). Therefore, it should not be a puzzle why the images

seen on TV and the messages heard on TV represent the interests of a patriarchal society

and subjugate women to lesser and undervalued roles.

Content analysis of TV programs shows that men are the major characters and

women are used primarily for their beauty and attractiveness. Throughout the years, men

have taken on more TV programming time than women. The year 1973 saw only 32% of

86 all TV characters as women and they were portrayed in lesser roles than men (McNeil,

1975). By 1978 this number had increased to 34.5% but the types or roles remained the same (Weigel & Loomis, 1981). In 1987, Davis replicated a 1954 study to compare demographic characteristics of characters on TV and did not find a significant change from the 1954 statistics; females were seen in lead roles in 42.8% of comedies, 29.2% of action adventures and 35.9% of dramas (Davis, 1990). By 1989, women were outnumbered 3 to 1 and were still cast overwhelmingly in roles as housewives or in other traditional female roles while men were shown working outside the home (Signorielli,

1989). The demographics for the 1992 to 1993 prime time TV season showed that for every one speaking role for females, males had 1.58 times more (38.8% to 61.l2%)

(Elasmar, Hasegawa, & Brain, 1999). In 1996 the prime time TV shows had the following demographics: overall characters were 45% female and 55% male, 41% of male and 28% of female characters shown were working and 1% of male and 27% of female characters were shown doing domestic housework. In addition, 46% of female characters were seen as underweight and 16% of male characters could be classified as underweight (Signorelli, 1997). A similar study in 1999 found that 33% of female characters were underweight, 60% were of average weight and 7% were above average weight (Founts & Burggraf, 1999). In reality, 26% of American females are above average weight. This is another example of the media distorting reality and giving women an unrealistic image of how they should look. Women who are deemed overweight on

TV portray characters whose weight is a continuous subject of conversation. The media consistently depict women as thinner and younger than the average American women.

The average American female model is 5’10” tall and weighs 110 pounds; this is a 23% thinner than the average American women who is 5’4” tall and 140 pounds (Zerbe,

1995). This discrepancy can be attributed to the number of women in America that are dissatisfied with their bodies.

Besides commercials and prime time TV shows, news programs also under represent women. In 1990, in news and public affairs programs, men outnumbered women 6 to 1 (Rutenberg, 2002). The evening news on the major TV networks may be the most obvious representation of male dominance. All three major networks, ABC,

NBC and CBS, have male evening news anchors and have never had a female fill this position for any length of time. In 1993, CBS tried to use two anchors, one which was a woman, but this attempt failed. Prior to this, in 1974, ABC tried two anchors with one being a women and this also failed (Rutenberg, 2002). In 1974, the network said the public was not ready for a women evening news anchor; it seems that they are still not ready to get the all-important, hard core evening news from a woman. The qualities that

Americans say they want in a news anchor are experience, knowledge, objectivity, authority and reliability. Traditionally these traits have not been associated with females.

Americans do not have a problem receiving the morning news from women and, in fact, the highest paid morning newscaster in 2002 was Katie Couric on NBC. The other major networks also have women co-anchors in the morning, but by watching these two to three hour-long shows, viewers see that they are not covering the hard news stories. They also have feel-good segments along with cooking, parenting and entertainment news. None of this is seen on the evening half-hour male-anchored news shows. Reporters for the evening news are also overwhelmingly male. In 1998, 33% of the reporters were women and in 2001, 28% of the reporters were women (www.iwmf.org, 2002). In addition, only

15% of reporters in 1998 were People of Color and in 2001 only 10% were. Other

statistics in the media show an under representation of People of Color as well. In TV

88 only 19% of employees are People of Color and in radio 11% are people of color

(www.iwmf, 1999). In addition, 5.36% of journalists are African American, 2.29% are

Asian American and a total of 11.5% People of Color work in the media industry and this

amount is under the United States population of 23%. These statistics give the impression

that men, and especially European American men, are more intelligent, powerful and

have a greater amount of authority and knowledge than the rest of the United States

population.

Although Americans watch a significant amount of TV programming in addition

to being exposed to other forms of media depicting the thin ideal beauty standard of women, it has been shown that the amount does not lead to women’s dissatisfaction with

their bodies. The type of shows and media images viewed, however, does play a

significant role. Tiggmann and Pickering (1996) found that females reported a high drive

for thinness and dissatisfaction with weight after watching such shows as soap operas and music videos. Another study showed that undergraduate females indicated an attraction to female media personalities and this predicted a drive for thinness while overweight personalities did not affect them (Harrison, 2001). Other studies have shown that media exposure leads to the internalization of a slender ideal body shape, which may lead to dissatisfaction (Stice et al., 1994). Women, more so than men, have been shown to develop relationships with female characters and use the characters experiences, relationships and existence to create their own identity (Heide, 1995).

Body Image Prevention/Intervention Programs

Body image intervention/prevention programs are typically a component to an eating disorders program and require an individual to be diagnosed with an eating disorder in order to be involved in the program. This criteria eliminates an individual who

89 has been identified or self-diagnosed with a negative body image or body dissatisfaction form participating in these programs. There are a limited amount of programs that have been developed for women that address body image and that do not require a trained professional to administer or a diagnosis of an eating disorder. Thomas Cash’s program,

The Body Image Workbook: An 8-Step Program for Learning to Like Your Looks, is the only body image program that has been evaluated. “Cash has demonstrated that a self- directed body image enhancement program, based on the same principles Cash employs in his cognitive-behavioral therapy with patients with body image disturbances, he has been effective in helping women increase their level of body satisfaction” (Cash &

Lavallee, 1997, p. 285). Cash and Lavallee (1997), found that over 80% of participants in the body image program developed by Cash experienced significant improvement in their body image. Another effectiveness study found a statistically significant improvement in body image when the program was self-administered (Cash & Strachan, 2002). The advantages that Cash’s program offers participants is the luxury of partaking in the program in the privacy of their own home or other private institution, the convenience of administering the program at their own pace and time and it’s low cost. However, there are some disadvantages with this program, the individual in the program needs to be motivated and able to self-monitor their attitudes and behaviors. Consequently, this program is designed for a specific type of individual and may not be appropriate for everyone. Cash’s program is mainly educational and does not incorporate ways to change society’s norms and values. In addition, this program, like the other two programs that will be addressed in this section, does not address an individual’s cultural background and ethnicity.

Catherine Steiner-Adair’s program, Full of Ourselves, goes beyond education and adds opportunities to change norms and values in American society. “Girls in a group learn about weightism as a prejudice, developing bodies versus the culture of thinness, the politics of body image assertion, leadership and activism” (Cash & Pruzinsky, 2002, p. 500). In this program, participants work in small groups for anywhere from 8 to 15 weeks. This may limit the number of individuals who have the availability, but it can provide an added component of activism, which is needed in order to address the great level of body dissatisfaction among American women and girls. The disadvantages of this program include; cost, regular group meetings and a structured schedule.

Niva Piran has developed a third program, which is based on a feminist framework and includes media advocacy. “This program does not begin with a lecture or lesson but with dialogues between facilitator and participants. The participants are the ultimate authorities on their own bodies and program goals are derived from dialogue within the group and not from information obtained by the experts” (Cash & Pruzinsky,

2002, p. 498). This allows participants to not only have a voice and take ownership, but to individualize their needs by bringing their personal experiences to the program. This component could allow participants from various ethnic backgrounds to express their experiences and beliefs. This process allows women to connect with their bodies on an individual level and gives them the power to make changes at an individual and societal level. A unique component to Piran’s program is media literacy; this teaches girls to examine the constant impact of mass media “stories” about the body, evaluate the messages in the media and deconstruct these messages. This program/concept mainly has been used with girls from 10-to-18 years old and the evaluation shows a statistically significant decrease in eating disorder rates but no results on body image dissatisfaction.

Again, as with Steiner Adair’s program, this program has a high cost, regular meetings and structured schedule. An overall comparison between these existing programs is in

Appendix I.

Summary/Conclusion

The lack of research including Asian American and African American women concerning body image development and issues that are present in their particular cultural background provides evidence for the need of this study to be conducted. Conducting this study will provide the researcher with much needed information concerning the body image issues that women from various ethnic backgrounds face. This information will then lead to the future development of effective and successful prevention/intervention programming to address body image dissatisfaction in the African American and Asian

American communities. In addition, the findings or this study will assist health educators in dealing with college-age women from various ethnic backgrounds on the issue of body image.

CHAPTER 3 Methods

Introduction

Our society places a great deal of pressure on women to fit into an unrealistic ideal, which, in turn, causes a great percentage of women to report being dissatisfied with their bodies. Although the majority of research that has been conducted with women and body image has focused on European American women and their level of body dissatisfaction, recent research has concluded that Asian American and African American women experience body dissatisfaction at similar rates to European American women.

However, currently there are no intervention/prevention programs that address body image in different cultures. The existing programs have been developed based on the attitudes, beliefs and perceptions of European American women and do not take into account the fact that women from different ethnic backgrounds have different experiences, beliefs, norms and attitudes surrounding body image. Cash and Pruzinsky

(2002, p. 500) state, “Comparative cross-cultural studies of body image are crucial to enhance our understanding of the diversity of body images and the influence of culture on body image development.”

Research that addresses woman from cultures besides European American is needed in order to adapt the existing programs or to create new programs that address the issue of body image from a cultural perspective. The widely held belief that women from other cultures do not experience body image dissatisfaction has recently come under question. However, the development of this dissatisfaction varies greatly between cultures. More research is needed in order to determine the influencing factors associated with the development of body image satisfaction/dissatisfaction from a cultural perspective. Once this has been determined, intervention/prevention programs can be created to successfully reach beyond the female European American population. This study explored the overall level of body dissatisfaction among African American, Asian

American and European American college-age women. With the information derived in this qualitative and quantitative study, a foundation will be established to look at body image further from a cultural perspective and create programming to address these findings.

The quantitative survey in this research was used to establish an overall description of African American, Asian American and European American women’s body image influencing factors. The survey that was used was the Young Women’s

Experiences with Body Weight and Shape, developed by M.E. Delaney, L.D. O’Keefe and K.M.L. Sken in 1997. It was chosen because its foundation is based on feminist theory and cultural studies. In addition, this survey was tested with college-age women and looks at body image in a non-eating disorder population.

The qualitative portion of this research consisted of three semi-structured focus group interviews: one with African Americans, one with Asian Americans and one with

European Americans. The focus group questions were developed based on the five subscales of the Young Women’s Experiences with Body Weight and Shape assessment.

Purpose of Study

The purpose of this study was to obtain information from college-age women representing three different ethnicities (African American, Asian American and European

American) with regard to their body image, body shape, appearance and related factors.

The findings from this study will provide the health education profession with valuable data and information on college-age women and body image from various ethnic groups

This study will provide health educators and individuals dealing with women and body image information on how to address Women of Color. In addition, by obtaining this information I will be able to develop prevention/intervention programming that addresses women based on their ethnic backgrounds. The end product of this research is to compare the data collected, feminist theory, cultural studies and previous research on women’s body image in order to provide a base for future development of body image prevention/intervention programs to college women from different ethnic backgrounds that address their cultural background and ethnic identity. Current prevention programs are developed based on research and information from European American women and the various issues that Women of Color experience are not addressed. Consequently, the information from this research will enable Women of Color to participate in body image prevention/intervention programming in a more productive and positive manner. It is widely believed that women of different ethnicities have different thoughts, feelings, attitudes and behaviors concerning their body image. This research study will not only identify the different or similar thoughts, feelings and attitudes women have about their body shape, size and appearance, but it will provide data that can be applied in the

95 development of prevention/intervention programs. Historically, the majority of research on body image was done with European American women and, consequently, prevention, intervention and treatment programming was developed based on this research.

There is a need to study African American and Asian American women because no ethnic group is immune to body dissatisfaction and eating disorders. The factors that contribute to African American and Asian American’s body image may be different or similar to those of European American women, but research needs to be done in order to make conclusions. Research needs to focus on varying ethnicities in order to address these issues from a cultural perspective and to increase the success of prevention and intervention (Cash & Pruzinsky, 2002). “Comparative cross-cultural studies of body image are crucial to enhance our understanding of the diversity of body images and the influences of culture on body image development” (Cash & Pruzinsky, 2002, p. 500).

The results from this study will be a first step in gathering needed information on how women from three different cultures feel about their bodies and their level of dissatisfaction/satisfaction with their body image, body shape and appearance. I will attempt to discover what factors have led to their current body dissatisfaction/satisfaction and what factors could have or did assist them in developing a positive body image. It widely is believed that Women of Color have certain protective factors that decrease their risk of buying into the American cultural slim ideal. I propose that many of these protective factors are still present in the African American and Asian American cultures, but that does not mean that Women of Color are more satisfied with their bodies and engage in disordered eating at a lower rate than European American women. This study will explore this idea and provide valuable information for current programs and future program development. The more recent literature shows that Women of Color are

“catching up” to European American women in their body dissatisfaction and related unhealthy behaviors. However, I think that identifying the particular factors and issues affecting Women of Color related to their body image will enable prevention and intervention programs to be more successful with Women of Color and provide the health education field with valuable data and information on African American and Asian

American women.

Research Questions

The research questions that will guide my study are:

1. What are participant’s attitudes and behaviors on weight dissatisfaction, their self- consciousness about appearance, their experiences with other’s messages and perceptions of body image, their rejection of the social norms and their levels of exercise? 2. How do participants culturally define body image and what is an ideal body image in American society and the ethnic group they identify with? 3. How do participants identify the differences in attitudes, beliefs and perceptions of body image, body shape and appearance among college-age women of different ethnic backgrounds (African American, European American and Asian American) on the individual and cultural level? What are the influencing factors on these differences or similarities? 4. What is participant’s current level of body and weight dissatisfaction? 5. How do messages in the mass media influence how participants feel about their body image? 6. What are participants current exercise habits/behaviors? Are participants influenced by a desire to change their body appearance, shape or size? 7. What is the impact participant’s family and friends have on their level of body dissatisfaction? 8. How do the data that I obtained reflect feminist theory and cultural studies pertaining to women and body dissatisfaction/satisfaction?

Research Design

Quantitative Assessment Design

A quantitative survey and qualitative focus groups were used in this study. The quantitative survey used was the Young Women’s Experiences with Body Weight and

Shape. A copy of the survey can be found in Appendix B. M.E. Delaney, L.D. O’Keefe

97 and K.M.L. Sken developed this instrument in 1997. Permission was obtained from M.E.

Delaney to utilize this assessment tool in this study. I contacted M.E. Delaney via e-mail and was granted written permission to use the survey the she and her colleagues created. I chose this assessment because it was developed based on interviews with women from the general population and the experiences they encountered on a daily basis about their body image and not by prior research from medical and health professionals on women with eating disorders, giving it credibility with women and addressing the experiences that women encounter regarding their body appearance, size and shape. This assessment compared to the other surveys and assessments reviewed in Appendix F, was the best suited for the population in this study and for meeting the objectives of this study. It addresses a wide range of issues, looking beyond just weight and size, which are traditionally associated with European American women. Therefore, I felt this assessment would enable Women of Color to better express their thoughts, attitudes and feelings about body image, shape, size and appearance. This survey addresses the sociocultural and interpersonal factors of women’s body image, which no other current surveys, targeted at the general population of women do. The current emphasis on thinness and the messages that women receive about ideal beauty in society have not been incorporated into other surveys that measure body image. This survey includes these factors and therefore was used in this study. This assessment was chosen because it was developed recently and addresses young women, the target group of this study, and has been tested successfully for reliability and validity. Participants in M.E. Delaney’s interviews were asked about issues such as the consequences of body shape issues, general level of body satisfaction, personal histories to lose weight and methods used, pressures felt from significant individuals in their lives to change their appearance, reactions to the thin ideal

98 presented in the media and the role of the fashion industry on their body satisfaction. The participants’ responses during the interviews were used to develop the Young Women’s

Experiences with Body Weight and Shape assessment. The final assessment consists of five subscales: factor 1- Weight Dissatisfaction, factor 2-Slimness as Quality of Life, factor 3- Interpersonal Messages Regarding Slimness, factor 4- Rejecting Societal Value of Thinness and factor 5- Valuing Exercise. Appendix C identifies the five subscales and corresponding questions and Appendix D identifies the factor loading for each question and each subscale. Each item of the assessment had a choice of 5 responses (1=Strongly

Disagree, 2=Disagree, 3=Neither Agree or Disagree, 4=Agree and 5=Strongly Agree).

The responses for each subscale were summed and a total score for each subscale was obtained.

factor 1- weight dissatisfaction. The Weight Dissatisfaction subscale measures a woman’s overall evaluation of body shape and weight. An interval measurement scale was used for this part of the study.

There were a total of 12 questions in this subscale (#4, 5, 7, 8, 10, 11,13, 15, 16, 17, 18 and 23). The range for the subscale was 12-60 and no items were reverse coded.

factor 2- slimness as quality of life. The Slimness as Quality of Life subscale measures a woman’s self worth and self- consciousness about appearance that comes from being assessed by others. An interval measurement scale was used which was used for this part of the study. There were a total of 19 questions in this subscale (#14, 19, 21, 24, 25, 26, 29, 30, 31, 32, 33, 35, 37, 38, 39,

40, 41, 48 and 49). The range for the subscale was 19-95 and no items were reverse coded.

factor 3- interpersonal messages regarding slimness. The Interpersonal Messages Regarding Slimness subscale measures a woman’s daily experiences regarding the evaluation of their appearance by others. An interval measurement scale was used for this part of the study. There were a total of 10 questions in this subscale (#1, 2, 3, 6,1 2, 27, 43, 44, 46 and 47). The responses were summed to provide a total score for the subscale. The range for the subscale was 10-50 and no items were reverse coded.

factor 4- rejecting societal value of thinness. The Rejecting Societal Value of Thinness subscale assessed women’s daily experiences regarding the messages received from other sources such as the mass media. An interval measurement scale was used for this study. There were a total of 4 questions in this subscale (#22, 34, 36 and 45). The range for the subscale was 4-20 and no items were reverse coded.

factor 5- valuing exercise. The Valuing Exercise subscale assessed why women exercised. An interval measurement scale was used for this study. There were a total of 4 questions in this subscale (#9, 20, 28 and 42). The range for the subscale was 4-20 and 1 item was reverse coded (Question

#20: I would rather diet than exercise to lose weight).

This survey was tested on female college-age women and Cronbach’s alphas on all five factors ranged from 0.63-0.93, indicating a sufficient level of reliability for all five factors (factor 1-.92, factor 2-.93, factor 3-.82, factor 4-.63, and factor 5-.65)

(Delaney, O’Keefe, & Skene, 1997). Refer to Appendix E for information on the development of the survey.

The Young Women’s Experiences with Body Weight and Shape Assessment was used to test the following null hypotheses:

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1. There will not be a statistical significance between the European American and Asian American subgroups on all five factors measured in the Young Women’s Experiences with Body Weight and Shape. 2. There will not be a statistical significance between European American and African American subgroups on factor 4. There will be a statistical significance between European American and African American subgroups on factors 1, 2, 3 and 5. 3. There will not be a statistical significance between Asian American and African American subgroups on factor 4. There will be a statistical significance between Asian American and African American subgroups on factors 1, 2, 3 and 5.

The university IRB (Institutional Review Board) approved the assessments by and a consent form was included at the top of each assessment. Refer to Appendix B for a copy of the assessment.

Participants for the quantitative section of this study were obtained by seeking permission from various professors and instructors at the university to come into their classes and administer the survey to females who fit the criteria for the study. I contacted professors via e-mail and phone. I chose professors who I either knew or was referred to by other faculty members of the university. I utilized classes and student groups that would allow me to get a reliable sample size from the three ethnic groups in the study. I also used various student groups and organizations that had an overrepresentation of

African American and Asian American women. I was granted permission to survey the following classes:

• Undergraduate Human Development • Undergraduate Human Sexuality class • African American History • Introduction to African American Studies (3 classes) • Freshman Literature • African Literature • Freshman English (4 classes) • Black Women in U.S. Society

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• Black Families • Black Women Writers The following student groups and organizations were used to obtain my survey sample: • Asian American Student Alliance • Shades of You: A Society for Women of Color • National Pan-Hellenic Council (African American Greek System) • Discover Phillipeno Society

I went to all classes and student groups to administer the assessment. The following instructions were given to each group completing the survey.

• This is voluntary, but I would appreciate your input on body image • This assessment is pat of my dissertation research on college women and body image • By filling out the assessment you give your consent to participate in my study • You must be between the ages of 18 and 25 • Please indicate the ethnic group you identify with at the top of the assessment • Please complete the front and back of the assessment • The results will be compiled as a group • The results are confidential and anonymous • The assessments will be destroyed after the data is compiled • If you have any questions, please come up and see me • If you are interested in participating in a focus group on this topic, please come and see me • Please hand me your assessment when you are done • Thank you

Qualitative Focus Group Design The semi-structured focus group guide was developed based on the Young

Women’s Experiences with Body Weight and Shape Scale. The original interview guide can be found in Appendix G and Appendix H contains the final interview guide used for this study. The five subscales of the survey instrument-Weight Dissatisfaction, Slimness as Quality of Life, Interpersonal Messages Regarding Slimness, Rejecting Societal Value of Thinness and Valuing Exercise-were the overall themes of the focus group interviews.

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Various other topics were explored as the focus groups progressed. The focus group interviews were tape recorded and then transcribed and coded and put into a data matrix to identify themes and patterns between the three groups.

The qualitative component to this study was used to add evidence to the results found from the quantitative survey and was in the form of semi-structured focus groups.

The focus groups were conducted in order to confirm, elaborate and add details to the results from the survey. Same ethnic group focus groups were utilized in this study in order to have a safe and comfortable environment for all participants. A mini-pilot study with mixed ethnic groups concluded that Women of Color were not willing to express their thoughts, feelings and beliefs. Consequently, the focus groups in this study consisted of women from the same ethnic group. Focus groups allowed participants to feed off of each other’s comments and expand on other’s thoughts and ideas. The women in the focus groups were either known by me personally or indicated during the administration of the assessment that they would be interested in participating in a focus group on body image. Participants were contacted by phone and e-mail and asked to take part in a focus group. All focus groups took place in the same location, a relaxing and comfortable conference room at the university being studied. The room had a closed door in order to provide a safe and confidential atmosphere. All participants were seated at a circular table with the facilitator also seated around the table. Food was provided for participants at each focus group. Each focus group was facilitated by the researcher and lasted for approximately two hours. Refer to Appendix I for instructions on facilitating the focus groups. Appendix J contains members of the expert panel consulted during the development of the interview guide. Three focus groups were conducted, one for each ethnic group (African American, Asian American and European American). There was a

103 total of 9 women in the African American group, 9 women in the Asian American group and 10 women in the European American group. The final analysis included 8 African

American women, 8 Asian American women and 10 European American women.

Reliability

Reliability for this study was obtained by adhering to the following guidelines:

• I thoroughly researched the topic and population to be studied

• I explained the purpose of the study and my role as the researcher to all participants

• All survey participants were given the same survey to complete

• All focus group participants were asked the same research questions

• Survey data was collected from an adequate amount of participants from each ethnic background in order to draw plausible conclusions

• Qualitative data was collected from multiple participants from each ethnic group

• Data were collected using two methods (survey and focus groups)

• Information on the trustworthiness of the data can be found in Appendix K

• Information on the reflexivity of the researcher can be found in Appendix L

Validity

Validity for this study was obtained be adhering to the following guidelines:

• Data were linked to two theories (feminist theory and cultural studies)

• Participants in survey and focus groups were deemed credible

• Participants in the focus groups provided rich and descriptive responses

• Participants in study adequately reflected the ethnic breakdown of the total population being studied

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• Focus groups were conducted to validate findings from the assessment

• Adequate responses were obtained from focus group participants

Population and Sample

The target population used for this study was 18-to-25 year old female college students who have lived in the United States for at least the past 10 years. The sample was derived from a large, public university located in the Midwest. I currently work at this institution and, therefore, had adequate access to the participants, which consequently made this study a single university case study. I based the sampling on comparable case selection in which two or more people or groups are compared on the topic of body image.

Quantitative Assessment Participants I obtained a total of 476 surveys and had to discard 26 due to no indication of ethnic group or not completely answering the questions on the survey. This left me with

450 respondents in the final sample. The final sample included 278 European American women, 148 African American women and 24 Asian American women. Figure 1 identifies the ethnic breakdown of the sample population for the quantitative section of this study. Figure 2 contains the ethnic breakdown of the undergraduate population of the university population used in the study.

Qualitative Focus Group Participants

Subjects/participants for the qualitative section of this study were chosen through a convenient and purposeful sample that included students involved in student organizations and activities on campus as well as other various community activities.

There were a total of 28 participants in the qualitative portion of the study: 9 Asian

Americans, 9 African Americans and 10 European Americans. The final sample for the

105 focus groups consisted of 8 Asian Americans, 8 African Americans and 10 European

Americans. One participant from the Asian American group and 1 participant from the

African American group was over the age of 25, therefore, their responses were not included in the analysis on the focus groups.

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Figure 1. Distribution of Sample Size

Asian Am 5%

African Am 33% Euro Am African Am Asian Am

Euro Am 62%

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Figure 2. Distribution of Population

Other Asian Am 6% 3%

African Am 14%

Euro Am African Am Asian Am Other

Euro Am 77%

Data Collection Procedures

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Quantitative Data Collection

Data for the quantitative section of this study were obtained by conducting a survey, The Young Women’s Experiences with Body Weight and Shape. The surveys were administered in various classes and to student groups and organizations at the university. I obtained permission from professors, instructors of classes and advisors and presidents of student groups to administer the survey to their students. The surveys were administered and instructions were given before participants began to complete them.

Each participant was told that by filling out the survey, they were giving their permission to use their responses for this research study. I administered and collected the surveys from all the participants. It took approximately 15 minutes for participants to complete the survey and to collect them.

Qualitative Data Collection Data for the qualitative section of this study were obtained by semi-structured focus group interviews. I conducted the three focus groups at the university being studied. Each focus group was tape-recorded and field notes were collected. A data matrix was created to identify emerging themes and patterns. Refer to Appendix N for a copy of the final data matrix display. I used a guide that utilizes basic questions, in order to obtain the same type of information from each group but also allows respondents to add their own thoughts and ideas. I concluded each focus group by asking if there was anything that participants wanted to add concerning the topic of body image. I also asked them if I could contact them in the future to clarify anything in the interview or to ask follow up questions. Each participant agreed to allow me to contact her in the future if I needed to. Each focus group lasted approximately 2 hours. Appendix M contains a copy of the informed consent used for the focus group participants.

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Data Analysis

The responses from the Young Women’s Experiences with Body Weight and

Shape Scale were entered into a database using the Statistical Analysis SPSS. The means, standard deviations, and frequency distributions were analyzed for the purpose of reporting the descriptive statistics regarding the sample. Subjects were categorized into three groups: African American, Asian American and European American. All statistics were reported based on group results.

Next, a One-Way ANOVA test was run in order to test the three groups and determine if there are differences between them. A Tukey Post Hoc was run in order to determine where the statistically significant differences are. Each factor was run with three comparisons (African American and European American, African American and

Asian American and Asian American and European American).

The qualitative focus group interviews were transcribed into text and open coded.

The focus group questions were used to establish codes for the transcribed data prior to coding. Detailed codes were used and text was coded by answers to focus group questions, general statements given by participants, general behaviors described by participants and their perspectives on body image. Coding was done in order to assign meaning to comments and to put into categories for a data matrix display. The matrix/explanatory data display was constructed to identify themes, patterns, comparisons, similarities and differences between the three ethnic groups (Asian

American, African American and European American). Refer to Appendix N for a copy of the data matrix display. The data matrix display enabled me to easily cross compare the three ethnic groups and draw conclusions based on responses from focus group

110 participants. Feminist theory, cultural studies and previous research studies were used to analyze results from focus group participants.

CHAPTER 4

Results

111

Introduction In this chapter first, the demographic characteristics of the sample used in the quantitative portion of the study (Seen in Table 1) will be described. Second, the results of the Young Women’s Experiences with Body Weight and Shape assessment will be discussed. The descriptive statistics of the three ethnic groups studied will be reported.

Then the results of a One-Way ANOVA will be examined to identify if there are statistically significant differences between the three ethnic groups (African American,

Asian American and European American). A Tukey post hoc test was conducted to identify the significant differences between the three groups and the five subscales of the assessment and these results will be discussed. Lastly, the results of the qualitative portion of the study will be reviewed. The demographic statistics of the focus groups will be discussed and the focus group interviews will be described to explore the themes and patterns reported by focus group participants.

Demographic Characteristics of Quantitative Assessment Participants All participants in this study were women between the ages of 18 and 25. All have lived in the United States since the age of 10 and currently attend the same Midwestern university. The frequency distribution for racial background of participants in the quantitative portion of this study (survey) appears in Table 1. The frequency distribution of the overall population of the university’s undergraduate enrollment appears in Table 2.

Table 1

Ethnicity Frequency Distribution of Sample

Ethnicity Frequency Percent Euro American 278 61.8

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African American 148 32.9 Asian American 24 5.3 Note: n = 450

Table 2

Ethnicity Distribution of Population

Ethnicity Frequency Percent Euro American 14,189 77.5 African American 2,536 13.9

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Asian American 557 2.9 Hispanic 175 1.0 Unknown 691 3.8 Non-Resident Alien 160 .9 American Indian 61 .3 Note n= 18,299 Includes female and male students

The population of Asian American women surveyed was significantly less than the

number of African American and European American women in the sample. However,

my participant numbers were compatible with the population of Asian American women

114 at the university being studied. As demonstrated in Tables 1 and 2, the sample is racially representative of the population being studied.

Quantitative Assessment Results Results of Five Subscales

This survey was categorized into five subscales. Appendix C shows which questions were used for each subscale. The five subscales included Weight

Dissatisfaction, Slimness as Quality of Life, Interpersonal Messages Regarding Slimness,

Rejecting Societal Value of Thinness and Valuing Exercise. Table 3 provides the mean, standard deviation and range for each subscale based on ethnic group. The African

American group scored lower on each subscale compared to the European American and

Asian American groups. Also, the European American group and the Asian American group scored relatively similar on all subscales except Subscale 3, Interpersonal

Messages Regarding Slimness. The mean for the European American group was 22.42 and the mean for the Asian American group was 26.00, indicating that the messages

Asian American women hear from others about their bodies had a greater impact on them than the messages that European American women hear. The African American group had a mean of 17.50, suggesting that this group places the least value on the messages received from others about body size and shape. The maximum score for Subscale 3 was

50.

The European American and Asian American women scored similar on Subscale

1, Weight Dissatisfaction. The maximum score for Subscale 1 was 60. The European

American mean was 42.92 and the Asian American mean was 43.45, while the mean for the African American women was 33.97. These numbers indicate that the African

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American women were statistically more satisfied with their weight than the European

American and Asian American women.

Subscale 2, Slimness as Quality of Life, drew conclusions similar to Subscale 1.

The European American and Asian American women placed a greater value on being slim. The mean for the European American women was 60.94. For the Asian American women it was 60.79 and for the African American women it was 44.87. The maximum score for Subscale 2 was 95.

Rejecting Societal Value of Thinness, Subscale 4, revealed similar responses from the European American women (M= 15.11) and the Asian American women (M= 15.41).

The mean for the African American women was 13.83. The maximum score on this scale was 20. Again, these numbers allow us to conclude that the African American women are more likely to reject the standards of beauty and thinness that society has created.

The results of Subscale 5, Valuing Exercise indicated that the European American

(M= 11.80) and the Asian American women (M= 12.20) place a greater value on exercise than the African American women (M= 9.89). The maximum score for this subscale was

20.

Table 3

Descriptives of Five Subscales

Mean Standard Deviation Range

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Subscale Euro Af As Euro Af As Euro Af As Am Am Am Am Am Am Am Am Am 1 42.92 33.97 43.45 11.25 12.25 9.86 48.00 45.00 42.00 2 60.94 44.87 60.79 16.00 15.12 11.88 76.00 60.00 40.00 3 22.42 17.50 26.00 7.43 5.80 7.12 34.00 27.00 28.00 4 15.11 13.83 15.41 2.90 4.25 2.16 15.00 44.00 8.00 5 11.80 9.89 12.2 2.58 2.83 2.18 14.00 12.00 10.00 Note. Euro Am = European American (n = 278); Af Am = African American (n = 148); As Am = Asian American (n = 24) Maximum for subscale 1 = 60; Maximum for subscale 2 = 95; Maximum for subscale 3 = 50; Maximum for subscale 4 = 20; Maximum for subscale 5 = 20 Subscale 1 = Weight Dissatisfaction Subscale 2 = Slimness as Quality of Life Subscale 3 = Interpersonal Messages Regarding Slimness Subscale 4 = Rejecting the Value of Thinness Subscale 5 = Valuing Exercise

Results of Each Survey Item

There were a total of 49 items on the survey. The results were measured based on the ethnic group with which the respondent identified. Each item was scored on a 5-point likert scale, (1=Strongly Disagree, 2=Disagree, 3=Neither Agree or Disagree, 4=Agree

117 and 5=Strongly Agree). Table 4 and Table 5 look at the responses to each item reported within the 3 groups (European American, African American and Asian American); Table

4 gives the frequency distribution and Table 5 gives the distribution based on percent of responses for each item by ethnic group. As can be seen by the numbers in Table 4 and the percentages in Table 5, the European American and Asian American women tended to have similar responses to each question, compared to the responses of the African

American women. Table 6 combines the responses from five categories into three categories. The strongly disagree and disagree responses are placed into 1one category

(Category 1), the next category (Category 2) is neither agree or disagree and Category 3 includes the responses agree and strongly agree. Breaking the responses into three categories gives a better representation of the percentage of responses for each ethnic group.

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Table 4

Frequency Distribution for Each Question

Strongly Disagree Disagree Neither Agree Strongly Agree

Question Euro Af As Euro Af As Euro Af As Euro Af As Euro Af As #1 136 100 14 64 28 3 28 8 4 43 12 3 7 0 0 #2 135 116 12 61 20 4 36 6 7 34 5 1 12 1 0 #3 94 83 6 86 35 4 52 17 8 32 10 4 14 3 2 #4 26 39 2 18 14 0 23 9 2 86 50 12 125 36 8 #5 6 10 1 16 4 0 29 19 1 116 56 13 111 59 9 #6 126 108 8 83 27 8 49 10 4 16 3 2 4 0 2 #7 19 43 1 20 19 3 35 23 6 100 34 9 104 29 5 #8 16 28 0 10 10 3 8 4 1 105 46 12 139 60 8 #9 52 62 1 69 47 6 79 23 11 58 13 6 20 3 0 #10 30 46 1 51 34 2 32 16 8 74 29 11 91 23 2 #11 29 50 1 37 27 6 52 32 6 87 24 8 73 15 3 #12 157 94 6 51 31 4 23 14 7 33 5 4 14 4 3 #13 52 62 3 58 33 3 63 26 6 61 17 9 44 10 3 #14 29 60 4 41 30 3 55 29 4 101 22 12 51 7 1 #15 42 42 2 39 30 1 64 21 10 73 39 7 60 16 4 #16 30 44 2 32 33 0 40 24 6 88 29 12 88 18 4 #17 41 55 2 43 37 0 42 22 5 91 22 9 61 12 8 #18 33 37 2 18 21 2 26 14 5 104 43 8 97 33 7 #19 30 43 5 37 24 1 52 22 4 99 41 9 60 18 5 #20 72 60 7 82 39 4 69 35 4 39 10 7 16 4 2 #21 14 33 1 24 31 2 102 58 12 107 14 5 31 12 4 #22 8 11 0 30 31 2 60 46 8 100 33 8 80 27 6 #23 45 59 2 74 49 7 74 17 4 63 16 10 22 7 1 #24 12 36 1 11 31 2 57 40 7 132 29 10 66 12 4 #25 47 76 3 57 41 4 59 19 5 82 8 12 33 4 0

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#26 28 59 3 47 27 4 113 45 11 67 12 5 23 5 1 #27 88 76 6 105 36 5 48 20 10 25 12 3 12 4 0 #28 18 24 0 45 35 6 51 32 6 95 44 8 69 13 4 #29 45 84 5 76 33 6 74 19 8 56 10 4 27 2 1 #30 40 46 3 64 33 6 93 41 11 60 19 4 21 9 0 #31 53 71 5 64 45 4 73 17 9 58 12 6 30 3 0 #32 32 63 3 40 36 2 73 28 8 88 16 10 45 5 1 #33 41 66 2 50 34 4 47 20 6 103 22 10 37 6 2 #34 8 16 0 29 19 0 46 39 9 124 47 8 71 27 7 #35 11 30 0 25 26 2 55 30 4 136 50 14 51 12 4 #36 3 9 0 11 5 0 39 23 5 117 50 10 108 60 9 #37 32 48 3 58 23 5 79 43 7 68 20 7 41 14 2 #38 36 56 0 50 27 4 79 38 10 79 21 7 34 6 3 #39 56 62 2 45 28 2 70 32 11 70 18 7 37 8 2 #40 32 45 1 37 25 2 44 32 8 101 34 8 64 12 5 #41 15 14 1 24 14 2 43 31 5 127 61 12 69 28 4 #42 30 26 1 52 25 4 91 46 12 73 31 4 32 20 3 #43 56 62 2 77 39 5 79 30 12 42 13 4 24 4 1 #44 61 69 7 79 43 7 62 21 5 50 11 3 26 4 2 #45 18 22 0 32 19 1 94 53 11 86 43 9 48 11 3 #46 84 73 3 77 34 4 51 25 6 50 14 10 16 2 1 #47 82 75 1 60 20 3 61 16 5 42 27 5 32 10 10 #48 48 66 0 43 28 4 45 19 5 105 29 12 36 6 3 #49 61 57 5 64 34 4 67 35 7 51 15 6 34 7 2 Note. Euro = European American (n = 278); Af = African American (n = 148); As = Asian American (n = 24)

Table 5

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Frequency Distribution for Each Question (Percentages of Responses)

Strongly Disagree Disagree Neither Agree Strongly Agree

Question Euro Af As Euro Af As Euro Af As Euro Af As Euro Af As #1 48.9 67.6 58.3 23.0 18.9 12.5 10.1 5.4 16.7 15.5 8.1 12.5 2.5 0 0 #2 48.6 78.4 50.0 21.9 13.5 16.7 12.9 4.1 29.2 12.2 3.4 4.2 4.3 .7 0 #3 33.8 56.1 25.0 30.9 23.6 16.7 18.7 11.5 33.3 11.5 6.8 16.7 5.0 2.0 8.3 #4 9.4 26.4 8.3 6.5 9.5 0 8.3 6.1 8.3 30.9 33.8 50.0 45.0 24.3 33.3 #5 2.2 6.8 4.2 5.8 2.7 0 10.4 12.8 4.2 41.7 37.8 54.2 39.9 39.9 37.5 #6 45.3 73.0 33.3 29.9 18.2 33.3 17.6 6.8 16.7 5.8 2.0 8.3 1.4 0 8.3 #7 6.8 29.1 4.2 7.2 12.8 12.5 12.6 15.5 25.0 36.0 23.0 37.5 37.4 19.6 20.8 #8 5.8 18.9 0 3.6 6.8 12.5 2.9 2.7 4.2 37.8 31.1 50.0 50.0 40.5 33.3 #9 18.7 41.9 4.2 24.8 31.8 25.0 28.4 15.5 45.8 20.9 8.8 25.0 7.2 2.0 0 #10 10.8 31.1 4.2 18.3 23.0 8.3 11.5 10.8 33.3 26.6 19.6 45.8 32.7 15.5 8.3 #11 10.4 33.8 4.2 13.3 18.2 25.0 18.7 21.6 25.0 31.3 16.2 33.3 26.3 10.1 12.5 #12 56.5 63.5 25.0 18.3 20.9 16.7 8.3 9.5 29.2 11.9 3.4 16.7 5.0 2.7 12.5 #13 18.7 41.9 12.5 20.9 22.3 12.5 22.7 17.6 25.0 21.9 11.5 37.5 15.8 6.8 12.5 #14 10.4 40.5 16.7 14.7 20.3 12.5 19.8 19.6 16.7 36.3 14.9 50.0 18.3 4.7 4.2 #15 15.1 28.4 8.3 14.0 20.3 4.2 23.0 14.2 41.7 26.3 26.4 29.2 21.6 10.8 16.7 #16 10.8 29.7 8.3 11.5 22.3 0 14.4 16.2 25.0 31.7 19.6 50.0 31.7 12.2 16.7 #17 14.7 37.2 8.3 15.5 25.0 0 15.1 14.9 20.8 32.7 14.9 37.5 21.9 8.1 33.3 #18 11.9 25.0 8.3 6.5 14.2 8.3 9.4 9.5 20.8 37.4 29.1 33.3 34.9 22.3 29.2 #19 10.8 29.1 20.8 13.3 16.2 4.2 18.7 14.9 16.7 35.6 27.7 37.5 21.6 12.2 20.8 #20 25.9 40.5 29.2 29.5 26.4 16.7 24.8 23.6 16.7 14.0 6.8 29.2 5.8 2.7 8.3 #21 5.0 22.3 4.2 8.6 20.9 8.3 36.7 39.2 50.0 38.5 9.5 20.8 11.2 8.1 16.7 #22 2.9 7.4 0 10.8 20.9 8.3 21.6 31.1 33.3 36.0 22.3 33.3 28.8 18.2 25.0 #23 16.2 39.9 8.3 26.6 33.1 29.2 26.6 11.5 16.7 22.7 10.8 41.7 7.9 4.7 4.2 #24 4.3 24.3 4.2 4.0 20.9 8.3 20.5 27.0 29.2 47.5 19.6 41.7 23.7 8.1 16.7 #25 16.9 51.4 12.5 20.5 27.7 16.7 21.2 12.8 20.8 29.5 5.4 50.0 11.9 2.7 0 #26 10.1 39.9 12.5 16.9 18.2 16.7 40.6 30.4 45.8 24.1 8.1 20.8 8.3 3.4 4.2 #27 31.7 51.4 25.0 37.8 24.3 20.8 17.3 13.5 41.7 9.0 8.1 12.5 4.3 2.7 0

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#28 6.5 16.2 0 16.2 23.6 25.0 18.3 21.6 25.0 34.2 29.7 33.3 24.8 8.8 16.7 #29 16.2 56.8 20.8 27.3 22.3 25.0 26.6 12.8 33.3 20.1 6.8 16.7 9.7 1.4 4.2 #30 14.4 31.1 12.5 23.0 22.3 25.0 33.5 27.7 45.8 21.6 12.8 16.7 7.6 6.1 0 #31 19.1 48.0 20.8 23.0 30.4 16.7 26.3 11.5 37.5 20.9 8.1 25.0 10.8 2.0 0 #32 11.5 42.6 12.5 14.4 24.3 8.3 26.3 18.9 33.3 31.7 10.8 41.7 16.2 3.4 4.2 #33 14.7 44.6 8.3 18.0 23.0 16.7 16.9 13.5 25.0 37.1 14.9 41.7 13.3 4.1 8.3 #34 2.9 10.8 0 10.4 12.8 0 16.5 26.4 37.5 44.6 31.8 33.3 25.5 18.2 29.2 #35 4.0 20.3 0 9.0 17.6 8.3 19.8 20.3 16.7 48.9 33.8 58.3 18.3 8.1 16.7 #36 1.1 6.1 0 4.0 3.4 0 14.0 15.5 20.8 42.1 33.8 41.7 38.8 40.5 37.5 #37 11.5 32.4 12.5 20.9 15.5 20.8 28.4 29.1 29.2 24.5 13.5 29.2 14.7 9.5 8.3 #38 12.9 37.8 0 18.0 18.2 16.7 28.4 25.7 41.7 28.4 14.2 29.2 12.2 4.1 12.5 #39 20.1 41.9 8.3 16.2 18.9 8.3 25.2 21.6 45.8 25.2 12.2 29.2 13.3 5.4 8.3 #40 11.5 30.4 4.2 13.3 16.9 8.3 15.8 21.6 33.3 36.3 23.0 33.3 23.0 8.1 20.8 #41 5.4 9.5 4.2 8.6 9.5 8.3 15.5 20.9 20.8 45.7 41.2 50.0 24.8 18.9 16.7 #42 10.8 17.6 4.2 18.7 16.9 16.7 32.7 31.1 50.0 26.3 20.9 16.7 11.5 13.5 12.5 #43 20.1 41.9 8.3 27.7 26.4 20.8 28.4 20.3 50.0 15.1 8.8 16.7 8.6 2.7 4.2 #44 21.9 46.6 29.2 28.4 29.1 29.2 22.3 14.2 20.8 18.0 7.4 12.5 9.4 2.7 8.3 #45 6.5 14.9 0 11.5 12.8 4.2 33.8 35.8 45.8 30.9 29.1 37.5 17.3 7.4 12.5 #46 30.2 49.3 12.5 27.7 23.0 16.7 18.3 16.9 25.0 18.0 9.5 41.7 5.8 1.4 4.2 #47 29.6 50.7 4.2 21.7 13.5 12.5 22.0 10.8 20.8 15.2 18.2 20.8 11.6 6.8 41.7 #48 17.3 44.6 0 15.5 18.9 16.7 16.2 12.8 20.8 37.9 19.6 50.0 13.0 4.1 12.5 #49 22.0 38.5 20.8 23.1 23.0 16.7 24.2 23.6 29.2 18.4 10.1 25.0 12.3 4.7 8.3 Note. Euro = European American (n = 278); Af = African American (n = 148); As = Asian American (n = 24)

Table 6

Distribution for Each Question (Percentage of Responses) Grouped Into Three Categories

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Category 1 Category 2 Category 3 Strongly Disagree/Disagree Neither Disagree or Agree Strongly Agree or Agree

Question Euro Am Af Am As Am Euro Am Af Am As Am Euro Am Af Am As Am #1 71.9 86.5 70.8 10.1 5.4 16.7 18.1 8.1 12.5 #2 70.5 91.9 66.7 12.9 4.1 29.2 16.5 4.1 4.2 #3 64.7 79.7 41.7 18.7 11.5 33.3 16.5 8.8 2.5 #4 15.9 35.9 8.3 8.3 6.1 8.3 75.9 58.1 83.3 #5 8.0 9.5 4.2 10.4 12.8 4.2 81.6 77.7 91.7 #6 75.2 91.2 66.6 17.6 6.8 16.7 7.2 2.0 16.6 #7 14.0 41.9 16.7 12.6 15.5 25.0 73.4 42.6 58.3 #8 9.4 25.7 12.5 2.9 2.7 4.2 87.8 71.6 83.3 #9 43.5 73.7 29.2 28.4 15.5 45.8 28.1 10.8 25.0 #10 29.1 54.1 12.5 11.5 10.8 33.3 559.3 35.1 54.1 #11 23.7 52.0 29.2 18.7 21.6 25.0 57.6 26.3 45.8 #12 74.8 84.4 41,7 8.3 9.5 29.2 16.9 6.1 29.2 #13 39.6 64.2 25.0 22.7 17.6 25.0 37.7 18.3 50.0 #14 25.0 60.8 29.2 19.8 19.6 16.7 54.6 19.6 54.2 #15 29.1 48.7 12.5 23.0 14.2 41.7 47.9 37.2 45.9 #16 22.3 52.0 8.3 14.4 16.2 25.0 63.4 31.8 66.7 #17 30.2 62.2 8.3 15.1 14.9 20.8 54.6 23.0 70.8 #18 18.4 39.2 16.6 9.4 9.5 20.8 72.3 51.4 62.5 #19 24.1 45.3 25.0 18.7 14.9 16.7 57.2 39.9 58.3 #20 55.4 66.9 45.9 24.8 23.6 16.7 19.8 9.5 37.5 #21 13.6 43.2 12.5 36.7 39.2 50.0 49.7 17.6 37.5 #22 13.7 28.3 8.3 21.6 31.1 33.3 64.8 40.5 58.3 #23 42.8 73.0 37.5 26.6 11.5 16.7 30.6 15.5 45.9 #24 8.3 45.2 12.5 20.5 27.0 29.2 71.2 27.7 58.4 #25 37.4 79.1 29.2 21.2 12.8 20.8 41.4 8.1 50.0 #26 27.0 58.1 29.2 40.6 30.4 45.8 32.4 11.5 25.0 #27 69.5 75.7 45.8 17.3 13.5 41.7 13.3 10.8 12.5

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#28 22.7 39.8 25.0 18.3 21.6 25.0 59.0 38.5 50.0 #29 43.5 79.1 45.8 26.6 12.8 33.3 29.8 8.2 20.9 #30 37.4 53.4 37.5 33.5 27.7 45.8 29.2 18.9 16.7 #31 42.1 78.4 37.5 26.3 11.5 37.5 31.7 10.1 25.0 #32 25.9 66.9 20.8 26.3 18.9 33.3 47.9 14.2 45.9 #33 32.7 67.6 25.0 16.9 13.5 25.0 50.4 19.0 50.0 #34 13.3 23.6 0.0 16.5 26.4 37.5 70.1 50.0 62.5 #35 13.0 37.9 8.3 19.8 20.3 16.7 67.2 41.9 75.0 #36 5.1 9.5 0.0 14.0 15.5 20.8 80.9 74.3 79.2 #37 32.4 47.9 33.3 28.4 29.1 29.2 39.2 23.0 37.5 #38 30.9 56.0 16.7 28.4 25.7 41.7 40.6 18.3 41.7 #39 36.6 60.8 16.6 25.2 21.6 45.8 38.5 17.6 37.5 #40 14.8 47.3 12.5 15.8 21.6 33.3 59.3 31.1 54.1 #41 14.0 19.0 12.5 15.5 20.9 20.8 70.5 60.1 66.7 #42 29.5 34.5 20.9 32.7 31.1 50.0 37.8 34.4 29.2 #43 47.8 68.3 29.1 28.4 20.3 50.0 23.7 11.5 20.9 #44 50.3 75.7 58.4 22.3 14.2 20.8 27.4 10.1 20.8 #45 18.0 27.7 4.2 33.8 35.8 45.8 48.2 36.5 50.0 #46 57.9 72.3 29.2 18.3 16.9 25.0 23.8 10.9 45.9 #47 51.3 64.2 16.7 22.0 10.8 20.8 26.8 25.0 62.5 #48 32.8 63.5 16.7 16.2 12.8 20.8 50.9 23.7 62.5 #49 45.1 61.5 37.5 24.2 23.6 29.2 30.7 14.8 33.3 Note. Euro Am = European American; Af Am= African American; As Am = Asian American

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A few items from the assessment that I would like to address are 4, 18, 21, 24, 28,

45 and 46. The responses to these questions will provide an overview of each subscale and give a general indication of participant’s responses to each subscale. I choose these items because they best represent the entire subscale. Items 4 and 18 address Overall

Weight Dissatisfaction (Subscale 1). For Item 4, I would like to be slimmer, 75.9% of

European Americans, 83.3% of Asian Americans and 58.1% of African American women responded that they either agree or strongly agree with this item. At the opposite end, 15.9% of European American, 8.3% of Asian American and 35.9% of African

American women disagreed or strongly disagreed with this item. For Item18, I would like to fit into a smaller size clothes, 72.3% of European American, 62.5% of Asian American and 51.4% of African American women responded agree or strongly agree. On the other hand, 18.4% of European American, 16.6% of Asian American and 39.2% of African

American women responded disagree or strongly disagree. The responses to Items 4 and

18 in Subscale 1 indicate that European American and Asian American participants indicated a greater dissatisfaction with their weight compared to African American participants.

Items 21 and 24 address Subscale 2, Slimness as Quality of Life. For Item 21, I feel content with my life when I am slim, 49.7% of European American, 37.5% of Asian

American and 17.6% of African American women responded agree or strongly agree. On the other end of the spectrum, 13.6% of European American, 12.5% of Asian American and 43.2% of African American women responded disagree or strongly disagree. The answers for Item 24, I look and feel my best when I am slim showed a similar pattern:

71.2% of European American, 58.4% of Asian American and 27.7% of African American women responded agree or strongly agree. On the other hand, 8.3% of European

129

American, 12.5% of Asian American and 45.2% of African American women responded disagree or strongly disagree. The responses to Items 21 and 24 in Subscale 2 indicated that the European American and Asian American women feel more content/look their best when they are slim compared to the African American women in the study.

Item 28, I try to exercise regularly, addresses Subscale 5, Valuing Exercise. Fifty- nine percent of European American, 50.0% of Asian American and 38.5% of African

American women stated they agree or strongly agree with this statement. A total of

22.7% of European American, 25.0% of Asian American and 39.8% of African American women responded disagree or strongly disagree. Therefore, European American women indicated a stronger value for exercise followed by Asian American women and the

African American women didn’t place a great value on exercise.

Item 45, I would rather live in a society where being thin is not considered so attractive, represents Subscale 4 Rejecting Societal Value of Thinness. 48.2% of

European American, 50.0% of Asian American and 36.5% of African American women responded agree or strongly agree. At the other end of the scale, 18.0% of European

American, 4.2% Asian American and 27.7% of African American women responded disagree or strongly disagree. The responses from Item 45 indicated the European

American and Asian American women reject society’s value of thinness more than the

African American women surveyed.

Item 46, I sometimes ask my friends how my size compares to other women I see in public, represents Subscale 3 (Interpersonal Messages Regarding Slimness). A total of

23.9% European American, 45.9% of Asian American and 10.9% of African American women agreed or strongly agreed with this item. A total of 57.9% European American,

29.2% Asian American and 72.3% African American women responded disagree or

130 strongly disagree. The responses to Item 46 indicated that the Asian American women value how others feel and comment about their size and shape more than the European

American and African American women. Each subscale will be further analyzed later in this chapter.

Table 7 shows the mean and standard deviation of each item based on ethnic group. This table reveals that the European American and Asian American groups consistently scored higher or similar on items compared to the African American women.

These two groups also reported similar scores for the majority of items on the survey.

Table 7

Responses to Each Statement on Survey

Mean Standard Deviation

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Question Euro Am African Am Asian Am Euro Am African Asian Am Am #1 2.00 1.54 1.83 1.20 .92 1.12 #2 2.02 1.34 1.87 1.22 .77 .99 #3 2.23 1.75 2.67 1.17 1.03 1.27 #4 3.96 3.20 4.00 1.27 1.56 1.10 #5 4.12 4.01 4.21 .95 1.11 .88 #6 1.88 1.38 2.25 .98 .70 1.26 #7 3.90 2.91 3.58 1.18 1.52 1.10 #8 4.23 3.68 4.04 1.06 1.52 .95 #9 2.73 1.97 2.92 1.19 1.05 .83 #10 3.52 2.66 3.46 1.38 1.47 .93 #11 3.50 2.51 3.25 1.29 1.36 1.11 #12 1.91 1.61 2.75 1.25 .98 1.35 #13 2.95 2.19 3.25 1.34 1.28 1.22 #14 3.45 2.23 3.13 1.74 1.25 1.22 #15 3.25 2.71 3.42 1.34 1.40 1.10 #16 3.62 2.62 3.67 1.32 1.40 1.04 #17 3.32 2.32 3.87 1.36 1.32 1.15 #18 3.77 3.09 3.67 1.31 1.52 1.23 #19 3.44 2.78 3.33 1.26 1.43 1.43 #20 3.56 3.95 3.29 1.18 1.07 1.39 #21 3.42 2.60 3.37 .97 1.17 1.01 #22 3.77 3.23 3.75 1.07 1.19 .94 #23 2.79 2.07 3.04 1.19 1.17 1.12 #24 3.82 2.66 3.58 .98 1.26 1.01 #25 2.99 1.80 3.08 1.28 1.03 1.10 #26 3.04 2.17 2.88 1.07 1.14 1.03 #27 2.17 1.86 2.42 1.10 1.09 1.01 #28 3.55 2.91 3.42 1.20 1.24 1.06 #29 2.80 1.74 2.58 1.21 1.03 1.13 #30 2.85 2.41 2.67 1.14 1.22 .91 #31 2.81 1.86 2.67 1.26 1.04 1.09 #32 3.27 2.08 2.87 1.22 1.16 1.09 #33 3.16 2.11 3.25 1.28 1.24 1.11 #34 3.79 3.34 3.92 1.02 1.22 .83 #35 3.69 2.92 3.83 1.00 1.28 .81 #36 4.14 4.25 4.17 .87 3.24 .76 #37 3.10 2.52 3.00 1.22 1.32 1.18 #38 3.09 2.28 3.37 1.21 1.22 .92 #39 2.95 2.20 3.21 1.32 1.25 1.02 #40 3.46 2.61 3.58 1.29 1.34 1.06 #41 3.76 3.51 3.67 1.08 1.18 1.00 #42 3.09 2.96 3.17 1.15 1.27 1.00 #43 2.64 2.04 2.88 1.20 1.10 .94 #44 2.64 1.91 2.42 1.26 1.07 1.28 #45 3.41 3.01 3.58 1.10 1.14 .77 #46 2.41 1.91 3.08 1.24 1.07 1.13

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#47 2.57 2.17 3.83 1.35 1.39 1.23 #48 3.14 2.20 3.58 1.31 1.30 .92 #49 2.76 2.20 2.83 1.31 1.19 1.27 Note. Scores range from 1-5 on each item (1 = Strongly Disagree, 5 = Strongly Agree)

One-Way ANOVA: Comparisons Between Groups

To analyze comparisons between the groups, a One-Way ANOVA was used. The

ANOVA indicated that there was a significant difference between all 3 groups (European

American, African American and Asian American) on all 5 factors/subscales. The alpha

level was set at .05 on all subscales and Subscale 1(Weight Dissatisfaction) had a

133 significance value of 0.000 between all groups, 30.23(2,447) p < .0001. Subscale 2

(Slimness as Quality of Life) had a significance value of 0.000 between all groups, 53.06

(2,446) p < .0001. Subscale 3 (Interpersonal Messages Regarding Slimness) had a significance value of 0.000 between all groups, 30.987 (2,446) p < .001. Subscale 4

(Rejecting Societal Value of Thinness) had a significance value of .001 between all groups, 7.48 (2,447) p=. 001. Subscale 5 (Valuing Exercise) had a significance value of

.000 between all groups, 27.03(2,447) p < .0001. As previously mentioned, all subscales show a significant difference between the 3 ethnic groups and, therefore, further analysis is needed to determine what the differences are. Table 8 shows the sum of squares, F values and significant levels between the 3 groups.

Table 8

Analysis of Variance for Between Five Subscales

Subscale Sum of Squares Df F p 1 8034.87 2 30.23 .000 Weight Dissatisfaction 2 25596.84 2 53.06 .000 Slimness As Quality of Life 3 2972.12 2 30.98 .000 Interpersonal Messages Regarding Slimness

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4 171.12 2 7.47 .001 Rejecting Societal Value of Thinness 5 380.87 2 27.03 .000 Valuing Exercise Note. Alpha (p) = .05

Tukey Post Hoc: Multiple Comparisons Between Groups

The One-Way ANOVA indicated that there was a significant difference between

all ethnic groups in this study on all five factors/subscales. However, further analysis was

needed in order to determine what the differences were. A Tukey Post Hoc analysis was

used to determine this for each factor/subscale.

subscale 1-weight dissatisfaction.

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The post hoc test revealed there was a statistically significant difference between the European American and African American groups, p < .0001. There was also a statistically significant difference between the Asian American and African American groups, p = .001. There was not a statistically significant difference between the

European American and Asian American groups, p = 0.974 (not less than .05). These findings indicate that African American women are not as concerned or affected by their weight as European American and Asian American women are. Table 9 reports the results from the Tukey Post Hoc comparisons between the ethnic groups

subscale 2- slimness as quality of life.

The post hoc test revealed there was a statistically significant difference between the European American and African American groups, p < .0001. There was also a statistically significant difference between the Asian American and African American groups, p < .0001. There was not a statistically significant difference between the

European American and Asian American groups, p = .999 (not less than .05). These findings indicate that African American women do not value slimness as much as

European American and Asian American women do.

subscale 3- interpersonal messages regarding slimness.

The post hoc test revealed there was a statistically significant difference between the European American and African American groups, p < .0001. There was also a statistically significant difference between the Asian American and African American groups, p < .0001. In addition, there was a statistically significant difference between the

European American and Asian American groups, (p = .042). These findings along with the findings shown in Table 9 indicate that the Asian American group is more affected by

136 the messages they hear from others, including family and friends, than the African

American and European American groups are.

subscale 4- rejecting societal value of thinness.

The post hoc test revealed there was a statistically significant difference between the European American and African American groups, p = .001. There was also a statistically significant difference between the African American and Asian American groups, p = .085. There was not a statistically significant difference, however, between the European American and Asian American groups, p = .906. These findings indicate that the African American group is not as affected by the images in the media as the

European American and Asian American groups are.

subscale 5- valuing exercise.

The post hoc test indicates there was a statistically significant difference between the European American and African American groups, p < .0001. There was also a statistically significant difference between the Asian American and African American groups, p < .0001. There was not a statistically significant difference between the

European American and Asian American groups, p = .760. These findings indicate that the African American groups do not value or engage in exercise as frequently as the

European American and Asian American groups do.

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Table 9

ANOVA- Tukey Post Hoc Comparisons Between Groups

Subscale Between Groups Standard Significance Error Level 1 Euro Am and African Am 1.17 .000 1 Euro Am and Asian Am 2.45 .974 1 African Am and Asian Am 2.53 .001 2 Euro Am and African Am 1.58 .000 2 Euro Am and Asian Am 3.30 .999 2 African Am and Asian Am 3.41 .000 3 Euro Am and African Am .70 .000 3 Euro Am and Asian Am 1.47 .042 3 African Am and Asian Am 1.52 .000 4 Euro Am and African Am .34 .001 4 Euro Am and Asian Am .71 .906 4 African Am and Asian Am .74 .085

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5 Euro Am and African Am .27 .000 5 Euro Am and Asian Am .56 .760 5 African Am and Asian Am .58 .000 Note: p = .05 Subscale 1 = Weight Dissatisfaction; Subscale 2 = Slimness As Quality of Life; Subscale 3 = Interpersonal Messages Regarding Slimness; Subscale 4 = Rejecting Societal Value of Thinness; Subscale 5 = Valuing Exercise

Summary of Quantitative Assessment

The results of the Tukey Post Hoc test reveal that African American women have

an overall greater level of satisfaction with their bodies than the European American

women and Asian American women in this study. The results of this survey can only be

generalized to the population participants in this study, women at a large public

Midwestern university. I am confident in these results due to the fact that the findings

indicated a significant difference between the African American group and the European

American group and the African American and Asian American groups on all subscales

Indicating a consistency between the five subscales. The only subscale where a statistically significant difference was reported between the European American and

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Asian American women was Subscale 3, interpersonal messages regarding slimness. The

Asian American women scored statistically higher than the European American and

African American women, indicating that they place a greater importance on the messages they receive from family and society.

Qualitative Focus Group Comments/Results Demographics of Focus Group Participants

Three focus group interviews were conducted. The first focus group consisted of

9 Asian American undergraduate women. Eight of the women were between the ages of

18 and 25 and, therefore, were included in the study. One woman was 32 years old and therefore could not be included in the study. Appendix O describes the Asian American women in the focus group including age, name given to each individual and descriptions of each individual along with comments from the researcher. The second focus group consisted of 9 African American women. Eight of the women were between the ages of

18 and 25 and therefore were included in the study. One woman was 26 years old and could not be included in the study. Appendix P describes the African American women in the focus group including age, name given to each individual and descriptions of each individual along with comments from the researcher. The third focus group consisted of

10 European American women. All 10 of the women were between the ages of 18 and 25 and therefore were included in the study. Appendix Q describes the European American women in the focus group including age, name given to each individual and descriptions of each individual along with comments from the researcher.

Researcher Comments on Focus Groups

All three focus groups were conducted in the same room, a conference room at the university. The room was set up the same for each group. Figure 3 shows the room set

140 up and where the participants sat for the Asian American focus group. Figure 4 shows the room set up and where the participants sat for the African American focus group. Figure

5 shows how the room was set up and where the participants sat for the European

American focus group. As indicated in Figures 3, 4, and 5, food was provided at each focus group. The Asian American focus group took place at 4 p.m., which was close to dinnertime, so sandwiches, pretzels, cookies and water were provided for this group. The

African American focus group took place at 5 p.m., which was close to dinnertime and sandwiches, pretzels, cookies and water were provided for this group. The European

American focus group took place at 3 p.m. and cookies, hummus and crackers, pretzels and vegetables were provided for this group. The African American women consumed more food than the European American and Asian American groups. This may be because of the times of the focus groups, but everyone in the African American group ate and most of the food that was present was consumed. About half of the participants in the

European American group ate something and three-quarters of participants in the Asian

American group ate something. The same amount of food was available for each group and there was significantly more food left over after the European American and Asian

American groups were completed than when the African American group concluded. The issue of food at the focus groups will be discussed in Chapter 5. I believe, and it shows in the results of the survey assessment, that European American women and Asian

American women are more concerned with their weight, overall appearance and body image than African American women.

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Figure 3. Asian American Focus Group Map

Sue Transcriber Rahl

Stella Food and Cin Drinks Shar Table

Thel

Han Mu

Kirsten/ Sahah Researcher 142

Figure 4. African American Focus Group

Gumya Transcriber

Shantay Food Kana and Drinks

Table Donna Quail

Tanya

Santal Nic Carrie Kirsten/ Researcher 143

Figure 5. European American Focus Group

Andy

Kerry Henny

Food Gil and Jane Drinks Table

Elly

Kate

Lela

Amy

Mia Kirsten/ Researcher

Door 144

Researcher Comments on Asian American Focus Group

The Asian American focus group lasted the least amount of time compared to the

African American and European American groups. The focus group lasted approximately

100 minutes and there were 42 pages of transcription. The only women in the Asian

American focus group whom I would characterize as above normal weight, but by no means extremely overweight or obese, was the woman who had to be removed from the participant pool because she was 32 years old and not in the target population age range of 18 to 25. The others were either average/normal weight or what would be considered below normal weight. I would classify 4 women as normal weight and 4 women as below normal weight. The tallest woman in this group was approximately 5 feet and 8 inches tall, which is above the average height of 5 feet and 4 inches for American women.

However, there were only 2 other women in the group that were over the average height of an American woman. Overall, most of the women in the Asian American group openly expressed their opinions, attitudes and beliefs related to body image. Participants in this

145 focus group were initially hesitant to participate but eventually everyone was offering her opinion on body image.

Researcher Comments on African American Focus Group

The African American focus group lasted the longest amount of time, approximately 115 minutes, resulting in 50 pages of transcription. The women varied in their overall size; there were 2 women who would be classified as below average weight,

4 who would be considered normal weight, 2 above normal weight and 1 fell into the range of borderline obese. All the women in the African American focus group were 5 feet 4 inches or taller, making them significantly taller than the Asian American group.

Every woman in this group openly expressed their opinions, attitudes and beliefs about body image. The discussion with the African American group was informative and highly energized from the very beginning. In fact, they did not want to leave when the group was over. Members of this focus group told me at a later date that they continued to discuss body image issues after they left the focus group.

Researcher Comments on European American Focus Group

The European American focus group lasted approximately 107 to108 minutes and had 46 pages of transcription, putting it in the middle with regard to length of the interview. The women in the European American focus group varied in weight and size.

The majority of the women were of average weight and height for an American woman; I would classify 5 European American women from the focus group in this category. I would classify 2 of the women as below normal weight for their height and 2 women above normal weight for their height, but only slightly above. This group, as the Asian

American group, started off slowly and it seemed that no one wanted to give their opinions. A few minutes into the discussion, however, the flow picked up. Not a single

146 person in this group had to be drawn into the discussion or prompted to participate; they all gave their opinions, attitudes and beliefs on body image openly. I observed that this group was more careful with what they said, they answered at a slower rate than the other

2 groups.

Qualitative Focus Group Questions and Results What is Body Image?

The question of how to define body image was addressed at the beginning of each focus group. All three groups (European American, African American and Asian

American) mentioned that physical appearance and outward looks play a role in defining body image. The European American group and Asian American group were more likely to think of body image in terms of appearance and looks. These two groups also mentioned the role that society’s standards of beauty and comparing their bodies to others play in defining body image. Lela, from the European American group, stated, “I think body image is not only how I see myself but also how I feel and feel about myself whether it is compared to other people or to what you are supposed to be.” The overall responses to this question conclude that all three groups felt that body image is somewhat defined by outward appearance. The African American women, however, did not feel that the standards set up by society influenced how they define body image.

What is the Ideal Body Image in Mainstream Society?

In addressing this question, I told all participants that mainstream society was defined by them, what they felt constituted mainstream society. All three focus groups answered this question exactly the same. There were 8 women in the African American focus group and 7 of them answered this question with the same response: thin and slender. Donna, from the African American focus group, responded, “I am going to say a

147 size 6, no more than a size 6, big breasts, fake, kind of tall but not too tall, about 5’8” maybe, kind of like a model, long legs, nice skin, no blemishes, perfect teeth.” After this response, everyone in the group was nodding their head in agreement. The European

American and Asian American groups tended to add the word skinny in their descriptions of the ideal body image in mainstream society. All 10 women in the European American focus group and all 8 women in the Asian American focus group said skinny or slender.

What is the Ideal Body Image in Your Culture?

The European American focus group’s answers to this question were the same as the answers to what is ideal in mainstream society. The Asian American focus group participants’ responses to the previous question were similar to their responses to this question. Han, a participant in the Asian American group, responded:

Well, for Koreans it is kind of the same, it is not necessarily tall but definitely slender is viewed as more acceptable I guess, and also, like, when I go to Korea, I rarely see anyone obese like you do here. And people are constantly dieting, even my relatives will make comments about me like “you have not been studying enough you have been gaining weight” and my parents say that to me too, so definitely slender.

Mu, another participant in this group stated:

My family is from Vietnam and I feel that women are very conscious about even the little details, from the big details such as you should have a small frame, slender body, light skin, blemish free, long straight hair to little things like the shape of your lips to how many slits you have in your eyes. It has become a trend in the last few decades to fix your facial features, to have skin lightened with medications and I think that how you dress is a big thing too. We should accentuate our hips; have slight hips and perky breasts and things like that.

This group also addressed the idea of skin tone. All eight women in the group agreed that a lighter skin tone was ideal and more acceptable in their culture. Light skin was equated with prestige and wealth. Cin, another participant added, “ I think the lighter image

148 comes from, back centuries ago, the people that never went outside were the people who had servants and could afford servants, so it showed prestige to be Whiter.” Stella added,

When I was in Taiwan, I did notice the paler skin thing as well; anyone who was outside was wearing full clothing or they had sleeves they would put on if they were riding their scooters around because they did not want their skin to look as if they were outside in the fields working.

The African American women had different responses when talking about the ideal body image in their culture. They repeatedly used the term thick to describe an ideal

African American woman. The women from the other two groups did not use the words

“thick” or “big boned” in their descriptions of the ideal body image in their culture. Kana stated, “I don’t want to say plump, but you have to be thick in the right places: your behind, your breasts, your hips. You have to be voluptuous and not too skinny but as long as you have it in the right places and are a size 14 or down.” No one in this group disagreed with Kana’s mention of being less than a size 14 and when asked about ideal in mainstream society, it was mentioned that a size 6 was ideal. The discrepancy here proves that African American women are more accepting of a larger size. Shantay mentions:

Ideal in my community, I do see that there are expectations toward thinness but in terms as an ideal type, I don’t see that as much in the African American community because from what I see it is increasingly more accepting of different body types. I mean, if you look, the body type of an African American woman is nothing close to a White woman. We have thicker bone structure, we have wider hips and it doesn’t even make sense for us to have unrealistic expectations to fit into this mold. Therefore, I tend to think that the African American community tends to be more accepting of different body types, because someone knows someone who is a big mamma of grandma or aunt and it is not a big thing. I am not saying there are not expectations. What I am saying is that I don’t see it as tough or as stringent upon Black women as I do upon other ethnicities and other women. I don’t see as many Black girls talking about the body image thing as much and another thing I see Black women talking about it but I don’t see as many of us actually doing it, but my White friends will say it and actually do it.

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This group also addressed the issue of skin tone. As was seen with the Asian

American group, the lighter one’s skin, the more they were accepted. Kana stated, “I think that being a Black woman, the lighter you are the better.” The African American group was the only group that mentioned characteristics beyond appearance as defining what is an ideal body image in their culture. Donna stated, “In my culture, it varies. Light skin, long hair, can dress nice and you have to have a good personality.”

What Role Does Food Play in Your Culture?

There was only one focus group that mentioned food as being a central aspect of their culture, the African American group. Kana stated, “Black people cannot get together unless there is food.” They talked about going to church on Sunday and after the service the entire church got together to eat and there was always a large amount of food available. The openness to not only talk about food but to engage in eating is a unique quality that the African American women possessed in comparison to the European

American and Asian American focus groups. As previously addressed, food was offered during each focus group and the African American women were the least timid in consuming food in front of each other, and overall, they consumed the greatest quantity of food.

What Are the Characteristics of an Attractive Woman?

The African American group was the only group not to mention appearance and looks as being part of what makes a woman attractive. Elly, from the European American focus group replied, “Pretty much what is on TV and in magazines. There is not a particular hair color or face structure but, like, someone who has the curves, the beautiful hair, it doesn’t matter if it is short or long but whatever is on the TV.” There were two

150 other women in the European American group that mentioned appearance and what is seen in the media as defining an attractive woman. This group also mentioned personality and self-confidence as qualities that constitute an attractive woman.

The Asian American women mentioned looks and appearance as components to make a woman attractive as well. Han stated, “I guess when I initially hear attractive, I think of someone who is pleasing to look at but, like, deeper than that. I think that sometimes you can be just average looking but you can still be beautiful because your personality makes you beautiful and attractive.” Everyone else in this group centered their responses on personality, confidence and how a woman carries herself. Cin mentioned, “I think it is 100% who you are, your attitude, your personality. You could be the most beautiful person in the world, but if you have a bad attitude or no attitude, no personality, that is totally unattractive to me.” Rahl added, “I think that attractiveness comes with a gleaming personality. That is, when they have a great personality it shows, they are smiling and they are happy to be who they are and it shows. You can see that and

I think that is a big part of attractiveness.” Although the European American participants did consider personality and self-confidence as qualities an attractive woman possesses, they did not mention them to the degree that the Asian American or the African

American group did.

The African American women’s responses to the question, “What would you consider an attractive woman to be?” all centered on personality, confidence and what is on the inside. There was no mention of appearance or outward beauty. The only mention of appearance came from Kana and she stated, “Somebody who is natural, somebody who has a good personality and someone who is genuine and it is more than just

151 appearance, because appearance means nothing.” Appearance was not important in the

African American women’s definition of attractive. Carnie stated:

For an attractive woman, I don’t really think of body type. I think of their personality. Someone who is together and doing something with their life and trying to motivate others, that is what I think is attractive. It comes from the inside out and this is a good person.

Shantay adds, “I think the people that I find the most attractive are those that are genuine, sincere and generous and that is attractive.” Attractiveness as defined by the African

American group encompasses a wider range of body sizes and shapes and is something that you cannot see by simply looking at a person; it is something on the inside. These qualities are also part of how the European American and Asian American describe an attractive woman, but they are only part of the definition; the other part has to do with outward appearance and beauty.

Does Thinness Equal Success?

The European American and Asian American participants addressed this question only. The majority of participants in the European American focus group agreed that a woman does need to be thin and slender in order to be successful, or it at least helps in her level of success. The one woman who disagreed with this statement was the smallest person in the group. Kate is about 5 feet tall and weighs less than 100 pounds. Everyone else in the European American group felt that being thin plays a part in the level of success a woman achieves. Jane stated,

I think it is definitely easier for an attractive woman to get their foot in the door just because, especially if there are not a lot of women that are in positions of authority and it would probably be easier for a White woman to get her foot in the door due to the power issue.

Two women in this group gave concrete examples of attractive, thin, European American women having an advantage over others. Kerry mentioned a character on a TV show:

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The first thing that popped into my head when you asked that question, is the whole Jennifer Aniston thing, that she lost so much weight to be on Friends and that was the talk for so long that she looks so much better. From that situation, it makes me think that attractive women can get in the door so much easier.

Gil provided the other example,

I saw this investigative report when I was in high school and they had sent different women, some you would consider attractive and some you would not, and I was surprised by the results. The unattractive woman would be turned away immediately when there was a job and the other would eventually get hired. I think that people either deny that has a role or they may not even realize that subconsciously you are drawn to the more attractive person.

This group also addressed the question “Do European American women have an easier time getting their foot in the door?” Again, everyone felt that this was true unless a company, school or organization was trying to meet a quota and then a European

American woman’s color worked against her. Mia addressed the process of applying to law school:

I am at a disadvantage (when applying to law school) because I am a Caucasian woman. I automatically get knocked down 20 points because of my race and I know this as a fact, it is documented. And so for me I feel that it is a disadvantage because I don’t meet the race requirement that they are trying to fill and it in not my qualifications, it is me being Caucasian.

The Asian American participants had a variety of responses to the question “Does thinness equal success?”. Han used the example of Oprah:

I don’t think so. For example, Oprah, she is very successful and very influential and people worship everything she says and they have to do whatever she says and one day she will be like I had Graeter’s ice cream (a Cincinnati, Ohio, ice cream company) and the next week, they are running out of ice cream (because everyone is buying the ice cream, because Oprah mentioned it on her show, demonstrating the power and influence she has). She is not the typical mainstream thin, slender, and tall, she is very voluptuous and I know that she struggled with her weight in the past. But I think she is a good role model because she is very successful and confident with how she looks”.

Sahar disagreed with Han:

I have seen successful women at the top. I have never seen a successful South Asian woman who doesn’t look picture perfect at the top. The few South Asian

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women who I do see at the top may not have the best features, but their body weight is or they fit this kind of like Anglo Saxon or European build of what an Asian woman should look like. But there are very few Asian women that I see at the top that look completely Asian, like they have to give something into White society.

I feel that I can conclude from these responses that it is not only easier for an attractive and thin woman to achieve success compared to a larger woman, but also an European

American woman compared to a Women of Color.

What is Your General Level of Body Satisfaction?

Each group was asked to rate and address their personal overall level of body satisfaction. All three groups had a variety of responses, but the European American and

Asian American groups had a greater level of dissatisfaction with their bodies overall.

No one in the European American group stated that they were satisfied with their body. The majority response from this group was “O.K.” and “it varies”. Kerry stated, “I guess my body is O.K., nothing great or anything.” Amy, who is a dance major, addressed that fact that her level of body satisfaction varies from day-to-day:

I guess it depends; if I am having a skinny day or a fat day. There are skinny mirrors and fat mirrors and there is a difference. If I am having a skinny day than I am O.K. with my body. I particularly don’t like it, but if I am having a fat day don’t even come near me; it is not even funny. You know which mirrors are the skinny mirrors and which ones are the fat mirrors; it doesn’t take long to learn. There is one room (in the dance studio) where there are pretty much all fat mirrors and this is on Monday and Tuesday, so they are not fun days. But on Wednesday, I was in the room with the skinniest mirrors and I would always be in the mirror that makes you look the skinniest and that was always the best day for me; it is kind of sad.

Others in the European American group agreed with Amy that their level of body satisfaction can change from day to day. A major determinant of body satisfaction for this group was trying on clothes. Everyone in the group agreed that going shopping for clothes had a tendency to increase the level of body dissatisfaction. Gil stated, “I actually will go to the store and I will base decisions on what size the tag says and if it is a bigger

154 size than I thought I was then I would not buy it.” The size of clothes seems to have a big impact on this group’s mood and overall happiness with their bodies. Andy commented on clothing size: “You are going to get super happy it you go to the store first where you are a size 9 and then go to the store where you are a size 4, but if you do it the other way around, it is going to ruin your day.” Everyone in the European American group agreed that the size of clothes and clothes shopping plays a big role in not only their level of body satisfaction, but their overall mood and happiness. Although everyone in the group was addressing the fact that they wanted to fit into smaller sizes and buy the clothes that had the lowest number on the tag, Kate talked about not being able to buy clothes in women’s stores because they are all too big.

I feel weird because when I go shopping with my friends, they are like “let’s go into this store” and, for instance, Lerner New York, I know I cannot buy pants at their store and I really can’t even buy shirts at their store because their sizes are too big and I am like “O.K.”. We go in there and I sit there and do nothing and wish that I could buy those. It kind of makes me dissatisfied with my body, but I can shop at a wide range of stores.

The Asian American group, even more than the European American group stated that they were dissatisfied with their bodies. Mu stated that she has felt dissatisfied with her appearance growing up and it still continues to some extent today.

There are still moments when I fluctuate in and out, depending on who I am with and the environment that I am in. Especially when I went to Vietnam, I had a lot of self-confidence issues because even before I introduced myself or shook hands with the person, the first thing they noticed about me was my skin color or how blemished my face was or that I was larger than the girls who were as short as me.

Only one participant in this group stated that she was satisfied with her body and that was

Cin.

My size is fine as long as I am fit. I just don’t like to look at myself and feel like it is all fat. So when I weigh myself now, like I weighed myself today, and it was, like, I gained five pounds and I was, like, oh well, no big deal whatever, maybe I ate something yesterday and it made me hold onto that weight. But it is not that big of a deal.

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One woman in this group, Thel, mentioned that she was dissatisfied growing up because she was not European American.

Growing up I always thought that I was unattractive because I grew up in Covington, Kentucky and it was, I guess, just Caucasian and African American people and I was basically the only Asian kid in school with my brothers and sisters. I just thought that since I could not get a date in school that I was unattractive, that no one wanted to date an Asian girl.

The African American group had the complete opposite position in their responses. There was only one person in this group that stated she was dissatisfied with her body, Kana. It is interesting to note, that Kana was the largest woman in this group and could be classified as obese. Everyone else in the African American group stated that they were satisfied with their bodies. Some women stated that their level of satisfaction has changed over the years and they are at a much happier point now. Tanya is an example of this: “I am happy. I used to not be happy but I am glad that I am happy now. I used to want to be smaller; I used to want to be lighter, but I am happy with myself now.

I am willing to accept myself and I would say about an 8 or 9 (on a scale from 1 to 10).

Is There Anything that You Would Like to Change About Your Body?

This question was a follow up to the question pertaining to the level of body satisfaction. There was not one woman in all three groups who said there was nothing that she wanted to change. Everyone had a response to this question. A common response from all groups was to lose weight and become slimmer. Some groups mentioned this at a greater rate than others. As would be expected from previous questions, the European

American women mentioned wanting to lose weight more often than the women in the other two groups. Everyone in this group except for one person wanted to become

156 smaller or slimmer. Kate, the smallest one in the group, was the one person that did not want to be smaller, and, in fact, her response was to change how others think.

I wouldn’t really want to change anything about myself. I would rather change the way other people think because people are like “I hate you because you are so small and I look like this.” I really don’t know; I work out and I do all this stuff and I go to the gym and I get dirty looks. I really do, people are like “I hate you!”

Kate was the only European American woman in the study that did not want to change her appearance and outward looks. Everyone else responded that there was something that they wanted to change and it was always to be smaller. Elly stated,

I would want to just be more slim, and when I do notice that is when I am trying on clothes and I get agitated and especially when you are trying on clothes that are the size that are not fitting you anymore. Just to slim down and be more healthy.

Lela agrees with Elly and adds, “Of course I would love to lose 20 pounds but I think besides that, there is not one part of my body that I would want to change.”

There were also many women in the Asian American group that replied they also would want to lose weight or slim down. Rahl stated,

I guess I will be the first to admit that I would like to be trimmer and more so from the stomach to thigh level. Not top, not bottom, just right in the middle. But in regards to change, there are two parts that I would like to change: height and weight. It is, like, a huge combination.

Stella agreed with Rahl: “I just wish that like Rahl said the mid area, to change.” Unlike the European American group, the Asian American women went beyond their weight and mentioned other features that they would like to change if it were possible. The Asian

American women mentioned facial features and complexion.

This has nothing to do with weight and I don’t know if it is media driven and it doesn’t bother me as much as it used to. I would look in magazines, like Seventeen Magazine and they would tell you how to do your makeup and it would always make me upset because it would talk about the recess of your eye and I could never do those cool little eye tricks. What do you do when you don’t have that little eye fold thing? But it’s more like in me, you want the recess in your eye.

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There were three women in this group that stated they wanted to be bigger. Sahah, who was the smallest woman in this group, stated that she wanted to be taller because it would be easier to find clothes that fit. The second woman, Thel, who reported that she wanted to be bigger, wanted bigger breasts and for the same reason that Sahah wanted to be bigger, so it would be easier to buy clothes.

I wouldn’t want to change anything; I just wish that I had a little bit more boobs, with the clothes thing. It is hard to find bathing suits with no boobs. That is the only thing with my body type; I can’t wear certain clothes…That is probably the only thing that I would want to change, just to fit into clothing.

The third woman in the Asian American group that stated she wanted to be bigger was also very tiny and thin. Shar mentioned, “I am happy too, I just wish that I was bigger everywhere, like taller, bigger breasts, bigger butt.”

The majority of African American women wanted to change something about their size and shape in order to wear certain clothes or to fit into clothes they already have. Their motivation for changing was centered on fashion. Donna set the tone for everyone else to answer this question by stating that she is happy with what she has but still wants to change her stomach. “I think that I am very happy, well, my slogan is ‘rich, thick and chocolate.’ I think that is me but that stomach needs to be a bit toned.” Carnie and Shantay also mentioned that they would like to lose weight or reduce the size of their chest in order to fit into clothes. Shantay said,

I know a lot of us would probably like to have a larger chest, but I would not mind going down one cup size just because my main problem is not that it doesn’t button here (points to around the waist) but that is doesn’t button here (points to chest) and that makes me feel that now I am gaining weight because now I have to buy bigger clothes.

Carnie adds to what Shantay said: “I would love to lose about 15 pounds because I would be so happy because I would be able to fit into loose clothes (clothes in her closet) and it would be like heaven.” The African American women did not spend as much time talking

158 and listing parts of their body or their overall shape as things that they would want to change. All of their responses to this question went back to the fact that they wanted to wear certain clothes; it was not to be slimmer or trim and toned.

Do You Exercise? And Why?

The responses to this question varied widely between groups but not within groups. Out of the 10 women in the European American group, 7 women said yes and 3 said no, but the 3 that did say no all stated that they wanted to exercise. On the opposite side, out of 8 women in the African American group, 2 said that they currently exercise.

The Asian American group resembled the European American group in their response: out of 8 women, 5 said they did exercise and 3 said they did not. Like the European

American group, those that did not exercise at all either wanted to or did exercise in the past. Amy, the dancer in the European American group, offered a unique perspective to why she exercises.

I do exercise; on average I dance up to six hours a day and this quarter I go to the gym four days a week for an hour and sometimes more. And then I do Pilates two or three times a week. I do this because I want to get a job when I leave.

This may seem like the extreme, but other women in the European American group commented that they workout, maybe not the amount of hours that Amy does, but definitely more than women in the African American and Asian American groups. Henny stated:

I work out five or six times a week depending on the time that I have and usually for an hour and a half or two hours and I do it because, like, this morning I got up and went to the Rec. Center and worked out for two hours and I felt like when I got home and took a shower and put my jeans on, that I felt skinnier. I know that I did not lose a pound at the gym but it makes me feel better about myself and it helps me feel better about myself when I am exercising.

Kerry, another woman in the European American group gave a similar response to

Henny:

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I run about five or six days a week and I run in the morning and trust me I am a much happier person afterwards. And I think that it helps me mood wise and like Henny said, when I run in the morning and then get dressed, I am like yeah, today is a good day. But if I didn’t run I feel guilty that I didn’t run and my mood is so much better in the morning when I go run.

Although there were only 3 women in the European American group that stated they worked out almost every day of the week, which is not the majority, none of the women in the African American and Asian American groups stated this. The women in the

European American group that did not currently exercise all stated that they wanted to begin because it would make them feel better. Lela said, “And looking back, when I was working out were the times that I was most happy with myself and had more energy.”

The only other reason that the women in the European American group gave to why they exercised was to relieve stress. Mia commented, “I work out because it relieves my stress. I think it is so relaxing, I go in there and am so tense but then it is so relaxing.”

The Asian American women gave similar responses as the European American women; however, only one woman in this group admitted to exercising at an extreme level. Han admitted,

For me, it is kind of like, kind of obsessive about exercising. I don’t know if it has to do with my past habits or not, but if I don’t go to the gym I feel gross, I feel lazy, I feel unhealthy so I have to go everyday and also some days I don’t feel like going to the gym but I go anyway and when I get there, it’s like I am cool and I can exercise for an hour or two hours and just on the treadmill or bike. I also think that is good thinking time for me and it relieves a lot of stress.

Although only 1 person in the European American group mentioned exercising because it relieved stress and gave her time to think, Han along with a few others in the Asian

American group, gave this reason. Thel stated,

I exercise every other day. It just basically keeps me going, it energizes me and I have so much more energy and I feel good about myself. I just am 100% a lot better than when I didn’t exercise. It really is a time for myself and I really do think that it relieves my stress. I would get up at 8 in the morning and get on the

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treadmill or do something and I would feel so much better, it is like a catharsis and I feel so much better.

As with the European American women, the Asian American women who reported that they did not currently exercise all wanted to begin. Rahl stated,

I don’t exercise, but I wish that I did. This past year I worked with a lot of runners on planning a running event and they really got me wanting to do it, not so much for the fitness but more for the self-time. Everyone is like this is such a cleansing experience and I am all about that, so I wish that I did.

The majority of the women in the African American group did not currently exercise. As previously mentioned, only two did. Carnie was one of the two women who was exercising,

I exercise about three hours a week because when you are walking up those steps and you will be walking up there and saying that I need an inhaler. I am just really tired and so I decided that I wanted to exercise so I can breath better. Plus before I came to school I was bigger than I am now and during my freshman year I lost about 30 pounds and I bought all of these really cute clothes and now I can’t wear them at all and I love to buy clothes.

Santal was the other African American woman who reported that she currently exercises, and her comments were:

I exercise because it is for a class. This is the only way that I knew I would go. If I want the A, I have to go to class. I did it not because I wanted to lose weight and I don’t want to gain weight; I just want to maintain. That is why I am doing it right now, is to maintain. But I am also doing it because everyone in my family had high blood pressure and before I got here I had a physical and my blood pressure was high. I thought that I am too young for that and I don’t want to start out like this.

Donna who does not currently exercise had this to say:

I don’t exercise unless I am putting food in my mouth but I want to, but I am not disciplined enough. I want to exercise because I used to be very athletic. Well, to me outside from being thick, I just want to. I love my thighs and I thank God for them; I just want to lose my stomach because I want to wear the cute shirts. Where I can just throw on a cute half shirt and some hip huggers and some nice boots and just go away, but I am not going to put on a half shirt with this gut saying feed me. I just can’t do that, so I would want to be healthy. You know to get my heart going and not be lazy because I feel myself dragging.

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Other Asian American women gave similar answers. Kana stated,

About five days a week I climb the stairs and when I get to the top I say to myself, I need to exercise. Just to increase my lung capacity, so I can be more active and healthier and get the blood going and feel better about myself. I don’t even have to lose weight, even if I were the same size but if I were more active and had more energy.

All the Asian American women who do not currently exercise and would like to begin, which was all six, gave the reason that they would like to be healthier and increase their energy; it was not to lose weight.

Do You Feel the Media Influences Your Body Image?

Similar to the responses received from the question about current exercise status, the majority of European American and Asian American women reported that the images in the media greatly influenced how they felt about their bodies. On the other hand, the majority of African American women did not feel the media had an influence on how they felt about their bodies and, in fact, only one African American woman stated she felt the images in the media played a role in how she felt about her body.

Santal, one of the smallest woman in the African American group admitted that the images in the media influenced her.

I am not going to lie; the media does have a big impact on the way that I feel and I know part of this is probably because I am young and I am just now finding myself and all that. But I look on TV and who is sexy? The thin woman, not Monique (a current African American women on TV, who is a larger size). Monique is funny and not sexy, she will never be the sexy heroin in the movies because she is big. They (the larger people) will always be the funny fat kids.

The majority of African American women stated that they were not influenced by the media, mainly because of the lack of representation of African American women in the media. The women they do see in the media are predominately European American and too skinny. Nic commented, “When I see models, they aren’t real and they wear padded

162 bras or the under wire with the butts in them and I don’t want my back to look like my front. I don’t want to look like that.” They realize that they can never look like that, nor do they have a desire to look like the women in the media. Kana reveals,

I like Oprah’s figure. I like what size she is but when I see other models they have to smoke cigarettes and drink coffee to get that figure. That is their diet. That is not possible for me that is not a reality. There is no way that I am going to have that diet and also White women don’t really influence me because a lot of times they are too thin. Like I said Oprah; I like that and I wouldn’t mind; she looks right.

The women in this group agreed that most celebrities are too thin and go to extreme means in order to look the way they do. Shanay recalled a recent issue of People

Magazine.

I remember when People did a story about large, skinny and curvaceous women. But if you look at most celebrities, regardless of race, before they really got big, they were all larger that what they are now. They were all larger and lost weight; I am not trying to be Jennifer Aniston, but she lost weight to get that role on Friends. She ate the same salad for 10 years; the same thing for 10 years.

Talking about women in the media and the fact that the majority are European American, led to the topic of how influenced participants were by European American women.

Every woman in the African American group stated that European American women did not influence them. Donna commented, “No, because they are not real and the clothes that they make, their butts are flat and we cannot put our butts in there, so not as far as white women go.” Shantay added,

White women do not influence me because like some others before have said, I realize that I am not their ideal body and I am always going to have big thighs. And if I do exercise, I may lose my stomach and tone up in terms of being skinny; I will never be Jennifer Aniston. But Jennifer Aniston is not really Jennifer Aniston; she went and lost her mind. She dropped two sizes, who wants to go from a size 8 to a 4; I just don’t understand. When I see your bones and all that, it is gross.

The Asian American women’s conversation also led to a discussion on whether or not European American women did influence them. A few Asian American women did

163 feel that European American women influenced how they felt about their bodies, and they either compared themselves to European American women or engaged in behaviors or took steps to try and look like European American women. Stella stated, “I am influenced by the White female ideal. Like seeing my friends (White) and their figures and comparing myself to them but I still realize that I have a different background and I am who I am.” As previously mentioned, Thel felt dissatisfied growing up because she was not European American and did not fit in with others. Unlike the African American group, only one person in the Asian American group stated that the images in the media did not influence how she felt about her body image. Mu, an average size woman was the one.

I would just say that I try to disconnect from whenever I pick up a magazine. It’s not “oh I want to look like that or I want to have that” or “I want to have that hair.” They look pretty and their clothes are nice but I really disconnect myself not to incorporate their image into what I ought to be.

This response was in the minority. Many stated that fashion was a big influence on them.

Thel commented,

I know that I am influenced by fashion; I know that I have not shown it in the past few years, but I do look for the current trends. So I am only up on media to increase my knowledge about society, to be in marketing and sales you have to give what they want and that is what the media is.

Others in the Asian American group stated that Asian and Indian media influences how they feel about their body image. It is not the stereotypical European American women seen on a daily basis in mainstream society but women who they can culturally identify with who influence them. Sahah stated, “I am really influenced by Asian fashion and style, I read Indian magazines; I get subscriptions and watch movies. I have a satellite. I am very influenced by what is going on there and I try to incorporate that into my own style.”

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Two women out of 10 in the European American group felt that the media did not influence them. Kate, the smallest one in the group, was not affected and Mia also felt the media did not influence her. “I am not really affected by what I see. Yeah they may be skinnier or something, but I know that is not me and I am not going to look like that in any way.” On the other hand, the majority of European American women felt they were influenced by the images they see in the media. Jane commented,

Yeah, I think they affect how I feel. MTV Spring Break (a show with college students at the beach on spring break) with all those half-naked women congregated, and I just figure that everyone in the world is hot except for me. That is how I feel. Or TV shows where people have great lives and jobs and they all look hot, so you figure that you can’t get that unless you look like them.

The 8 women in this group that do feel influenced by the media said, “Yes, I am definitely influenced by the media.” By far, the European American women compared to the African American and Asian American women felt an influence from the images they see in the media.

What Influence Does Your Family Have on Your Body Image?

The Asian American and European American women were more likely to say that their families influenced how they felt about their body image and it was mainly in a negative way. The African American women, tended to be influenced by family in a more positive way.

Carnie, a woman in the African American group, felt that her family was very accepting of a variety of shapes and sizes.

I think in my family it is so different because we have different shades, different sizes. Half my mother’s side of the family is light skinned and the other half is brown skinned. Everyone is different and different sizes, my little sister is probably a size 18 and you know we have different people in the family and we are all like “you are you” and “let’s go with it.” We don’t really look at it.

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There were only 2 women in the African American group that felt family members influenced them in a negative manner. Kana, a bigger woman, described the comments she got from her grandparents and how these made her feel.

My grandmother would say, “if you keep eating you are going to look like this” and she points to a big sloppy woman walking down the street with a cane. My other grandmother would say “you don’t need to eat that” and they would watch my food like a hawk and I would get more “you need to lose weight” and “you don’t need to eat that.” It made me feel bad about myself. It made me feel inadequate and a lot of times like going and crying. Growing up it was always like “you are too fat” and the more I heard it, the more negative I felt about myself and the more I realized that I must be ugly and I must be undesirable and I would feel really bad about myself.

Nic was the other woman in this group that received negative comments from family members. Her sister, who was smaller than Nic would tell her that she was gaining weight and getting fat. No other woman in this group experienced negative comments from their family members and no one in the group felt that their parents made them feel bad about their size and shape.

The Asian American women tended to feel that their mothers had a significant impact on how they felt about their body size and shape. Han, an average size woman, stated, “My whole family thinks that I am fat, so it has been hard for me.” Stella expanded on the fact that her mother had a tremendous influence on her.

My mom used to tell my sister and I when I was in high school and she was in college that we were both too big to fit into her wedding dress because she was 107 pounds when she got married. So that kind of shot me down a little bit.

Sahah also commented that her mother had an influence on how she felt about her body.

Yeah, my mom, I think she was an influence because she told me that I was really fat compared to my sister, and me and my sister have never broken 100 pounds and it hurts me when she says stuff like that or it has such an impact on me. If someone else were to say that to me I would be like whatever, but it’s your mom and she is comparing you to your sister.

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One woman in this group felt that her mother had a positive impact on the way she felt about her body, “I have to say that I am very lucky and my parents are not concerned about body image. My mom is more concerned about being healthy. When I come home she loves to feed me and she is concerned about being healthy.”

The majority of the women in the European American group felt that they were influenced by their parent’s comments and actions. Jane stated,

My parents, they have always wanted to lose weight and they were always dieting and doing those things and it made me conscious of the fact that maybe skinny is better. And my mom had made fun of me sometimes when I go home because I have bigger boobs than her.

Henny also commented that the actions of her parents have made her feel bad about her body,

My parents and my sister are at the gym every day and they work out every day and eat really healthy. My parents are not like “you need to go workout”. They don’t tell me that. But on the other hand, I feel like I need to go to the gym every day because of their actions.

Family members comments tended to play a bigger role in the lives of the

European American group that the other two groups. Kerry talked about the fact that although she knows her family is joking, it does not take away from the negative feelings she gets from their comments.

If I say anything, my brother will be like “hey fatty what is going on?” He will be completely joking and I acknowledge that I bring it on myself but I have not seen them in two months and the first thing they say to me is, “what have you been doing?” They are kidding but sometimes they don’t mean it in a negative way but sometimes I take it in a negative way.

Any comments the European American women received regarding their bodies, whether they were jokes or not, it still affected them negatively. Overall, this group placed a great importance on the comments they received from others about their bodies. Two women in this group felt that they did not receive any negative comments or influences from their

167 family. Kate, the smallest one of the group, always heard positive comments and Mia, an average size and athletic woman and only child never felt competition or bad, and, in fact, Mia felt that her mother motivated her to be healthy.

My mom lost 56 pounds this past year; it was not that she was not happy with herself but for health reasons. I think that more than anything else they motivate me, my mom goes out and walks about three miles a day. So for me, if she can do that then I can go out and do this or that.

Sisters were also mentioned in this group and not in the African American or

Asian American groups as being influential on body image. Henny has a younger sister and feels jealousy towards her sister. “My sister is an athlete and there is definitely competition there. When I was in high school, we could wear the same pants and now that I am here I am jealous, so there is definitely competition.” Lela also felt some animosity toward her sister. “My sister has consistently been a size or two smaller than me my entire life and that was always my biggest complex in life, having a sister who was smaller than me.” Jane, on the other hand, commented on the fact that her sister actually made her feel better about herself.

My sister is younger and she is a little bit taller and she is about a size bigger, and when we were growing up I would feel bad about it, but I always kind of took comfort in the fact that she was bigger than me and that is bad and I feel awful and there was a lot of pressure to be small and there was one person in my family that was bigger than me so I would be like it is O.K.

What Influence Do Your Friends Have on Your Body Image?

Members of all three ethnic groups agreed that their friends did have an influence on how they felt about their bodies. Stella, a woman in the African American group, stated that her friends put pressure on each other.

It is my friends that really matter to me. We put pressure on each other and it is, like, I value my friends’ opinions very much and my friends are what is, like, mainstream. My friends know what the trends are, so when they tell me something about myself, I take it into consideration and do something about it.

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Shantay mentioned that some of her friends do not make comments directed at her, but their general statements make her think twice.

The only thing that bothers me about my friends is that they will make comments about themselves, and since I tend to be larger than them, I wonder that if they are making comments about themselves, what are they thinking about me? I don’t know what their intent is but it always lingers in the back of my head.

Donna compared the comments and actions of her African American and European

American friends. “We (African Americans) might say it, but in reality we are not going to the bathroom and start puking up what we ate that day. We don’t take it that far. White women say, ‘I have to lose weight’ and that is where bulimia and anorexia come into play.” Many women nodded their heads in agreement with Donna’s statement that

African American women are less likely to take extreme measures in order to lose weight and change their size and shape.

A few women in the European American group felt that their friends’ actions rather than anything the friends said had an impact on their body image. Andy stated,

All my friends are supportive and there has never been anything that they said to me. But my roommate last year and I remember wanting to borrow clothes from her; they did not look the same on me as they did on her and that brought it to my attention, but it was never anything that was said to me (it was her actions).

Many others in this group felt that their friends were actually a positive influence on them. Amy said, “Most of my close friends, they don’t say anything, they don’t bother me and they actually make me feel good and they say not to believe what others say and they can’t believe rumors.” Henny touched on the fact that the people she considers her friends, in essence, look like her.

My friends are all supportive. I guess I hang out with people who look like me. I don’t tend to hang out with people who are a lot skinnier than me or bigger than me and I don’t know if I do it consciously. But I hang around with people who look like me and I don’t know if that is because it makes me feel better about myself.

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Women in the Asian American group had similar responses as those in the

European American group. The only woman in all three groups that admitted to having friends with eating disorders was Cin and she commented on how this made her feel.

My three best friends were all anorexic last year and it was really tough for me. Yes, I totally felt I was so fat because they would always be like “I am so fat” and I was perceiving them as very thin and beautiful and I am looking at myself and saying they probably think that I am the biggest heifer and it made me very self- conscious of what I wanted to eat and so I went on a diet. Which I did not need to and should not have.

This shows how actions and not just words of friends have an impact on how a woman feels about her body and the behaviors she is willing to engage in to attain the ideal body.

The majority of women in this group felt that they had friends who were healthy and positive influences on them.

Did Growing Up in an African American Community Have Protective Factors?

The African American group was the only group to address this question: Did the community that you grew up in have an influence on your body image? Donna felt that she could speak adequately on this subject because she went to a predominately African

American school and her sister went to a predominately European American school and she did notice a difference.

My school was a fashion show, it was all about what you had on and what you were wearing and if you could get those Jordan’s when they came out. But my sister went to an all White school and by her being small, she was like their god because she was the smaller type. They believed in throwing up after meals, they believed in running and being on the track team and drinking nothing but water because it purifies you. So if you ask me, I think it does play a big part. We were used to being thick and we were all the same but it is hard when you are different and you think you need to be like someone else.

The idea that dress and fashion mattered more than size and shape seemed apparent from the African American women’s comments. Kana stated,

It was more or less what your family could afford and how you dressed. If you were big and you dressed nice, then people accepted you more. If you looked

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good and you had your hair done and things like that, then you were accepted more. They judged you more on how you dressed.

Shoes, hair and nails were all important in the African American community. Nic went to a predominately African American school and she said, “Every girl had Express jeans and you had to look good in them, your shoes and hair. They would get their hair done and we were all the same. Your shoes have to be a newer brand and match your outfit and your hair has to be done”. Santal and Gumya talked about the differences between

African American and European American women and body image.

I can say for us body image was a huge deal, the emphasis was not on weight that much; it was on if I have to get my nails done or my hair done. Even when I was in elementary school and we wore uniforms, it was still the same. It was about whose shirt was whiter or whose pants were more creased or whose belt matched their shoes. But now in college it is a shock when I see White people and their emphasis is on weight.

Gumya, on the other hand, grew up going to a predominately European American school.

I found myself being amazed at White girls and how much they would give up to be skinny. How deep in their families it was. One of my best friends is smaller than I am and her mom tells her she is fat and they only have low-fat food in their house and I just can’t understand. It didn’t make me want to be skinnier, I just didn’t understand how distorted body image was and how celebrated it was to be like that.

The responses that I got from this question indicated that African American women are not only more accepting of a variety of shapes and sizes, but weight, body shape and size are not the main determinants in their level of body satisfaction.

What Would You Recommend For A Culturally Sensitive Body Image Program?

The final question in each focus group was; “What would you from, an ethnic/cultural perspective, want to see put into a prevention/intervention program for college women on body image?” All three groups agreed that they need to hear the perspectives of women from other ethnic backgrounds. Many believed they could learn

171 from each other. In fact, one African American woman felt she could teach or help others.

I think it needs to be mixed groups so all groups can hear about each other. I think that if White women were in here now and they heard exactly what we were going through, I think they would be surprised and that we might actually be encouraging to them because they may think that they don’t have to be like this. It’s true that studies say white women go through body image issues a whole lot more than we do.

An idea that was first brought up in the African American group was to have the groups separated by ethnicity first and then bring them together to share individual and group experiences. Shantay said,

I think this set up (separate at first) would be really effective, if you do that separate thing then you are forcing people to speak and you need to speak and make sure that everyone has to speak and then prompt them for answers.

Jane, a woman in the European American group, agreed with this set up. “I think that would be beneficial to hear the view of women from different cultures and see what they struggle with that is different and what is the same.”

The Asian American women were all very passionate about including information about Asian American and African American norms. For instance, most height and weight charts are catered toward the European American build, which is different. They also felt that information about cultural and ethnic diets would be good to address.

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CHAPTER 5 Discussion

Introduction

The primary purpose of this study was to identify the factors that contribute to the development of body image in European American, African American and Asian

American college- age women. In addition to exploring themes, patterns and differences that exist between these three ethnic groups related to body image, weight dissatisfaction, the influence of family and friends, the influences from the media and societal standards and their existing exercise patterns will be addressed in this chapter. The results of this study will contribute to the health education field by providing information on college- age women from a variety of ethnic backgrounds. The information will enable health educators and other professionals dealing with women and body image to have a greater understanding of body image in not only the European American population but African

American and Asian American. This information will enable future development or adaptation of existing body image prevention/intervention programs. In this chapter, the results that were reported in Chapter 4 on the quantitative survey and the qualitative focus groups will be discussed and related to two theories on body image: feminism and

173 cultural studies. In addition, the literature that was reviewed in Chapter 2 will be looked at in relation to the results found in this study. Triangulating the two sources of data with previous research results and feminism and cultural studies theories enables me to draw more valid and dependable results for the population studied.

Finally, I will address implications for women from various ethnic backgrounds and implications for future research in body image among women from different ethnic backgrounds.

Weight Dissatisfaction

The results of the Weight Dissatisfaction Subscale (Subscale 1) on the survey indicated that the European American and Asian American women had similar scores for this subscale. Table 3 provides the mean scores for the subscales and Table 9 provides the results of the Tukey Post Hoc tests, indicating the statistically significant differences between the European American and African American women and the Asian American and African American women on Subscale 1. These results support the hypothesis that there would not be a statistically significant difference between the European American and Asian American women on the weight dissatisfaction subscale, but that there would be a statistically significant difference between the European American and African

American women and the Asian American and African American women. These findings indicate that the African American women surveyed felt more satisfied with their weight.

The women in the focus groups were asked to rate and discuss their overall body satisfaction. The European American and Asian American expressed a greater level of body and weight dissatisfaction in relation to the African American women. These results support the results found in the Weight Dissatisfaction Subscale of the survey. No one woman in the European American group stated that she was satisfied with her body

174 shape/weight. In fact, the smallest person in this group, who would be classified as underweight, reported that she was not happy with her size and shape. This group indicated that their level of satisfaction fluctuated on a daily basis, but it was never above

“O.K.”. The women in the Asian American group expressed an even greater dissatisfaction with their bodies and weight. This corresponds with the fact that the Asian

American women did score slightly higher on the weight dissatisfaction subscale compared to the European American women (43.45 to 42.92). A few women in the Asian

American group addressed the fact that it was not only their weight that contributed to their dissatisfaction; but their skin color and eye shape played a role in their dissatisfaction as well.

Although the African American women were satisfied with their body weight, they mentioned they would like to change their size and shape. At first, this response surprised me, but when they stated their reasons, it made sense. The African American women, unlike the European American and Asian American women who wanted to lose weight in order to be smaller and slimmer, wanted to change their shape in order to fit into certain clothes. Fashion was a big influence on the African American women, more so than the other two ethnic groups. The African American women wanted to be able to wear certain clothes because they stated that in their culture fashion and, being put together, was very important. Also, the African American women mentioned health as another reason for wanting to lose weight. They were not concerned with being a certain size; they were concerned with their overall health and well-being. They wanted to be able to live a healthy life and have energy and stamina. In addition, the African American women as well as the Asian American women mentioned that their skin color brought a sense of dissatisfaction.

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However, the majority of the European American and Asian American women wanted to be slimmer and more toned. They were more concerned than the African

American women of fitting into a certain size. These groups even mentioned specific body parts they wished were smaller, including stomach, arms, thighs and overall weight.

As stated in Chapter 2, the majority of research on body image and women from different ethnicities concludes that African American women have a greater satisfaction with body weight, shape and size. There were numerous studies, such as one in 1997 by

Neff et al. and one in 1998 by Abood and Mason, that found European American women to be significantly more dissatisfied with their bodies; they wanted to be thinner compared to African American women. Another significant study done in 2001 looked at

35 studies on body image in college-age women and found that European American women in Western countries had a greater body dissatisfaction compared to non-White college-age women.

There has been research conducted on African American and European American women concerning weight satisfaction and current BMI. This previous research

(mentioned in Chapter 2) found that women with higher BMIs reported a greater sense of body dissatisfaction. In this study, I would classify the African American women as the largest group in terms of BMI and body weight, next the European American women and the Asian American women the smallest/weighing the least. Therefore, based on previous research findings, one would conclude that the European American and Asian American women would have reported a greater body satisfaction, if BMIs were the only factor involved. However, this was not the case in this study. I believe that ethnicity had a greater influence on weight dissatisfaction than BMI/body weight when comparing women from different ethnic backgrounds. My personal observation with European

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American and African American women at the university being studied is the African

American women show a greater level of body satisfaction. On a general level, the larger

African American women at this university tend to have a more positive body image than smaller women from other ethnic groups. I believe that culture/ethnic pride and upbringing overrides the theory that women with a greater BMI are less satisfied with their body image. I have seen this theory hold true within ethnic groups but not between.

Consequently, I would agree that when you look at women from various ethnic groups and study their body image, cultural values will be a factor. This idea can be seen in the women in the focus groups. The largest woman in the African American group was the only one who stated she was dissatisfied with her body. However, every woman, regardless of size, in the European American and Asian American groups were dissatisfied at some level. Although the smallest women in the European American group

(Kate) stated she was slightly dissatisfied because she was too mall and this caused her to have difficulty in buying clothes, she still indicated some level of dissatisfaction with her body. I do agree this may cause her some degree of dissatisfaction, however, I don’t think that being bigger would increase her body image satisfaction. Personally and professionally I can not name one European American college-age woman who would, regardless of what she may say, be more satisfied if she were a bigger size or had a larger shape. Not to discredit Kate’s thoughts and ideas, but they are not a majority view of

European American women.

Although research that looks at Asian American women and body image is lacking, the studies that do exist report that Asian American girls’ body dissatisfaction is increasing and they are just as concerned about their weight and shape as European

American women (Office of Women’s Health, 2001). In fact, a study done in 1998 by

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Sanders and Heiss concluded that Asian American women reported some form of greater dissatisfaction with their bodies than any other ethnic group, including European

Americans (Sanders and Hess, 1998).

The results of this study seem to concur with the majority of previous research on

African American, Asian American and European American women and body image.

There are some studies mentioned in Chapter 2 that indicate African American women experience similar levels of body dissatisfaction to European American and Asian

American women; however, these studies are few in number. In addition, the studies that drew these conclusions did not look at body image and cultural/societal factors such as media, family and friends’ influence and society’s standards of beauty. Therefore, it would be realistic if similar levels of satisfaction were found between these three groups were seen in some studies. The literature and findings from this study, however, indicate that African American women have a greater satisfaction with their weight and body and

European American and Asian American women have similar levels of body dissatisfaction.

This study does support my original hypothesis however, after conducting the focus groups, I have come to the conclusion that European American, African American and Asian American women do have some degree of similar thoughts, ideas and feelings on body image. I have recently been witnessing more Women of Color expressing weight, size and shape dissatisfaction but the reasons/factors are different than what

European American and Asian American express. My observations support the findings in the African American focus group, that fashion and having the right look play a major role in African American women being dissatisfied with their body image, while size and

178 weight cause the majority of dissatisfaction for European American and Asian American women.

Slimness As Quality of Life

The results of the Slimness of Quality of Life subscale on the survey indicated that the European American and Asian American women had similar scores and both scored higher than the African American women. Table 3 provides the subscale means for the 3 groups. The Tukey Post Hoc test produced similar results as the Weight

Dissatisfaction subscale. Table 9 provides the results of the Tukey Post Hoc test. These findings support the hypothesis that there would not be a difference between the Asian

American and European American women, but there would be a difference between the

Asian American and African American women and the African American and European

American women. These results indicate that the African American women surveyed do not value slimness to the same degree that the European and Asian American women do.

In order to assess how women from these three ethnic groups define body image and its relation to being thin and slender, women in the focus groups were asked to define mainstream society’s version of the ideal body image and their ethnic groups definition of the ideal body image. In addition, they discussed the idea of having to be slim in order to be attractive and successful. All three groups defined the ideal body image in mainstream society exactly the same: thin and slender. The only difference was that the

European American and Asian American women tended to use the word, skinny, at a greater rate than the African American women. These similar responses led me to conclude that all three groups defined mainstream culture’s ideal as the strict beauty standard that has been created for European American women in America.

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It is important to address the creation of the ideal beauty standards in mainstream society. The ideal beauty standards, from a feminist perspective, were created in order to oppress women and to allow men to remain powerful and influential in society. As discussed in Chapter 2, the beauty myth, created by men, but supported financially and physically by women, is used as a tool to control women and keep them in their place. An ideology has been created in mainstream American society that serves the interest of the male power structure. This ideology consists of making women dissatisfied with their body weight, size and shape in order to occupy their time and interests. The beauty myth is only one factor that allows men to remain on top of the power structure and gives them control and authority and allows them to continue to oppress women. In addition to continuing the existence of an unrealistic beauty standard for women to spend time, money and energy on trying to achieve, the beauty standard which consists of being slim and trim is associated with having control, a sense of power and a strong will. Women strive to reach this mythical ideal in order to experience a certain level of success and power or be successful with men. Women know that in order to achieve power, wealth and status they need to attract men who are powerful and wealthy. They believe that buying into the beauty myth will not only attract these men, but allow them to gain power, wealth and status. However, the number of women who have reached the same levels of success as men is unproportional and will remain this way as long as these unrealistic and unhealthy standards of beauty ideals exist in society.

There are other ways to gain power, wealth and status that do not involve spending great amounts of time, energy and money on changing your outward appearance and size. However, American society has created a norm that dictates women need to look a certain way in order to have power and be considered successful. Hard

180 work, education and knowledge will only get women so far until the beauty myth/norm is changed or eliminated in American culture. In order for this to be accomplished men and women need to stop buying into the beauty myth and change society’s values and norms.

Although, I strongly feel that body image intervention/prevention programming can assist women in increasing their body image satisfaction, the societal beauty standards/norms for women need to be challenged and ultimately changed. This will require time and energy but I feel can be accomplished. Starting with creating/adapting body image intervention/prevention programs that address women from all ethnic backgrounds. These programs need to educate them on how the beauty myth was created and is sustained.

The question of what is ideal in their culture/ethnic group elicited a wider range of answers, mainly from the African American women. The women in the European

American group answered this question exactly the same, as what they consider ideal in mainstream society: tall, thin, skinny and slender. The Asian American women answered in a similar manner to how they answered the question pertaining to what they felt was ideal in mainstream society. They all stated that tiny and slender are ideal in the Asian culture. This group went beyond weight and body shape and size when addressing what is ideal in their culture. Many participants mentioned light skin, long straight hair, slits/creases in their eyes (Asian Americans do not have creases in their eyelids, like

African American and European Americans do) and a blemish free face. Light skin, a blemish free face and slits in their eyelids were all equated to prestige, wealth and femininity.

An interesting pattern emerged with the Asian American women’s responses; they were not only similar to the European American participants, but these responses lead to

181 the assumption that the women are using unhealthy and unnatural means to achieve a body image/ideal image similar to that of European American woman. Asian American women are increasingly engaging in eyelid surgery in order to create creases in their eyes that are not naturally present. In addition they are using medication and other surgical procedures in order to lighten their skin and fit into the ideal beauty standards that have been set for European American women. Kawamura reported in a 2002 study that Asian

American women are increasingly trying to conform; “Increased exposure to Western cultures has been implicated in the attitudinal shifts regarding both body size and facial features. Though younger Asian American women are aware of traditional Asian ideals that promote weight gain, they seem to be more likely to subscribe to Western ideals of thinness” (p. 246). The responses from this group indicate a trend toward assimilating into European American culture. The ideas of skin lightening and eye surgery all lead to the assumption that the European American standards of beauty are filtering into the

Asian American culture. Traditional Asian American culture stresses conforming, fitting into society and pleasing those around you I believe that Asian American women, especially college age are engaging in unhealthy behaviors at the same rate as or greater than European American women in order to conform and fit into mainstream society.

The African American women had very different responses to what is considered ideal in their culture. The term, thick, was often used to describe an ideal body image in the African American culture. The European American and Asian American women undoubtedly would shun the use of this word. Many in the group stated that one could not be too thin; whereas, I got the impression from the other two groups that one could not be thin enough. One participant in this group stated that in comparison to European

American women, African American women do not talk about body image, exercise and

182 nutrition to the same degree and with such negativity. Overall, the African American women in this study were much more accepting of a variety of body shapes and sizes.

These facts show that African American women not only accept a widen range of body sizes but they also feel fashion and personality play a key role in defining an ideal body image in their culture. This does not mean that European American and Asian American women do not feel these facets play a role in their culture, but they did not feel the necessity to address them in the focus groups. I believe that body shape and size are more important to European American and Asian American women and consequently their group discussions centered on these two issues.

Just as the Asian American women went beyond body shape and size in addressing what is ideal in their culture, the African American mentioned skin tone. They were in agreement with the comments from the Asian American women: the lighter the skin tone, the more prestigious and beautiful one is considered. The fact that skin tone was addressed in the African American and Asian American groups leads me to believe it’s an important issue for Women of Color. This is nothing new and the belief that lighter skin tone (as close to European American as possible) is considered more beautiful is reinforced in American society on a daily basis. This was addressed in

Chapter 2; research findings indicated that African American with lighter skin, straighter hair and the right features were considered more attractive. In addition, media images and stereotypical comments are other examples of how the myth that lighter is better influence Women of Color into wanting to acquire these features. Personality, a trait that cannot be assessed by simply looking at someone, was brought up numerous times in the

African American group in describing what was an ideal body image in their culture. The way a women carries herself was also mentioned a number of times. It is interesting to

183 note that this group (African American) was the only one to mention traits and characteristics that go beyond outward appearance. This supports that fact that the

African American women did not place as great a value on slimness as the European

American and Asian American women. This was also evident in the fact that the women in the African American focus group were much larger than the women in the European and Asian American groups, overall they still reported a greater satisfaction with body weight and they placed less value on being slim and trim.

When asked to describe the characteristics of an attractive and successful woman, the African American group did not center their responses on appearance and looks. The

European American and Asian American women did address appearance and outward beauty, on the other hand but they also mentioned personality, self-confidence and attitude as attributes that lead to being considered an attractive woman. These findings support the results of the survey that African American women place less of a value on slimness and thinness as being essential to the quality of their life.

When looking at the level of success a woman achieves, the European American women felt that in order to be successful, it definitely helped to be considered thin and attractive. In addition, the Asian American women agreed with this statement. The only example that the European American and Asian American women came up with to constitute a successful woman who is not thin was Oprah Winfrey. Although, she does not conform to the body weight and shape standards that exist in mainstream culture,

Oprah has spent thousands of dollars trying to conform, making this specific example given by the focus group participants contradictory.

The theory of feminism was addressed in the focus groups related to the question of, does a woman have to be attractive in order to be successful. One European American

184 participant stated that is was easier for a European American woman to get her foot in the door due to the power and privilege they are given in mainstream society. The ideas of power and privilege are at the root of feminism. Feminism traditionally deals with the power and authority that men have over women; however, when race and ethnicity come into play, as in this study, this theory can be used. As previously stated, the “powerful,

White male” created the standard of beauty and attractiveness that exists for women today in mainstream society. Now this standard, which is nearly impossible for a

European American woman to achieve, is being placed on women from different ethnic backgrounds. Patricia Hill Collins stated,

The light skinned Black woman with straight hair who most closely resembles the blond ideal has traditionally been deemed the most attractive by Whites and by Western Black men and women. Black women while appearing different must resemble White women to be beautiful, good hair is considered straight and bad hair is considered nappy, kinky African American hair (1990, p. 73).

Asian American women also face the pressures to conform to this beauty ideal.

Asian American women have long been equated with being quiet, timid and performing a supporting role. This perceived behavior allows European American women to gain a power edge and be more successful. The fact that simply having white skin and straight hair puts a woman in a position of power leads one to agree with the comments and beliefs of the focus group participants that European American women do have an advantage and are more likely to be classified as successful and attractive in mainstream society. Many Women of Color take the stance that in order to become successful and/or attractive, they need to conform to the mainstream ideal. However, the results of this study show that African American women exhibit protective factors that are still preventing them from reporting the degree of body dissatisfaction that the European

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American and Asian American women do. Cultural and family values are just two protective factors the African American women mentioned in the study.

The research does support the responses from the African American women in this study. In 1996, Sharlene Hesse-Biber stated,

The excessive pursuit of thinness has been rare among People of Color in the United States and in Non-Western developing societies such as Asia, Africa and South Africa and in fact these societies view obesity quite positively. They view being overweight as positive and associate it with health and wealth (Hesse-Biber, 1996, p.108).

I would however, argue with Hesse-Biber’s inclusion of Asian American women in this statement. It is apparent from the results of other studies, along with this one, that Asian

American women are just as dissatisfied with their bodies as European American women are and also are engaging in behaviors in order to fit into the ideal beauty standards of mainstream society. A study by Haudek, Rorty, and Henker (1999) concluded that Asian

American women have exhibited increased body dissatisfaction and a drive for thinness due to the pressure they feel to conform to Western beauty ideals. As previously mentioned, Asian American cultural values emphasize conforming. Consequently, Asian

American women feel the pressure to adopt the European American beauty standards and engage in risky and unhealthy behaviors in order to achieve this standard.

Interpersonal Messages About Body Image

The results of the Interpersonal Messages subscale did not support the entire hypothesis for this subscale. The means for this subscale, as seen in Table 3 are consistent with the results of the first two subscales. It was hypothesized that the Asian

American and European American women would not have a statistically significance difference on this subscale, but they did (p = .042). In addition, there was a statistically significant difference between the European American and African American groups (p <

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.0001) and between the Asian American and African American groups (p < .0001). The impact of the interpersonal messages that women receive from society, family and friends was the only measure/subscale that indicated a statistically significant difference between the Asian American and European American groups. These results did not surprise me. I felt the Asian American and European American women would place similar importance on the messages they receive from society. My experiences led me to believe this, however when I take into account the fact that Asian American culture places a great deal of emphasis on pleasing others and conforming to the norm, I can understand the results of this study.

It is believed that the Asian American culture places a strong emphasis on the need for social approval. In 2002, Kawamura wrote, “McKay and colleagues studied the effect of Asian values on the need for social approval on eating disturbances in Japanese college students and they found the need for social approval predicted eating disturbances” (Kawamura, 2002, p. 244). This factor may contribute to the Asian

American women’s survey results indicating the high value they place on interpersonal messages they receive regarding their body image.

In all the focus groups that were conducted for this study, food was present for participants. The Asian American women and European American women did not consume as much food as the women in the African American group. It is interesting to note that the focus groups contained women from the same ethnic group and the same age range (18 to 25 years old). I feel these factors played a role in the amount of food the

Asian American and European American women consumed. The results of the survey indicated that these two groups were more influenced by their family and friends’ comments and perceptions. This in turn, may have led them to be conscious of how much

187 food they were eating in front of peers from the same ethnic group. As reported above, the need for social approval is important in the Asian culture. This need consequently caused the women in the focus group to monitor the amount of food consumed during this study in order to gain social approval from peers.

Although I feel that the amount of food consumed in the focus groups needs to be addressed, there may be various reasons/issues to why the European American and Asian

American women consumed less food. For instance, the African American women may have come from class and been hungry. The African American focus group was at the latest time (5pm) and lasted for 2 hours, therefore they were not done until 7pm.

Consequently, this could have been their dinner, Whereas the other focus groups were both completed before 6pm and participants may have planned dinner for after the groups. In addition, the women in the African American focus group may normally eat more than the European American and Asian American participants. Also, group members may have been following the crowd and if a few ate the rest would follow.

There may be cultural reasons associated with consuming food. As was pointed out in

Chapter 4, the African American women were the only group to address food during the focus groups, which can mean they see food as part of their culture, a bonding experience that they share in. In addition, the African American women commented on the fact that every social gathering had food present and not just a light snack, but a hearty meal.

There are many reasons to why the African American women consumed more food but when you take into account the survey results that indicated the European American and

Asian American women were more influenced by other’s messages and thoughts, you can not rule out this may have played a role in these 2 groups not wanting to eat in front of their peers.

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When focus group participants were asked about the influence their families had on their body image, the European American and Asian American women were more likely to report that they were influenced and in a negative way. The majority of African

American women, however, reported that their families were a positive influence on how they felt about their bodies. Many of the African American women commented that their families were very accepting of a variety of body shapes and sizes and did not place a significant amount of importance on being a certain size. I agree with these findings and with the research that shows African American women are more accepting and place less pressure on themselves to conform to the strict and unrealistic European American body ideal.

In contrast, the Asian American women reported a significant impact from their family’s comments, in particular their mothers. The comments they received from their mothers, such as ‘you are fat’ and ‘I was thinner than you at your age’, impacted the level of body satisfaction of these participants and, in fact, decreased the level of body satisfaction. These comments can be traced back to previous research that states Asian

American culture places a strong emphasis on needing social approval and fitting in.

Many of the Asian American women in the focus group expressed a desire to conform to the beauty standards that are present in mainstream society. This supports the findings from both the survey and focus groups that the Asian American women place a strong emphasis and value on the interpersonal messages they receive regarding their bodies.

Research is present that supports these findings as well. A 1999 study by Smolak and Levine found a link between girls expressing poor body images and their mothers’ comments about their daughter’s weight and mother’s concern over their own weight.

Kearney-Cooke agrees with these findings:

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Parent’s words and actions lead a child to internalize a beauty standard and what they should look like. The more a parent is critical about their child’s body, the stronger the internalization becomes and the more negative their body image becomes (Kearney-Cooke, 2002, p. 100).

Parental influence, especially the mother does impact girls and young women in numerous ways. If a young girl grows up in a household where the mother or father are always on a diet or commenting about their weight, the likelihood that the girl will adapt the same behaviors is high. This seems to occur more often in Asian American and

European American households compared to African American. Consequently, I feel that the familial environment children are exposed to growing up will impact how they feel about their bodies throughout their lifetime. Literature and the data from this study provide evidence that the African American women grew up in more accepting households where weight and size were not constant issues and this provided them not only with positive role models but with the ability to be more satisfied with their bodies.

Feminist theory also can be used to address the issues of Asian American women’s desire to conform to the beauty standards and the great importance they place on beauty. The closer women get to being in positions of power, the more importance is placed on the way she looks. In recent years, Asian American women have begun to reach positions of power and, consequently, are engaging in behaviors and spending time and energy on adapting their appearance to conform to the beauty standards present in mainstream society. The strong cultural desire to succeed that is seen in the Asian

American culture increases Asian American women’s need and desire to conform to this unrealistic beauty standard. The more they assimilate and conform to the standards set up by those in power, the more successful they believe they will become. A feminist viewpoint is that slenderness is associated with possessing a strong will, power and control. Therefore, if a woman can make herself fit the slim and thin ideal, she will have

190 a greater chance of achieving power, control and success. However, the beauty standards that are present in mainstream society are so unrealistic and unhealthy that they enable men and, in some instances European American women to remain in positions of power and control while suppressing all other women, especially Women of Color.

The women in the European American focus group also stated that their mothers’ comments and actions were a strong influence. One woman pointed out that observing her mother’s dieting patterns and desire to lose weight caused her to develop the belief that skinny is better. This supports a previous study by Pike and Rodin in 1991 that found a mother’s dieting and weight concerns were associated with their daughter’s concerns on the same issues (Pike & Rodin, 1991). The European American women, who did not feel any pressure from their families, were the smallest one in the group and the most athletic.

I feel these circumstances would make a difference in the comments that family would provide. If a young woman did fit the weight/shape ideal, she would be more likely to receive positive comments about her body shape and size.

The European American group was the only group to indicate pressure from siblings. There was a strong sense of comparison and competition from those whom had sisters. Some indicated a desire to be the same size as their sisters or brothers or to be able to fit into a siblings clothes. This indicates that social comparison plays a big role amongst the European American women. Previous research indicates that comparing one’s physical appearance to others contributes to body dissatisfaction. A 1991 study indicated that women who reported higher scores on comparing physical characteristics with those of others were strongly associated with body image dissatisfaction and eating disturbances (Thompson, Heinberg, & Tantliff, 1991). In addition, another study found that as well as sociocultural norms stressing the importance of thinness and

191 attractiveness, social comparisons in evaluating physical appearance were found to contribute to body dissatisfaction (Stromer & Thompson, 1996). These findings support the fact that the European American women reported a higher value on the messages received from society than the African American group.

This study also looked at the influence friends have on body image. Overall, a stronger negative influence was reported to come from family than friends. The majority of women in all three ethnic groups felt that many of their friends had a positive influence on their body image. One interesting fact came up in the European American group; the women tended to surround themselves with friends who looked like themselves and engaged in the same activities. This resulted in a positive influence rather than a negative one. It’s human nature that women would want to have friends with the same interests and body shape/size as them. Who your friends are and their size and shape do have an impact on how you feel. I have witnessed many European American and Asian American women comparing themselves to their thin friends and feeling depressed because they don’t wear the same size or have the same shape as them. However, I see African

American women praising the shape and size of their African American friends. The

African American women reported the least negative influence from friends, and everyone in the group was in agreement that African American women, compared to

European American women, were much less likely to engage in behavior in order to lose weight or change their size because their friends provide them with positive feedback on body size and weight. Another influence that was mentioned in relation to friends was the comments that friends make about themselves. A few women in the African American and Asian American groups mentioned this. The negative comments their friends (who were smaller than the participants) made about themselves caused the participants to

192 wonder how their friends actually felt about them. Overall, however, friends did not seem to have a negative impact on the women in this study. As previously stated, I believe that women chose their friends based on similar interests and outwards appearance, especially

European American and Asian American women.

There are not many existing studies that show the influence friends have on a woman’s body image. However, a 1999 study concluded that the amount of time friends spent talking about body dissatisfaction and dieting was a significant predictor of body image concern, dietary restraint and weight loss behaviors. This is an interesting finding because the African American women compared their European American friends and

African American friends and stated that the European American friends they had not only talked more about being thin and losing weight, but were more likely to engage in specific behaviors in order to lose weight. One African American woman who attended a predominately European American school commented on how astonished she was at the

European American girls and how much they would give up in order to be skinny and how much thinness was valued in their family. Another African American woman who attended a predominately African American school had a sister who attended a predominately European American school. She felt that she was protected from the behaviors and practices that the European American women engaged in to lose weight and fit into the ideal beauty standard in society. These comments from the focus groups support the survey findings that African American women are not as influenced by societal factors and interpersonal messages as European American and Asian American women. Listening to conversations of European American and Asian American women, you are likely to hear a comment about weight, food or exercise. These topics cannot be avoided in their daily conversations. The more these topics are talked about, the more

193 impact they will have on women. The community one grows up in has been shown to be a protective factor in developing a positive body image. Many studies have concluded that African American communities are more accepting of a wider range of body weights and shapes. Greenberg and Laporte reported that African American women have less pressure to be thin from peers and significant others within the Black community (1996).

This was also shown in the results of this study.

Rejecting the Societal Value of Thinness

The results of the Rejecting Societal Value of Thinness subscale indicated almost exact mean scores for the European American and Asian American groups. Consistent with the previous three subscales, the African American women had a lower mean score than the European American and Asian American women. It can be concluded from these results that the African American women are more likely to reject the standards of beauty and thinness that are present in mainstream society and rampant in the media. The results of the Tukey Post Hoc test indicated a statistically significant difference between the

European American and African American women and a statistically significant difference between the Asian American and African American women. There was not a statistically significant difference between the Asian American and European American groups. The hypothesis for this subscale was that there would not be a statistically significant difference between any of the three groups on this subscale. Taking previous studies on the media and my personal observations into account, I believed that all three ethnic groups would similarly reject the value that society places on appearance and beauty. However, all three groups did, on average, agree or strongly agree with the statements in this subscale, indicating an overall rejection for the value society places on thinness. An example of this rejection can be seen in the groups’ mean responses to

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Statement 45, “I would rather live in a society where being thin is not considered so attractive.” Fifty percent of Asian American women, 48.2% of European American women and 36.5% of African American responded agree or strongly agree. The responses to this one statement indicate that, overall, all women who participated in the survey, regardless of race, tended to agree they would like to live in a society that does not place such a strong emphasis on beauty and outward appearance. As can be seen, the

African American women had the lowest percentage of agreement on this statement; this result indicates that African American women do not feel as pressured or influenced by the societal standards of beauty. African American women feel they can’t fit this standard and the pressures are therefore diminished.

This inference was supported with the other responses received from the focus group participants. Overall, when asked about the amount of influence they felt the media

(TV, magazines, newspaper advertisements, movies, commercials) had on how they felt about their bodies, only one African American woman stated that she felt pressure and influence from the media. The majority of participants in the European American and

Asian American groups reported that the images present in the media influenced how they felt about their bodies.

The one woman in the African American group who admitted to being influenced by the media was one of the smallest women in the group. Many other women in the

African American group felt very strongly about the lack of representation of African

American women in the media. This was the overwhelming reason they did not feel pressure or influence from the images in the media; they do not see themselves in the media. They, unlike the European American and Asian American women, have come to the realization that they will never be able to look like the women on TV and in the

195 movies, nor do they have a desire to look like these women. They have a strong sense of reality and know that in order to have the body size and shape of the women seen in the media, one must go to drastic and unhealthy measures. One woman stated, “When I see models, they have to smoke cigarettes and drink coffee to get that figure. That is not possible for me and that is not reality.” The African American women’s strong sense of reality may play a role in their rejection of the beauty myth and their desire to be an individual and from their own identity.

The women in the African American group also addressed the influence that

European American women had on them. Due to the fact that the majority of women in the media are European American, the African American participants did not feel influenced by European American women in the media and in everyday life. They realized that there was no naturally possible way for them to have the shape of a

European American woman, and they did not understand the behaviors that European

American women engage in, in order to have this unrealistic and unhealthy ideal beauty image.

A few of the Asian American participants felt that European American women did influence how they felt about their bodies. Many of these women grew up in predominately European American communities and, consequently, were influenced from a young age by the pressures of the European American beauty ideal. In addition, many of their close friends were European American and they admitted to partaking in the act of comparing themselves to their European American friends. More Asian

American women have close friends who are European American and this can play a role in the fact that they feel more pressure from the media and European American women, than the African American women in the study indicated.

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When addressing the amount of influence the media has on the Asian American women, there was only one participant that did not feel influenced by the media. All of the others did feel some amount of influence. However, many women in the Asian

American group commented on the existence of Asian and Indian media and its influence on them. The women have access to TV shows and movies featuring Asian and Indian women and can relate to these women. Therefore, a lot of the influence, the media, has comes from images of women from the same ethnic background. Through the use of satellite TV and relatives in other countries whom provide them with other forms of culturally sensitive media, these women are able to identify with a culturally constructed image of beauty for women. However, this image is still unrealistic and virtually unattainable for the average woman. Therefore, the Asian American women may not be highly influenced by European American women in the media, but the images of Asian and Indian women that they relate to are just as strict in definition.

The responses from the Asian American women indicated that they do feel there are images in the media that relate to them and this increases the amount of influence and pressure they feel. These images may not be abundant in America, but they have the capability to go elsewhere for alternative media images of women. The African American women do not have this same sense of representation in the media from alternative sources. A study done in 1995 showed that only 10% of appearance time on television shows and commercials included People of Color (Wilson & Gutierrez, 1995). The people in front of the cameras are not the only ones who are mainly European American; those behind the scenes and in charge are European American as well. A 1999 study featured on www.iwmf.com indicated that 5.36% of reporters are African American and

2.29% are Asian American. In addition, only 19% of all TV employees are African

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American. This under-representation of People of Color, in particular African American and Asian American women, informs us as to why we do not see images of these ethnic groups on mainstream TV, in magazines or in the movies. The lack of Women of Color in the media is not new and I feel has played a role in the stereotypes that have been created for Women of Color, such as always being portrayed in a lesser role or catering to other’s needs. This has influenced Women of Color to spend money in order to look more like a European American woman.

There were two women in the European American group who did not feel the media influenced the way they felt about their bodies. Again, these were the two women who stated they did not feel any influence from their families, the smallest one and the most athletic one. These two individuals (Kate and Mia) did not feel the need to change their weight or shape, were not influenced by the media and didn’t receive negative comments from their families. Their current size/shape may be one reason for this (either smaller or muscular). But I also think it was the environment they grew up in and the familial influence that impacted their lack of media influence and their higher level of body satisfaction than the other European American women in the focus group. The other eight women in the European American group expressed the opinion that they were strongly influenced by the images of women in the media. Unlike the African American and Asian American women, as an ethnicity the European American women are highly represented in the media and are faced with images that they can relate to daily.

Consequently, the media reinforces this image of ideal beauty on a constant basis.

Cultural studies theory looks in depth at the images present in the media and the overall lack of variety in the body shapes and sizes of the women portrayed. The ideology that is set up in the media is definitely that of the dominant group in society, European

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American. The media is a teaching tool; it teaches people how to look, how to act and what behaviors to engage in. Consequently, the power the media has over women is no secret. It teaches women how to be liked, how to succeed and how to achieve power by buying into the unrealistic image of beauty consistently portrayed in all forms of media.

Feminist theory and Cultural Studies theories address the media and its influence on women.

The media creates what feminist Naomi Wolf calls “the beauty myth.” This is an unrealistic and unhealthy image the media sets up in order to keep women in an oppressive and secondary position in society. The images of women in the media are those of housewives, secretaries and more often than not women in supporting roles

(supporting men or Women of Color supporting European American women). The media teaches gender roles in addition to ethnic roles. These roles also are perpetuated by the media and advertising industry. Consequently, the European American women who do identify with the images of European American women in the media are given tips and tricks on how to achieve the beauty myth set up in the media. Asian American women are taught the same things by Asian and Indian media in addition to mainstream American media. Although African American women are subject to the same images in the media, they experience a certain disconnect due to the lack of representation of African

American women in the media.

The media has such a strong influence over women that women use it to determine how they should look and how they should act and behave. By perpetuating the beauty myth, the media teaches women to spend hours and vast amounts of money on products to improve their beauty and appearance. This in turn, gives women a false sense of power and success. Advertisements in particular target women and instruct them on

199 what products to buy and how to spend their money in order to adhere to the beauty myth.

I do believe the media plays a strong role in women’s dissatisfaction with their bodies and by changing how women feel. However, women do play a role in this and cannot be omitted from the blame. Women are the worst critics of themselves and buy into the media messages that they need certain products, hairstyles and clothes in order to be successful. Again, as I previously stated women need to take a portion of the blame for the perpetuation of this unrealistic beauty myth. In order to increase body satisfaction, women need to realize the manipulation the media is undertaking. This can be addressed in body image intervention/prevention programs.

The Value of Exercise

The last subscale of the survey assessed the value that women place on exercise.

As with all the other subscales, the African American women had the lowest mean score on this subscale. Refer to Table 3 for the subscale means and to Table 9 for the Tukey

Post Hoc test results. These results indicate that the African American women place the least value on exercise and the European American and Asian American women place a similar value on exercise. These findings support the hypothesis for this subscale.

The results of the survey are supported by the responses received from the participants in the focus groups. The majority of European American women stated that they do currently exercise and when asked about their exercise patterns, they were much more frequent exercisers than the other two ethnic groups. There were three women in this group that reported exercising almost every day of the week. A few women in the

European American group admitted to exercising in order to mentally feel thinner if not look thinner. The European American women were much more likely to exercise in order

200 to lose weight or mentally make themselves feel like they were thinner. Women in this group did give other reasons to exercise, including stress relief, to feel better and to have more energy. However, they were much more likely to exercise in order to enhance their outward appearance. In addition, all the European American women who reported that they did not currently exercise did express a desire to start exercising.

College-age women have grown up in a fitness-crazed ear. They exercise and participate in sports at greater rates then generations before them and this may impact their frequency of exercise. They have also grown up in an ear where beauty and outward appearance are highly valued. Exercise is a way to control weight, shape and size and

European American women have bought into this concept at greater rates than any other ethnic group.

Similar responses were given by the women in the Asian American group on their frequency and reasons for exercising. There was one woman in this group that admitted to exercising almost every day of the week. The majority of other women in this group responded that they currently exercise and, like the European American women, those who were not currently exercising expressed a desire to start. Unlike the European

American women, none of the Asian American women mentioned exercising in order to lose weight or to feel slimmer. In fact they all stated they exercise in order to relieve stress, to feel better and to have time to think. Therefore, the Asian American women reported exercising at the same frequency as the European American women, but they did not mention outward appearance in their reasons for why they exercised.

The majority of women in the African American group reported that they did not currently exercise. There were two women in this group that admitted to exercising. One did it as part of a class to get credit. The other woman exercised in order to feel better and

201 to fit into clothes she used to be able to wear. This woman’s true motivation to exercise was to wear certain clothes. The African American women who did not currently exercise did express an interest in exercising but only to be healthier and increase their energy, not to lose weight. They even stated that as long as it made them feel better, they did not care if they lost any weight. However, a few did mention that they wanted to wear certain clothes that they currently could not fit into or do not feel comfortable wearing. They did not say they wanted to lose weight or change their body size or shape but in order to fit into the clothes they wanted to, they would have to change their body shape and/or size.

The African American women did not think in terms of weight or size, just in fashion and looking good by wearing certain clothes.

The comments from the focus groups can be supported by walking into the

Recreation Center at the university in this study. There are disproportionately more

European American women on the cardiovascular machines than Asian American and

African American. As seen in Table 2, there are more European American individuals at this university, however the percentages of ethnic representation at the Recreation Center do not reflect these numbers.

From a feminist perspective, exercise increasingly has become normal and a part of many women’s daily lives. Women use exercise as a tool to control and shape their appearance. The results of this portion of the survey and the focus group responses support the other subscale results; the African American women do not place as much value on society’s beauty standards, are not affected by the media to the same degree the

European American and Asian American women report and do not engage in exercise at the same rates as the other two ethnic groups. Therefore, it is apparent from this study that African American women do possess protective factors when it comes to the beauty

202 myth present in the media and the unrealistic and unhealthy behaviors such as obsessive exercise that European American and Asian American women are engaging in. These protective factors need to be addressed and taken into account in developing culturally sensitive body image prevention/intervention programming. This will be addressed in the implications for future research section of this chapter.

Conclusions From This Study

The European American and Asian American women consistently reported higher scores on all five subscales of the survey. These findings are supported with responses in the focus groups. These results indicated that there was only one area in which these two groups had statistically significant differences; Subscale 3, interpersonal messages regarding slimness. The Asian American women indicated from both the survey and the focus group responses that that they were highly influenced by their families and societal messages. A possible explanation for this difference is the pressure that Asian American women feel from not only parents but also society in general to be successful and conform to certain standards. Therefore, the messages they receive from society and their families play a role in how they view their bodies. The European American women and

Asian American women had very similar mean scores and responses from focus group participants on the other four subscales; indicating that the Asian American women are much more likely to buy into the mainstream ideal set up for European American women than the African American women in the study.

There may be a variety of explanations for these findings. As mentioned, one possible reason is the strong cultural value for Asian American women to fit in and conform to societal values. Consequently, these women engage in the same behaviors and practices as European American women, such as exercising at obsessive rates. In

203 addition, Asian American women tend to identify with the beauty standards and ideals set up in society for European American women at a greater level than African American women do. As was indicated in the study, Asian American women feel a sense of representation in alternate media forms that increases the pressure and influence they feel from the media.

The survey results indicated that the African American women had lower mean scores on all five subscales than the European American and Asian American women, and, consequently, they were statistically different from these two ethnic groups on each subscale. The survey findings were supported by the responses from the African

American participants in the focus group and by previous research findings. Subscale 4,

Rejecting Societal Values, was the only subscale that I believed would not show a statistically significant difference between the three groups; however, there was a statistically significant difference between the European American and African American women (p = .001) and between the Asian American and African American women

(p = .085). Based on current literature and personal assessments and observations, I believed that the women in all three ethnic groups would equally reject the value society places on thinness and beauty. As previously stated, all groups did show a tendency to agree with the statements in subscale 4; however, the European American and Asian

American women agreed at a statistically significant greater level than the African

American women.

I believe that the standard of beauty that exists in mainstream society, as feminists would agree, was created in order to oppress women and is not only a powerful tool, but is increasingly being used against Women of Color. As previously mentioned, women are not excluded from the blame of the beauty myth causing women’s high level of body

204 dissatisfaction. However, African American women have not been manipulated by the media to the degree European American and Asian American women have. Therefore,

African American women have more accepting views of body, weight, shape and size and an overall higher level of body satisfaction. Consequently, further research on the protective factors that African American women are exhibiting today needs to be conducted. However, as African American women are seen more in the media, reach higher professional levels and lose their sense of community (which are all happening now), it will not be long before African American women begin to report a similar dissatisfaction as European American and Asian American women with their body weight, shape and size.

Although, the findings in this study provide data and information on body image from a cultural perspective and will assist in developing prevention/intervention body image programming, the results may vary between different regions of the country. This study was conducted at a large, public university in the Midwest with the majority of participants being from that area of the United States. It is widely believed that women from different regions of the country have different overall levels of body satisfaction.

Concluding that these findings may be limited to women in the Midwest. I do believe that the findings in this study of body image differences and similarities between ethnic groups will remain relatively consistent throughout the United States. The differences within ethnic groups may vary depending on the region of the United States participants are from. However, these findings are a starting point and provide base line data and information for future research.

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Implications for Future Research

Although African American women consistently reported a greater satisfaction with their bodies and less of a tendency to engage in behaviors and practices in order to alter the size and shape of their bodies, one cannot conclude that all African American women feel this way. However, all women, regardless of race, can learn from African

American women how to increase their level of body satisfaction and how to begin to reject the societal values of beauty and thinness. Therefore, further research on the protective factors (more accepting of a variety of body shapes and sizes, a sense of community, positive family influences and rejecting the media’s influence) African

American women identified in this study need to be explored and incorporated into body image prevention/intervention programs for women from a variety of ethnic backgrounds.

This study explores many issues related to body image from a cultural perspective. However, it is just the beginning and more in depth research needs to be conducted with Women of Color, expanding beyond African American and Asian

American women. The information obtained in this study will be presented and published in order to provide the health education profession with current data on body image from a cultural perspective. The data and findings from this study will be used to develop new or alter existing body image prevention/intervention programs, but there is a great need to gather additional information and data. More research needs to be conducted, including women from various regions of the United States. As previously stated, it’s believed that women’s body image satisfaction varies throughout the country. To draw wider generalizations and conclusions a larger sample from different regions needs to be drawn.

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Previous literature and conclusions from this study identified various protective factors that resulted in African American women scoring lower on all subscales of the survey and in these women reporting an overall greater body satisfaction compared to the

European American and Asian American women. These protective factors include, but are not limited to, a strong connection to a community that does not value thinness and slimness, having the ability to reject the societal pressures to conform to a certain standard of beauty, parental and peer influences that do not place a specific value on appearance, a greater acceptance of a wide range of body images and sizes and simply having the ability to shape their mental attitude and create positive self-esteem in a way that does not let society’s ideals hurt them.

There were also some suggestions on program components given by Cash and

Pruzinsky (2002, p. 96-97).

• Creation of body positive communities in order to change the existing environment • Decrease exposure to idealized images of thinness encouraged by the media • Advocate that media outlets present a wider and more realistic range of body shapes • Teach women to think critically and deconstruct images and message in the media • Teach parents to provide a body-positive environment

The data that was obtained from this study along with current body image prevention/intervention programs will eventually be used to address body image among women from a variety of different ethnic groups. These protective factors need to be incorporated into programming, along with addressing issues beyond weight and body shape and size. For instance, skin tone and sys shape are two issues European American women are not concerned with and consequently have not been a part of body image programs. Culturally sensitive issues need to be incorporated in order for Women of

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Color to feel their needs are being addressed and for them to have a personal connection and positive experience.

The last question that was asked in each focus group was, “What would you like to see in a body image prevention/intervention program that catered toward women from different ethnic backgrounds?” An overall theme that developed from this question was the idea of learning from each other. The members of all the focus groups felt that they could learn from women from different ethnic backgrounds. However, they did caution against putting women from different ethnic backgrounds in the same group. A solution to this was to create a program that was set up to last multiple sessions. The first few sessions would consist of women from a single ethnic group and the final session or two would bring women from the single ethnic groups together. Beginning with separate groups would eliminate one ethnic group from dominating the discussion. In addition, it could allow women to open up in a more comfortable environment and share similar experiences with women from the same ethnic background. It is inevitable that women from different ethnic backgrounds will have different experiences related to body image.

Consequently, by separating women into ethnic groups initially, these similar experiences can be addressed. The African American women agreed that they could help European

American and Asian American women in developing a more positive body image and greater level of body satisfaction. Therefore, having a program set up in which all three ethnic groups come together can have a positive impact on all women involved. In order to create a valid and reliable body image prevention/intervention program, research on the program components/curriculum will be needed.

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Summary

This study provided information from one specific large, public Midwestern university on body image from an ethnic/cultural perspective. I believe the results found between the ethnic groups are consistent with what would be found in other college and university populations across the United States; however, one must be careful in generalizing these findings. The results from the quantitative survey were supported by focus group participants’ comments. In addition, this study’s findings provide support to previous research and the theories of feminism and cultural studies.

From a feminist perspective, one would believe that an ideal beauty myth (created by the dominant group in society) exists in mainstream American society today and is used to oppress women. Women are made to believe that their beauty and outward appearance influence their quality of life and their place in society. Women are provided with information on various ways to reach this ideal, including exercise and purchasing expensive beauty products. The findings from this study support these perspectives from feminist theory. All three ethnic groups agreed on the existence of an unrealistic beauty ideal in mainstream society and that ideal was tall, thin, long hair and white skin. The majority of European American and Asian American women reported that exercise was a means to losing weight or fitting into a certain size, in order to conform to the ideal beauty standard. These two groups also agreed that women possessing characteristics of the ideal beauty image have a greater amount of opportunities to succeed and move up in society. Consequently, the findings from this study, in particular those from the European

American and Asian American women reflect feminist theory.

Cultural studies theory was also used in guiding this study. From a cultural studies viewpoint, one would predict that the media has an influence over how women feel about

209 their bodies. The images of women in all forms of media perpetuate the beauty ideal in

America and give women the message that in order to succeed you need to look a certain way. The European American and Asian American women overwhelmingly agreed that the media did influence how they felt about their bodies and they did get messages from the media on how they should look. In addition, the African American women strongly felt that the lack of African American women present in the media and the roles that

African American women are seen in, contributes to the formation and reinforcement of stereotypes of African American women. Therefore, all 3 ethnic groups felt that the media played a role in their lives.

The findings of this study have enhanced previous research in the area of body image and college-age women and this study adds a significant amount of information to the limited studies with Asian American women related to body image. Consequently, the information obtained in this study can be used to assist in the future development of intervention/prevention programs for women from a variety of ethnic backgrounds.

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APPENDICES

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Appendix A. Existing Body Image Prevention Programs

The Body Image Workbook • Created by Thomas Cash • An 8-Step Program for Learning to Like Your Looks • The only body image program to be • Found that over 80% of participants in the body image program experienced significant improvement in their body image • Program is self-administered and can be done at participant’s convenience • Inexpensive, only expense is the purchase of the workbook • The individual in the program needs to be motivated and able to self-monitor their attitudes and behaviors • Program is designed for a specific individual and may not be appropriate for everyone • Program is mainly educational and does not incorporate ways and means to change society’s norms and values • Does not address an individuals cultural background and ethnicity

Full of Ourselves • Created by Catherine Steiner-Adair • Incorporates education and opportunities to change norms and values • Participants work in small groups for 8 to 15 weeks • Limits the number of individuals who have the availability to participate • Provides an added component of activism • Cost prohibitive for many, need to pay for sessions and group work

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• Has not been evaluated for effectiveness • Does not address an individuals cultural background and ethnicity

Niva Piran’s Program • Based on a feminist framework • Includes media advocacy • Program goals and objectives are derived from participants • Individualizes the program to participant needs • May allow participants from various ethnic backgrounds to express their experiences and beliefs, depending on ethnic background of participants • Primarily used with girls 10-18 • Evaluation shows a statistically significant decrease in eating disorder rates but no results on body image dissatisfaction • Cost prohibitive due to payment for group sessions

Appendix B. Survey Assessment Used in Study

Young Women’s Experiences With Body Shape By filling out this questionnaire, I indicate my consent to participate in the study

Ethnic Background (Please check one) ____ European American (White) ____African American ____Asian American

This questionnaire contains statements regarding social pressures placed on women to be thin. Please read each statement carefully and answer honestly how each one applies to you by circling the appropriate number. There are no right or wrong answers. (The term partner refers to a person with whom one is romantically involved.) 1 = Strongly Disagree, 2 = Disagree, 3 = Neither Agree or Disagree, 4 = Agree, 5 = Strongly Agree

1. My friends and I compare what we’ve eaten in a day to see who has eaten the least. 1 2 3 4 5

2. I feel embarrassed asking for help from a sales clerk who is smaller than me 1 2 3 4 5

3. I’m either on a strict diet or I’m pigging out; there’s no in between for me. 1 2 3 4 5

4. I would like to be slimmer 1 2 3 4 5

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5. I can change my appearance and body shape if I work hard enough 1 2 3 4 5

6. When I hear negative comments about my weight, it makes me want to “pig out” 1 2 3 4 5

7. The thought of gaining 5 or 10 pounds upsets me 1 2 3 4 5

8. I would like to slim down certain body parts 1 2 3 4 5

9. When I overeat, I exercise to burn off the extra calories 1 2 3 4 5

10. I would like to slim down all over. 1 2 3 4 5

11. My behind is not firm enough 1 2 3 4 5

12. Sometimes it seems that my family is more concerned with my weight and appearance than my accomplishments 1 2 3 4 5

13. I feel fat most of the time 1 2 3 4 5

14. When I picture a successful women, I tend to think of someone who is slim 1 2 3 4 5

15. If I lost weight, I’d be healthier 1 2 3 4 5

16. My thighs are too flabby 1 2 3 4 5

17. It bothers me when people say they eat everything they want and don’t gain weight 1 2 3 4 5

18. I would like to fit into a smaller size clothes 1 2 3 4 5

19. Sometimes when I walk by a group of guys, I worry that they are sizing me up and evaluating how I look 1 2 3 4 5

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20. I would rather diet than exercise to lose weight 1 2 3 4 5

21. I feel content with my life when I am slim 1 2 3 4 5

22. I think the majority of models are anorexic 1 2 3 4 5

23. When I sit down, I fold my arms in front of me to hide my stomach 1 2 3 4 5

24. I look and feel my best when I am slim 1 2 3 4 5

25. I feel intimidated by slim, attractive women 1 2 3 4 5

26. When I am slim, I feel anything is possible 1 2 3 4 5

27. I can see why some guys break off relationships when their partners gain weight 1 2 3 4 5

28. I try to exercise regularly 1 2 3 4 5

29. I feel depressed when I see models in magazines and on TV 1 2 3 4 5

30. A person’s attractiveness depends more on their body shape than the style of clothes they are wearing 1 2 3 4 5

31. I get depressed watching the women on music videos and in exercise shows 1 2 3 4 5

32. I feel like socializing more when I am slim 1 2 3 4 5

33. I often compare myself to the models I see in advertisements on TV and in magazines 1 2 3 4 5

34. I think most models should gain a few pounds 1 2 3 4 5

35. I often size up other women’s size and body shape 1 2 3 4 5

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36. I wish advertisements would show women of all different shapes and sizes 1 2 3 4 5

37. I think I’d become a recluse if I gained a lot of weight 1 2 3 4 5

38. I feel relieved when I see women who are heavier than me 1 2 3 4 5

39. I feel more positive about myself when I am dieting 1 2 3 4 5

40. I worry about my weight and appearance daily 1 2 3 4 5

41 I find people really notice it when women gain weight 1 2 3 4 5

42. I don’t diet to lose weight, I exercise 1 2 3 4 5

43. People who know me know that commenting on my weight is a definite no-no 1 2 3 4 5

44. If I gained weight, I would try to avoid being around people who knew me when I was smaller 1 2 3 4 5

45. I would rather live a in society where being thin is not considered so attractive 1 2 3 4 5

46. I sometimes ask my friends how my size compares to other women I see in public 1 2 3 4 5

47. My mother wants me to look good and be slim 1 2 3 4 5

48. I often compare my size to women who are smaller than me 1 2 3 4 5

49. I don’t like getting changed in locker rooms 1 2 3 4 5

**Questionnaire created by Mary E. Delaney, Lisa D. O’Keefe and Karen M.L. Skene

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Appendix C. Survey Subscales and Corresponding Questions

Subscale 1: Weight Dissatisfaction 4. I would like to be slimmer 5. I can change my appearance and body shape if I work hard enough 7. The thought of gaining 5 or 10 pounds upsets me 8. I would like to slim down certain body parts 10. I would like to slim down all over 11. My behind is not firm enough 13. I feel fat most of the time 15. If I lost weight, I’d be healthier 16. My thighs are too flabby 17. It bothers me when people say they eat everything they want and don’t gain weight 18. I would like to fit into a smaller size clothes 23. When I sit down, I fold my arms in front of me to hide my stomach

Subscale 2: Slimness as Quality of Life 14. When I picture a successful woman, I tend to think of someone who is slim 19. Sometimes when I walk by a group of guys, I worry that they are sizing me up and evaluating how I look 21. I feel content with my life when I am slim 24. I look and feel my best when I am slim 25. I feel intimidated by slim, attractive women 26. When I am slim, I feel anything is possible 29. I feel depressed when I see models in magazines and on TV 30. A person’s attractiveness depends more on their body shape than the style of clothes they are wearing 31. I get depressed watching the women on music videos and in exercise shows 32. I feel like socializing more when I am slim 33. I often compare myself to the models I see in advertisements on TV and in magazines 35. I often size up other women’s size and body shape 37. I think I’d become a recluse if I gained a lot of weight 38. I feel relieved when I see women who are heavier than me 39. I feel more positive about myself when I am dieting

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40. I worry about my weight and appearance daily 41. I find people really notice it when women gain weight 48. I often compare my size to women who are smaller than me 49. I don’t like getting changed in locker rooms

Subscale 3: Interpersonal Messages Regarding Slimness 1. My friends and I compare what we’ve eaten in a day to see who has eaten the least 2. I feel embarrassed asking for help from a sales clerk who is smaller than me 3. I’m either on a strict diet or I’m pigging out: there’s no in between for me 6. When I hear negative comments about my weight, it makes me want to pig out 12. Sometimes it seems that my family is more concerned with my weight and appearance than my accomplishments 27. I can see why some guys break off relationships when their partners gain weight 43. People who know me know that commenting on my weight is a definite no-no 44. If I gained weight, I would try to avoid being around people who knew me when I was smaller 46. I sometimes ask my friends how my size compares to other women I see in public 47. My mother wants me to look good and be slim

Subscale 4: Rejecting Societal Value of Thinness 22. I think the majority of models are anorexic 34. I think most models should gain a few pounds 36. I wish advertisements would show women of all different shapes and sizes 45. I would rather live in a society where being thin is not considered so attractive

Subscale 5: Valuing Exercise 9. When I overeat, I exercise to burn off the extra calories 20. I would rather diet than exercise to lose weight 28. I try to exercise regularly 42. I don’t diet to lose weight, I exercise

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Appendix D. Factor Loading for each question

Subscale/ Question Factor Loading Subscale I: Weight Dissatisfaction 4. I would like to be slimmer 0.83 5. I can change my appearance and body shape if I work hard enough 0.51 7. The thought of gaining 5 or 10 pounds upsets me 0.56 8. I would like to slim down certain body parts 0.68 10. I would like to slim down all over 0.77 11. My behind is not firm enough 0.60 13. I feel fat most of the time 0.81 15. If I lost weight, I’d be healthier 0.72 16. My thighs are too flabby 0.71 17. It bothers me when people say they eat everything they want and don’t gain weight 0.74 18. I would like to fit into a smaller size clothes 0.84 23. When I sit down, I fold my arms in front of me to hide my stomach 0.65 MFL = 0.70 Subscale II: Slimness as Quality of Life 14. When I picture a successful woman, I tend to think of someone who is slim 0.59 19. Sometimes when I walk by a group of guys, I worry that they are sizing me up and evaluating how I look 0.63 21. I feel content with my life when I am slim 0.69 24. I look and feel my best when I am slim 0.60 25. I feel intimidated by slim, attractive women 0.71 26. When I am slim, I feel anything is possible 0.63 29. I feel depressed when I see models in magazines and on TV 0.66 30. A person’s attractiveness depends more on their body shape than the style of clothes they are wearing 0.46 31. I get depressed watching the women on music videos and in exercise shows 0.74 32. I feel like socializing more when I am slim 0.75 33. I often compare myself to the models I see in advertisements on TV and in magazines 0.68 35. I often size up other women’s size and body shape 0.52 37. I think I’d become a recluse if I gained a lot of weight 0.59 38. I feel relieved when I see women who are heavier than me 0.63 39. I feel more positive about myself when I am dieting 0.67 40. I worry about my weight and appearance daily 0.73

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41. I find people really notice it when women gain weight 0.47 48. I often compare my size to women who are smaller than me 0.72 49. I don’t like getting changed in locker rooms 0.53 MFL = 0.63 Subscale III: Interpersonal Messages Regarding Slimness 1. My friends and I compare what we’ve eaten in a day to see who has eaten the least 0.42 2. I feel embarrassed asking for help from a sales clerk who is smaller than me 0.55 3. I’m either on a strict diet or I’m pigging out: there’s no in between for me 0.57 6. When I hear negative comments about my weight, it makes me want to pig out 0.56 12. Sometimes it seems that my family is more concerned with my weight and appearance than my accomplishments 0.59 27. I can see why some guys break off relationships when their partners gain weight 0.46 43. People who know me know that commenting on my weight is a definite no-no 0.57 44. If I gained weight, I would try to avoid being around people who knew me when I was smaller 0.67 46. I sometimes ask my friends how my size compares to other women I see in public 0.52 47. My mother wants me to look good and be slim 0.58 MFL = 0.55 Subscale IV: Rejecting Societal Value of Thinness 22. I think the majority of models are anorexic 0.56 34. I think most models should gain a few pounds 0.72 36. I wish advertisements would show women of all different shapes and sizes Not Reported 45. I would rather live in a society where being thin is not considered so attractive 0.46 MFL = 0.54 Subscale V: Valuing Exercise 9. When I overeat, I exercise to burn off the extra calories 0.51 20. I would rather diet than exercise to lose weight -0.52 28. I try to exercise regularly 0.71 42. I don’t diet to lose weight, I exercise 0.53 MFL = 0.57 Note: MFL = mean factor loading

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Appendix E. Development of the Young Women’s Experiences With Body Weight and Shape Scale

The Young Women’s Experiences With Body Weight and Shape Scale was developed in 1997 by Mary E. Delaney, Lisa D. O’Keefe and Karen Skene. The authors conducted extensive research on existing scales that measured women’s body image and related factors and concluded that the majority of existing scales focused on eating disorders and did not address the societal influences that lead to a women’s body dissatisfaction. Therefore, they created the scale used in this research study. In creating the scale the authors first, conducted semi-structured interviews with females in 11th and 12th grades and at a local university, ranging in age from 15 t0 29. Participants were asked to address the following topics: • The salience and consequences of body shape issues in their lives • Their general level of body satisfaction • Their personal histories of attempts to lose weight and the methods they used • Any pressure they felt from significant persons in their lives to alter their appearance • Their reactions to messages about the thin ideal female presented in the media • The role of fashion and the impact of the clothing/cosmetic industry

Based on participant’s responses, 7 categories were identified and a 101-item questionnaire was developed. The 7 categories included; specific ideal female body shape, messages to be thin from the media, family and friends, comparing own size to that of others, personal benefits of thinness, comments from males regarding weight, exercise to lose weight and healthy dieting to lose weight. By using interview participant’s comments to develop the questionnaire and not relaying on expert findings, it ensured that the experiences and ideas of young women would be addressed. Previous scales that assessed body image were mainly created by experts or clinicians in the eating disorder field and did not assess women who were not diagnosed with a clinical eating disorder. Therefore, I used this scale for the following reasons; the population that I was studying consisted of non-eating disorder women, this scale was developed based on women’s experiences and it addressed a wide variety of issues related to body image. The 101-item questionnaire was administered to 287 female undergraduates and it was determined that the final scale would consist of 49 items and 5 subscales (weight dissatisfaction, slimness as quality of life, interpersonal messages regarding slimness, rejecting societal value of thinness and valuing exercise). The 49-item survey is intended to broadly assess women’s body image concerns and placing these issues in a meaningful social context.

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Appendix F. Other Survey Assessments Considered for Study

The following information is a review of the other methods that have been used to measure and asses body image and body dissatisfaction. I will review the methods in three categories; self-report questionnaires, silhouette figures and qualitative interview assessments.

Self Report Questionnaires

1. Body Cathexis- Self Cathexis Scale The first questionnaire used to measure women’s body image/body satisfaction was the Body Cathexis-Self Cathexis Scale. This scale was developed in 1953 by Secord and Jourard. The scale measures the degree of feeling of satisfaction/dissatisfaction with various parts and functions of the body. There are two parts to the scale. Part I is the body cathexis scale and lists 46 body parts and functions and participants have to indicate their feelings on a likert scale from 1-5 (1= have strong feelings and wish change could somehow be made, 5= consider myself fortunate). Some of the items listed include; hair, facial complexion, nose, exercise, age, skin texture, posture and knees. Part II is the self cathexis scale which lists 55 items that are conceptual of the self. The same 5 point likert scale was used to rate the items. Some of the items were; first name, morals, ability to lead, impulses, moods, general knowledge and self-confidence. Secord and Jourard tested the reliability on the scale and the results for the body cathexis scale with women was .83 and for the self cathexis scale was .92. Therefore, the scale has good test-retest reliability, but many researchers raised doubts about the scoring and the use of the 1-5 ratings.

2. Sociocultural Attitudes Towards Appearance Questionnaire (SATAQ) There are two questionnaires for this scale, the original and the revised. The original is a 14-item questionnaire and each question is rated on a 5-point likert scale. In the original scale, two factors were measured, awareness and internalization of the ideal. The totals are summed for each factor and the higher the sum, the greater the awareness and internalization of the social stereotype. The revised version consists of 21 questions, rated on a scale 5-pint likert. (1= completely disagree and 5= completely agree). The revised scale was used in a 1997 study by Cusumano and Thompson. They looked at body image and body shape ideals in magazines. The study assessed three aspects of sociocultural influence on appearance, print media exposure, awareness of societal ideals and internalization of sociocultural messages in college women. They measured exposure by the number of images in the magazines that the women read. They used the SATAQ revised scale to measure the awareness and internalization. They found the internalization scale to be the most correlated to body image disturbance.

3. Body Esteem Scale (BES) The BES is a 23-item scale that uses self-evaluation of one’s body or appearance. The scale consists of 3 subscales, rated on a 5-point likert (1= never and 5= always). The 3

257 subscales are, your feelings about your appearance (BE-appearance), weight satisfaction and attribution (BE-weight), other’s evaluation of your appearance (BE-attribution). Mendelson, Mendelson and White (2001) found the subscales to have high internal consistency and 3 month test-retest reliability. BE- appearance had an internal consistency rating of .92, BE-weight of .81 and BE-attribution .94. The 3-month test-retest reliability of the 3 subscales was BE-appearance- .89, BE-weight- .92 and BE-attribution- .83. They concluded that the BES is a sound instrument that looks at three aspects of body esteem and is valid and reliable for women ages 13-25. In addition, this scale not only measures feelings about weight, but also about appearance. Many of the other scales used only look at weight. The scale was also validated by Mazzeo in 1999 using female college undergraduates. Crohnbach’s alpha, the test for internal consistency for the scales was; .78- BE-appearance, .87- BE-weight and .82- BE-attribution. The 3-month test-retest reliability was also good for all subscales (.81- BE-appearance, .87-BE-weight, .75- BE-attribution).

4. Body Shape Questionnaire (BSQ) The BSQ is a 34-item questionnaire that assesses body image preoccupation on a 6- point likert scale (1= never and 6= always). The scale was validated in 1987 by Cooper et al and found to have an internal consistency of .93 and a 3-week test-retest reliability of .88. In 1999, Mazzeo revised the scale to 10 items and found an internal consistency of .96 and indicated that the revised scale can easily be used with other measures and is a good and reliable scale.

5. Body Image Quality of Life Inventory (BIQLI) This assessment quantifies the effects of one’s body image on various self experiences and life contexts. It is a 19-item questionnaire. Cash and Fleming tested the scale in 2002 and found an internal consistency of .95 and a 2-week test-retest reliability of .79. This study found that a more favorable body image quality of life score was significantly associated with higher body satisfaction, less body shame, less preoccupation with being fat, less investment in appearance and less internalization of cultural beauty standards.

6. The Objectified Body Consciousness Scale This scale was developed using feminist theory to measure objectified body consciousness. It measures behaviors and attitudes proposed by feminist theorists that contribute to a woman’s negative body experience. There are three components to the scale. • Body surveillance- Feminine body is an object of male desire and exists for men, compare yourself to others and the standard of beauty • Internalization of cultural body standards- Standards provide the ideal to which a woman compares herself, internalization makes the standards personal and want to conform, they don’t see it as being externally imposed by society • Beliefs about appearance control- Females are responsible for how they look and are in control of how they look; the control can be negative or positive

McKinley and Hyde (1996) found this scale to have good test-retest reliability and good validity. The 2-week test-retest reliability for the 3 subscales was (.79- surveillance, .79- body shame, .73- control beliefs).

7. Eating Disorder Inventory (EDI) This scale has been used extensively in body image/satisfaction research.

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The scale consists of 8 subscales 1. Drive for thinness- concern with dieting, preoccupation with weight 2. Bulimia- tendency of episodes 3. Body dissatisfaction 4. Ineffectiveness- feelings of inadequacy, insecurity 5. Perfectionism 6. Interpersonal distrust- reluctance of relationships 7. Interceptive awareness- can’t recognize hunger 8. Maturity factors All questions are rated on a 6-point likert. The entire scale has been shown to be reliable and valid. The scale is primarily used with eating disorder patients. However, the first three subscales have been used in body image research with non-clinical individuals and shown to be reliable.

8. McKnight Risk Factor Survey (MRFS) This scale has only been used with females. It is lengthy and covers many risk factors for eating disorders and related issues such as body dissatisfaction. Shisslake et al (1999) found high test-retest reliability and internal consistency for all factors was above .60.

9. Beliefs About Appearance Scale The Beliefs About Appearance Scale (BAAS) measures dysfunctional attitudes about bodily appearance based on the idea that people develop schemas about themselves and the world that guide them. It is a 20-item self-report scale that assesses the degree of endorsement of beliefs about the perceived consequences of appearance for relationships, achievements, self- view and feelings and it rated on a 5-point likert. Spangler and Stice (2001) found a high internal consistency (.94, .95, .96 on 3 samples) and a test-retest reliability of .83 over three weeks.

Silhouette Studies 1. Stunkard Scale The first silhouette scale developed is referred to as the Stunkard scale and consists of 9 schematic figures and has been the most widely used silhouette scale in studying body image. Thompson and Altabe evaluated the scale in 1999 and conducted a test-retest reliability on 6 questions with female subjects. They had the following results;

Question alpha-level Ideal figure .71 How you think you look .89 How you feel most of the time .83 Most preferred by men .60 Most preferred by women .64 Opposite sex figure you find most attractive .55 They showed good reliability and also good validity with the Stunkard Scale

2. Contour Drawing Scale This scale is considered an improved scale from the Stunkard Scale because it used contour drawings from an artist’s rendition including defined facial and bodily features. Thompson and Gray used the scale in 1995 on females age 18-23. They had them put the

259 drawings in order from thinnest to heaviest and select the drawing that most accurately depicted their current size. The 1-week test-retest reliability was .78 and the validity was .71, which indicated strong reliability and validity. This scale was used in a study by Patel and Gray in 2001 with African Americans and the heads were eliminated from the drawings along with the facial features. The test-retest reliability of the scale was .78 and the validity was .71.

3. Gardner 13-item scale Gardner developed two new scales that had more figures and a smaller distortion between images/figures. These scales were considered an improvement over previous silhouette scales. The drawings for this scale were based on the average height and weight for a 19 year old in 1987. The average height for a female was 63.7 inches and the average weight was 144.2 pounds (median weight = 137.8 pounds). They used photographs of European American females at the median height and weight and didn’t include hair, facial features or muscular definition in the drawings. The scales prior to this included these attributes, which were depictions of European American female features. Therefore, this scale is more appropriate for different ethnic groups. The height and weight were increased and decreased by 5,10,15,20,25 and 30% in both directions in order to create 13 figures/images. The figures were all placed on separate cards. The cards were randomly placed on a table and participants were asked to select the figure closest to their size (perceived). Then the cards were shuffled and put in random order and participants were asked to select the card with the figure closest to the size they would like to be. In addition to choosing the cards, participants were asked to put a mark along a line closest to their perceived body size and on a separate scale a mark closest to the ideal body size. The 2-figure scale uses the contour drawings used for the 13-card scale (+ and – 30%) and are 32 inches apart. The marks the participants placed are measured in millimeters from the center of the scale (the center is the median weight). This can be translated into pounds; can also translate the 13-figures into pounds. Because they are all equal percentages apart. Both scales were found to be valid estimations of weight, with female college students. The test-retest reliability for 3 weeks for the 2-figure scale was .89 and for the 13-figure scale was .87. They also indicated that scale should be equally suitable for a variety of ethnic groups. The limitations to the 13-item figures • Inability to control for how weight is distributed among body regions • The distribution of weight gain is different among individuals • The data for height and weight is from 1987 (But the average height and weight of females is similar today)

Qualitative Methods

1. Thompson, 1992 The first qualitative study on body image/dissatisfaction was conducted by Becky W. Thompson and published in 1992. Thompson used interviews and questionnaires of 18 women with an average age of 33.5. The snowball method was used to identify participants for the study and she allowed them to review their interview transcripts in order to clarify any information. The study identified traumas associated with eating problems and looked at European American, African American and Latina women to see what these women attributed

260 their eating problems to. All the women in the study had been identified as having eating problems.

2. Grogan and Wainwright, 1996 Grogan and Wainwright interviewed young women (8 and 13 years old) about body image and body dissatisfaction/satisfaction. They were interviewed in groups according to their age. Groups were used because it was identified that they girls were more likely to talk freely in a group setting. The interviews were tape recorded and lasted approximately 30 minutes. They were assured anonymity and gave permission to be recorded. The following are the questions used in the study • Do you worry about how you look? • How would you like to look when you are older? • Do you like the body shape on models in magazines? • Who are your body size role models? • What constitutes an attractive and acceptable body shape and size? • How satisfied are you with your present body shape? • What would you change about your body? • Would you like to lose weight? • Have you ever been on a diet or have you avoided certain foods (restriction)? • Why do you exercise? • Do you weigh yourself?

3. Wertheim et al., 1996 Participants in this study were 14 to16 years old and European American. Wertheim et al. used semi-structured interviews with open-ended questions and closed-ended questions. Participants were asked open-ended questions and then followed-up. Interviews were tape recorded and transcribed. Questions included • Have you ever dieted before and how long? • What were your reasons for dieting? • Do you feel peer pressure from friends to be thin? • Do you compare yourself to friends or media images? • Do your mothers or fathers pressure you or comment? • Does the media influence how you feel about your body image?

4. Currie, 1997 Participants in this study were 13 to 17 years old and all female and the majority were regular readers of teen magazines and were European American girls. The girls were asked about the magazines they read. • What do the magazines teach you? • What do you think of the advertisements in the magazine? • Do the advertisements appeal to you and why?

5. Haworth- Hoeppner, 2000

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This study consisted of open-ended interviews with 32 European American women, age 21 to 44. Researchers used a grounded theory approach along with QCA (Qualitative Comparative Analysis). Researchers selected participants using the snowball method, interviews were approximately 2 hours and were tape-recorded. Seven areas were focused on in this study; • Bodily satisfactions and dissatisfactions • Sources of bodily identity • Family relationships • Weight and identity in the culture • Stressful or traumatic experiences • Perceptions of the origin on difference between women with and without eating disorders • Development of eating disorders

The data were analyzed using QCA, which examines patterns of similarity and difference within a particular set of cases. The goal was to identify combinations of conditions that distinguish categories of cases to understand the diversity within the cases. Researchers first used theory to identify categories, code the cases for the presence or absence of the conditions/themes from the theory and construct a matrix. The coding of data identified concepts and themes and identified patterns. From the matrix, patterns emerged and themes evolved. The patterns were matched or compared to current literature/theories.

6. Tiggmann, Gardiner and Slater, 2000 Participants in this study were 16 years old and female. An interview guide with four open ended questions was used to guide the focus groups • Why do women and girls wish to be thinner? • Does indicating you want to be smaller mean that you are dissatisfied with your current size? • Is it ok to talk about these things like we have been doing today or does it make things worse These questions were just guides and other questions were asked during the interview. Each focus group was approximately 50 minutes, they were tape-recorded and transcribed in order to code and analyze.

Appendix G. Original Interview Guide

Opening Question What is your name, age and where are you from? General Information about Body Image What is body image to you? (How would you define body image?) What is the ideal body image in Mainstream society? What about in your culture/ethnic background?

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What do you consider the ideal skin tone, hair texture and thickness, ideal facial features, ideal weight, ideal body shape and overall appearance? - Do you fit into this ideal? Was there a time in your life that body image became important? Did it influence the way you exercised, what you ate? At what age do you remember your body image/shape became important? What is your general level of body satisfaction? Would you like to change something about your appearance, shape or size? How do you think others see you and look at you? What are your typical eating patters/habits? Dieting behaviors/patterns? Have you ever dieted before? And why? Have you ever tried to lose or gain weight? How? When? What are your exercise behaviors/patterns? Why do you exercise? Do you value exercise?

Influencing Factors What influences your personal body image? Has this changed over the years? Do you worry about weight and size? Do you compare yourself to others? What determines a persons attractiveness? What magazines do you look at and TV shows do you watch? What are the images in these? Do you feel that the images in the media influence how you feel about your body? Are you influenced by European American females? What do you think of models size and shape? What stores do you shop at and does the appearance of salesperson’s influence where you shop? Family influences- What type of community did you grow up in? Growing up, what were your parent’s habits and beliefs? Your ethnic groups habits and beliefs? Where were your parents raised? Do they have different thoughts about appearance then you do? Growing up was your body talked about in your family? Growing up, did you see women exercise? Play sports? Did your parents or significant others exercise? Eat healthy? How concerned is your mother/father about your weight and appearance How important is your mother’s appearance to her? Is your mother often on a diet? Pressure from family to lose weight or change appearance Food at activities/family gatherings When you were brought up, what was the women’s role in the family? Were gender stereotypes present in your life when you were growing up? What were they? Do you and your friends talk about weight, weight loss and dieting, or skin color and hair, facial features? How many of your friends are on a diet or trying to lose weight Have you felt pressure from friends to lose weight or change appearance?

If you were developing a prevention/intervention program to address college age women and body image, body shape and body size, what would you include?

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Appendix H. Final Interview Guide

General Information about Body Image Slimness as quality of life (Factor 2) What is body image to you? (How would you define body image?) What is the ideal body image in Mainstream society? What about in your culture/ethnic background? What do you consider the ideal skin tone, hair texture and thickness, ideal facial features, ideal weight, ideal body shape and overall appearance? - Do you fit into this ideal? What do you consider an attractive woman? Does a woman have to be slim in order to be successful? Do you value slimness and do you think it affects your quality of life? Weight Dissatisfaction (Factor 1) What is your general level of body satisfaction?

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Would you like to change your weight, shape, size? Would you like to change certain body parts? Valuing Exercise (Factor 5) What are your typical eating patters/habits? Dieting behaviors/patterns? Have you ever tried to lose or gain weight? How? When? What are your exercise behaviors/patterns? Why do you exercise? Do you value exercise?

Rejecting societal value of thinness (Factor 4) What influences your personal body image? Has this changed over the years? Do you feel that the images in the media influence how you feel about your body? Are you influenced by European American females? Interpersonal Messages (Factor 3) Does the appearance of a salesperson influence where you shop? How do you think others see you and look at you? Who are your body image role models? What specific thing, events, time periods, places, people have an impact on how you think and feel about your body or physical appearance? Family influences- What type of community did you grow up in? Growing up, what were your parent’s habits and beliefs? Your ethnic groups habits and beliefs? Where were your parents raised? Do they have different thoughts about appearance then you do? Growing up was your body talked about in your family? Growing up, did you see women exercise? Play sports? Did your parents or significant others exercise? Eat healthy? How concerned is your mother/father about your weight and appearance? Did they pressure you to change? How important is your mother’s appearance to her? Is your mother often on a diet? When you were brought up, what was the women’s role in the family? Were gender stereotypes present in your life when you were growing up? What were they? Do you and your friends talk about weight, weight loss and dieting, or skin color and hair, facial features? How many of your friends are on a diet or trying to lose weight Have you felt pressure from friends to lose weight or change appearance?

Additional Question- 1.If you were developing a prevention/intervention program to address college age women and body image, body shape and body size, what would you include?

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Appendix I. Focus Group Instructions

1. My name is Kirsten Lupinski and I am a graduate student from the University of Cincinnati. I am working on my doctorate degree in Educational Foundations with an emphasis in Health Education. I will be conducting the research study.

2. The purpose of this project is to interview female college-age students at this university on their perceptions, attitudes, beliefs, ideas and behaviors on body image and related issues. Related issues include; weight concerns, disordered eating patterns and exercise habits. My overall goal is to determine if there are any differences and similarities in these factors between women of different ethnicities. I will be conducting focus group interviews with European American, African American and Asian American women in order to determine differences and similarities that exist within these particular cultures.

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3. This site was selected due to the fact that the age groups that I am interested in studying are 18-25 and this is the age of traditional college age students. In addition, it is a convenience sample using female students, due to the fact that the student population at this university is diverse and includes a variety of different ethnicities. This site will allow a comparable case study to be conducted in which, ethnicity/race will be the factor studied.

4. Benefits to participating in the study This study will allow those who volunteer to share their personal stories and assist in establishing data and information on body image form a cultural perspective. Participants will have the means and ability to share information and knowledge they have gained throughout their life.

5. Risks to participating in the study There are no foreseeable detrimental risks to participation in this study. All participants are volunteers and can withdraw at any time.

6. Have participants fill out consent forms The consent form states that all information is confidential and I will be the only one coding, analyzing and reporting the information. Your names will not be used in the reporting of the data. All information discussed is asked to be kept confidential and not talked about outside the room. The entire process will take no longer than 2 hours. All participants will be ensured their information will be kept confidential. Real names will not be used in writing up and reporting the data collected from the interviews. Information that could identify the participants will not be used. The researcher and a transcriber will be the only individuals present in the interviews. In addition, participants will be conducting interviews on a voluntary basis and will have the option to withdraw at any time. The informed consent will state that all information obtained by the researcher will be kept confidential.

7. Ask participants if there are any Questions

8. Get demographic information from participants, including age, how long they have lived in the United States and where they are from.

9. Describe my role in the focus groups. I am here to just moderate and facilitate the discussion. You are the experts and I want to get your input on the subject of body image from a cultural perspective. Please share your thoughts freely and openly. There are no wrong answers, I am seeking your individual opinions, experiences and beliefs

10. I am going to be using a tape recorder, so try and talk loudly so it can pick up your voice. It’s important to hear from all of you, so I may call on people to talk

11. Once the data is collected, it will be coded and analyzed by the researcher. In addition, this data will be written up and reported to the public through a published dissertation, workshop presentations and journal articles.

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Appendix J. Expert Panel on Body Image and Focus Group Questions

Ellen Shuman Director, WellCentered Inc. Cincinnati, Ohio

Dr. Cynthia Whitehead-LaBoo Psychologist, Psychological Services Center Emory University Atlanta, Georgia

Dr. Annette Hemmings Associate Professor, Educational Foundations University of Cincinnati Cincinnati, Ohio

Dr. Patricia O’Reilly Professor, Educational Foundations University of Cincinnati

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Cincinnati, Ohio

Appendix K. Trustworthiness of the Data

Data credibility from the focus groups was established by using each participant’s own words verbatim. Audiotapes were taken, by permission of each participant during the interviews and then transcribed word for word. Therefore, the data are authentic and directly from the participants. In addition, the data received from the participants was compared with other research on body image and the theories of feminism and cultural studies. The other data that was used in analyzing this study included maps of the room set up, census descriptions of the participants and personal observations from the study. All these forms of data were included in the analyzation of this research in order to ensure credibility. Each participant was asked if I could follow-up with them in order to fill in any gaps in the research or to clarify something, and they all agreed.

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Transferability or applying this data to other situations cannot be fully accomplished with this study. I only conducted three focus groups at a Midwestern university and I feel that other focus groups must be conducted in various regions of the country and include more participants in order to draw greater conclusions.

The data that I collected are very dependable. The participants that I interviewed for this study were open, honest and forthcoming with information on their personal thoughts and experiences on body image. They were not only involved and helpful in answering my research questions, but offered ideas and suggestions for future research. The fact that they willingly provided suggestions, made me conclude they were reliable sources and their information is valid. In addition, my background in health education and in particular on the topic of body image, allowed me to ask and explore specific questions that I felt would give me rich and reliable data.

The credibility of the data gathered from the assessment was established based on the sample size (450) and the similar ethnic breakdown of participants (sample) and the overall population of the university being studied. Participants consented by filling out the assessment. In addition, assessments that were not fully completed or did not indicate ethnic background were not included in the data analyzation.

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Appendix L. Reflexivity of the Researcher

I feel that I had established rapport and trust with the participants in the focus groups. I knew the majority of participants in the focus groups and I think this assisted me in obtaining rich and useful data in addition to making them feel comfortable to provide me with ideas and suggestions for future research. The dual role that was present was not a problem and I actually think that it benefited me in seeking information and data. The topic of my research, body image in different cultures is not seen as threatening or intrusive (to most individuals) and I think this made my role easy and allowed the participants to openly and honestly answer questions and add their personal opinions and thoughts.

I looked at the participants as being very insightful, helpful and honest in their remarks. I feel they look at me as someone they can approach with problems or questions, they can confide in me and be confident that I would not discuss what was talked about with anyone else. The position I hold as working here at the university I am conducting my

271 research at, has helped me establish good relationships with the participants. Again, I think that has to do with the fact that the subject matter is something that they enjoyed talking about and honestly felt that they assisted me.

The participants were aware that I am both a graduate student and the Director of the

Wellness Center at this university. Due to the professional and working position that I hold at this university, they were aware of the fact that I am concerned and passionate about health and wellness issues, which my study is based on. Therefore, they knew that I was a health and wellness professional and interested in obtaining information from them on body image and related issues in order to further the field and eventually assist girls and women in overcoming the negativity associated with their bodies. I did explain to them that I was a graduate student and that I was conducting this research as part of a class and the data would be reported in the form of a dissertation, workshop presentations and journal articles.

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Appendix M. Informed Consent used in Focus Groups

Informed Consent- Cultural Differences in Body Image and Related Issues College of Education- University of X Kirsten Lupinski- Principal Investigator- 556-6124

Before agreeing to participate in this study, it is important that the following explanation of the procedures be read and understood. It describes the purpose, procedures, risks and benefits of the study. It also describes the right to withdraw from the study at any time. It is important to understand that no guarantee or assurance can be made as to the results of the study.

Purpose- I understand that the purpose of this study is to investigate college-age (18-24) females at the University of X to determine their perceptions of body image and more specific issues related to weight concern, dieting patterns, exercise habits and eating behaviors. I give permission to participate in this research in which I will be interviewed by the researcher as part of a focus group, with 8 to 10 other individuals. There will be 35-40 individuals representing different racial and ethnic groups interviewed as part of a focus group for this study and each participant will be interviewed once.

Procedures- I understand that I will be interviewed as part of a focus group in a semi-structured format. I will be interviewed one time for a total of 2 hours. All focus group interviews will be arranged in advance and confirmed by the researcher and conducted by the researcher. The focus group interviews will be audiotape recorded by the researcher and transcribed for later analysis.

Financial Costs-

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I understand that I will incur no financial costs and that I will not be paid or otherwise compensated to participate in this study.

Potential Risks and Benefits- I understand that this study is intended to benefit me and other college-age female students through the gathering of information on factors and influences of body image and related issues. In addition, this research will provide me with the opportunity to discuss issues that I may have with body image. There are no anticipated risks associated with this research; I understand that discomfort may result from my being interviewed and discussing my personal feelings and experiences on body image. Should discomfort or other problems occur, I understand that I have the right to decide whether or not to remain in the study. I also understand that I may discuss discomfort or problems with the researcher, Kirsten Lupinski, 556-6124 and will have the option of being referred to an on campus service for further assistance.

Rights of Participants- I understand that participation in this study is strictly voluntary. I may refuse to participate without penalty. If I do choose to participate, I may withdraw from the study without penalty at any time with a verbal or written request for termination. I also understand that I have the right to contact the researcher, Kirsten Lupinski (556-6124), Annette Hemmings, Professor in Educational Foundations (556-3621) or the chair of the IRB, Margaret Miller (558-5784) should any questions or concerns arise.

Confidentiality and Disposition of Data- Information gathered during the focus group interviews is considered for the study. I understand that to ensure confidentiality my name and the names of other participants will be removed from all written data including field notes and interview transcripts and that no real names will be used in written or oral reports of study results. I also understand that due to other participants partaking in the focus group, I will keep all information discussed in the group confidential. I also understand that none of the information used in this study will be able to identify me. I also understand that no one except the researcher will have access to audiotapes and survey results and that all data will be kept in a locked file cabinet and destroyed after the study is completed. In addition, the researcher will conduct all focus group interviews, transcribing, data coding and analyzing.

Consent Statement- I have read the information provided above. I voluntarily agree to participate in Cultural Differences in Body Image and Related Factors. After it is signed, I will receive a copy of this consent form.

______Signature of Participant Date

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______Signature of Investigator Date

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Appendix N. Qualitative Data Matrix Display

Question/ Topic/ Theme European American African American Asian American What is Body Image Perception- 3- Pg 2 Looks- pg 1 How view myself- pg 2 Compared to others- 4- pg 2 Perceptions- 2- pg 2 Appearance- 3- pg 2-3 Physical looks- 2- pg 2 Physical appearance- pg 3- pg 2 Society- pg 2 Society’s standards- 2- pg 2 Compare to others-3- pg 2-3 What others say- pg 3 Ideal in Mainstream Society Tall and skinny-5- pg 3-4 Thin, slender-7- pg 3-12 Tall, slender, models- g 4 What’s in magazines-pg 3 Size 6, breasts, good skin- pg 3 Size 6- pg 5 Curvy and skinny- pg 3 Long legs, blond, tall- pg 8 Runway model- pg 6 Slender and curves- pg 3 Skinny and fit- pg 9 Muscles- pg 4 Skinny and curvy- pg 10 Ideal in Your Culture Curves- pg 3 Slender- pg 4 Big boned- pg 3 Thin but meat = wealth- pg 5 Light skin, dress and personality- pg 3 Not too thin/but white- pg 6 Thick in right places-pg 4 Fit and light skin- pg 9 Curvy and light skin- pg 8 Light skin and facial features- pg 10 More accepting- pg 8 Not too skinny but thick- pg 10 More accepting- pg 11 Conversations with White women- pg 10 Skin Tone Light skin preferred- pg 3 White is preferred- pg 6 MS prefers light skin- pg 4 Light skin is better- pg 7 More accepting- pg 6 Everyone agrees and shakes head, light skin is better- pg 7 White is prestige- pg 8 Light skin is better- pg 9 Fit and light skin- pg 9 Ideal Hair Natural hair- pg 6 Eye Lids People get surgery to put creases in eyes- pg 20 Money spent on makeup- pg 20 Facial surgeries for status- pg 37 Food in Af Am Community Need food at gatherings- pg 9

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Sunday church and food- pg 9 Do you fit into the ideal Y & N- Not for dancer-pg 4 No- pg 4-5 What is an attractive woman Self-confidence-3-pg6 Personality-2- Pg 37-38 1st think of pleasing to look at- pg What’s in magazines-pg 6 How you present yourself- pg 37 11 Tall and blond-pg 7 Confidence- pg 38 Attitude and personality- pg 12 What’s on TV-pg7 Genuine- pg 38 Pretty without trying- pg 13 How you carry yourself-pg 7 What’s on the inside- pg 39 Personality- 2 Appearance & personality- pg 8 Mom says its how you look- pg 14 Confidence- 2- pg 13,14 A vibe you have- pg 14 How you carry yourself- pg 15 Does success = thin/slender Yes, esp. in dancing-pg 8 No, Oprah is an example- pg 11 Helps get foot in door-pg 9 Thinness doesn’t matter- pg 13 Yes and ex/ of Friends-pg 9 Yes and the white ideal- pg 14 Yes and investigative report-pg10 Gets foot in door- pg 14 No-one person said no, she is the smallest one in group- pg 12 Yes- Ex-pg 12 Easier for European Y & N- quotas- pg 8 and 10 American women to get Yes-pg 9 their foot in the door Ex of law school-pg 11 Level of body satisfaction Ok-2-pg 13 About a 7 on 1-10 scale- pg 25 Dissatisfied compare to others- pg Varies-2- pg 13,17 I’m happy- pg 26 16 Skinny and fat days-18,19 A 5, not satisfied- pg 26 Satisfied- only 1 to say satisfied and Satisfied- 3- pg 27-29 she is thin- pg 17 Dissatisfied-6 Would you want to change Thighs-pg 13 Lose weight- pg 25 Change height and arms- pg 17 something about appearance Lose weight-3-pg 13,14,17 Reduce belly and chest- pg 26-27 Slimmer, lose weight to buy clothes Back to before-pg 15 Reduce chest to fit into clothes- pg 27 and change eyes- pg 18-19 How others think, increase wt-pg 17-18 To fit into clothes- pg 29 Compares to TV- pg 21 Be taller to buy clothes- pg 21 Change boobs to buy clothes- pg 22 Growing up diss, because not white- pg 22 Face and weight- pg 22-23

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To be bigger- pg 23 Trying on clothes = Increase Yes, wedding dress-pg 14 in dissatisfaction Go to a store b/c of sizes- pg 14 Cut out tags- pg 15 Comments on pg 16 Do you exercise Yes-7-pg 19-23 Y- 2 Yes-5 No-3-pg 19-23 N- but want to wear clothes- pg 22 No-3 But want to N- but wants to be healthy-pg 23 No, but wants to- pg 25 Used to- pg 23 No- Thought is skinny didn’t have Y- In a class, but not on own- pg 24 to but wants to- pg 26 No, but did- pg 25 Why do you exercise To got a job- pg 19-20 To increase energy and fit into Obsessed with exercise- pg 24 To feel skinny-2-pg 19-20 clothes- pg 24-25 For stress relief- pg 24 Stress relief-pg 23 Maintain weight and BP- pg 24 Time for myself- pg 24, 25 Increase energy and stress- pg 26 Media Influence Yes-pictures in dance magazines-pg 24 Only 1 yes- pg 34 Only 1 says no- pg 30 Yes-8, pg 24-27 No- because models aren’t real- pg 29 Yes- 6 No-2 pg 24 and 28 Oprah is ideal- pg 30 Sporting events influence- pg 29 No- pg 32 By Asian fashion- pg 29 Bigger people are in support roles- pg By trends- pg 30 36 Am and Asian media-= pg 31 People in media are white- pg 34 Af Am in media are light skinned- pg 34

Influenced by European No- pg 29 Growing up was dissatisfied American women Lack of Af Am in media- pg 29 because not white- pg 22 Fat people on TV are clowns- pg 29 Hard to compare but try to lighten No, because not ideal- pg 32 hair- pg 28 The people in media are white and Yes, because of stereotypes of As thin- pg 34 Am women- have to be thin- pg 29- 30 The misperceptions anger- pg 30

Family/Parental influence Y-8 Family accepts different sizes-pg 13 Yes, a lot- pg 31 N-2 Grandparents comments were Moms comments- pg 32-33

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Y- sister and mom-pg 28 negative and affected- pg 15 Relatives comments- pg 34 N-pg 29 (Kate) Sisters negative comments- pg 20 Moms comments- pg 34 By parents actions-pg 29 Mom- pg 34 Compare to cousin- pg 29 Moms actions- pg 36 By actions of family-pg 30 Jealous of sister- pg 30 With teasing-pg 31 and 34 Mom’s comments and dad’s heart attack-pg 32 Mom motivates- pg 35 Sister was bigger and this was a positive- pg 35

Friends Influence Friends are positive but peers are Friends and trends have an influence- Compares to friends- pg 31 negative- pg 37 pg 14 Friends are anorexic- pg 32-33 Positive influence- pg 38 Friends who are smaller and comment Friends say too skinny- pg 36 Yes, but friends who are like me-pg 38 about weight- pg 15 Friends are healthy- pg 37 By actions and not words-pg 39 Boys say need to be thick- pg 18 Actions more than comments-pg 40 White and Black friends compare, food and workout- pg 19 Community you grew up in All black school but sister all white and different- pg 40-41 Af Am and dress- pg 41 White- what girls did to be thin- pg 41-42 Af Am- hair and nails- pg 44, 45 Af Am- more accepting- pg 44

Prevention Programs Separating groups- pg 42 Need to work on self-esteem- pg 46 Need Asian norms and info about But good to hear other views-pg 42, 43 Racially mixed to learn from us- pg Asian food- pg 39 Some similarities- pg 43 46 Address differences-hair and facial Start in separate groups- pg 44 Differences to be addressed-pg 49 features- pg 41 Need to be comfortable and honest-pg Separate and then mix- pg 50 45

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Appendix O. Asian American Focus Group Description

1. Han- Was born in Bloomington, Indian and moved to Korea for a little over a year and then returned to the United Sates. Grew up in Dayton, Ohio and lived there until coming to college. She is 21 years old Researcher observation of size- Can be described as about 5’1” tall and of average weight.

2. Cin- Was born and grew up in a small Jewish community on the east side of Cleveland, Ohio and lived there her entire life before coming to college. She is 21 years old Researcher observation of size- Can be described as about 5’3” tall and slender build.

3. Sue- Had to be eliminated from analyzation due to her age of 32, the study was limited to ages 18 to 25.

4. Rahl- Was born and raised on the west side of Cincinnati, Ohio. Has spent a few summers in the Philippians. She is 21 years old Researcher observation of size- Can be described as 5’3” tall and a stocky build.

5. Stella- Was born and raised in Indianapolis, IN and lived there until coming to college. She is18 years old Researcher observation of size- Can be described as 5’5” tall and average build.

6. Thel- Was born and raised in Covington, KY and lived there until coming to college. She is 20 years old Researcher observation of size- Can be described as 5’4” tall and very thin.

7. Mu- Was born and raised in Cincinnati, Ohio. Her family is originally from Vietnam. She is 21 years old Researcher observation of size- Can be described as 5’ tall and average build.

8. Sahah- Was born in India and lived there for 8 years and then moved to Cleveland, Ohio. Has lived in Cleveland until coming to college. She is 18 years old Researcher observation of size- Can be described as 5’4” tall and slender.

9. Sar- Was born in India but has lived in Cincinnati, Ohio most of her life. Is 21 years old Researcher observation of size- Can be described as 5’ tall and very thin.

Appendix P. African American Focus Group Participant Descriptions

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1. Nic- Was born and raised in Cleveland, Ohio and lived there until going to college. She is 22 years old Researcher observation of size- Can be described as 5’4” tall and average build.

2. Tanya- Was born and raised in Columbus, Ohio and lived there until coming to college. She is 19 years old Researcher observation of size- Can be described as 5’4” and average build.

3. Donna: Was born in Cleveland, Ohio and lived there until coming to college. She is 22 years old Researcher observation of size- Can be described as 5’3” tall and a little overweight.

4. Kana- Was born in Cleveland, Ohio and lived there until coming to college. She is 22 years old Researcher observation of size- Can be described as 5’3” tall and overweight.

5. Gumya- Was born in Nigeria and lived there for 5 years before moving to Toledo, Ohio She lived in Toledo until coming to college. She is 22 years old Researcher observation of size- Can be described as 5’4” tall and very thin.

6. Shantay- Was born and raised in Rockville, Maryland and lived there until coming college. She is 21 years old Researcher observation of size- Can be described as 5’5” and a little overweight

7. Quail- Had to be eliminated from analyzation due to her age of 27, the study was limited to ages 18 to 25.

8. Santal- Was born in Dayton, Ohio and lived there until coming to college. She is 18 years old Researcher observation of size- Can be described as 5’4” and thin

9. Carnie- Was born in Toledo, Ohio and lived there until coming to college. She is 21 years old Researcher observation of size- Can be described as 5’7” tall and average build.

Appendix Q. European American Focus Group Participants Descriptions

1. Amy- Is from Indian and lived there until coming to college. She is 21 years old. Amy is a ballet major and this is very influential in her body image.

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Researcher observation of size- Can be described as 5’6” tall and very thin.

2. Jane- Is from Huber Heights, Ohio and has lived there until coming to college. She is 21 years old Researcher observation of size- Can be described as 5’4” tall and of average build.

3. Henny- Is from Latonia, Ohio and lived there until going to college. She is 21 years old Researcher observation of size- Can be described as 5’ tall and of average build.

4. Andy- Is from Strongsville, Ohio and lived there until coming college. She is 22 years old Researcher observation of size- Can be described as 5’4” tall and of average build

5. Kerry- Was born in Indian and lived there for about 7 years and then moved to Strongsville, Ohio where she lived until coming college. She is 23 years old Researcher observation of size- Can be described as 5’3” tall and of average build.

6. Gil- Is from Athens, Ohio and lived there until coming to college. She is 23 years old Researcher observation of size- Can be described as 5’4” tall and of slender build.

7. Elly- Is from Cincinnati, Ohio. She is 22 years old Researcher observation of size- Can be described as 5’3” tall and a little overweight

8. Lela- Is from Canton, Ohio and lived there until coming to college. She is 20 years old Researcher observation of size- Can be described as 5’4” tall and a little overweight

9. Mia- Is from West Milton, Ohio and lived there until coming to college. She is 23 years old Researcher observation of size- Can be described as 5’3” tall and of average build

10. Kate- Is from Cincinnati Ohio. She is 21 years old. Researcher observation of size- Can be described as 5’1” tall and very thin.