THE RELATIONSHIP BETWEEN RACIAL MICROAGGRESSIONS, SOCIAL SUPPORT,
AND THE SELF-ESTEEM OF AFRICAN AMERICAN WOMEN ENROLLED
AT PREDOMINATELY WHITE INSTITUTIONS
A Dissertation
Presented to
The Graduate Faculty of The University of Akron
In Partial Fulfillment
Of the Requirements for the Degree
Doctor of Philosophy
Tanya J Middleton
May 2020
THE RELATIONSHIP BETWEEN RACIAL MICROAGGRESSIONS, SOCIAL SUPPORT,
AND THE SELF-ESTEEM OF AFRICAN AMERICAN WOMEN ENROLLED
AT PREDOMINATELY WHITE INSTITUTIONS
Tanya J Middleton
Dissertation
Approved: Accepted:
______Advisor School Director Dr. Delila Owens Dr. Varunee Faii Sangganjanavanich
______Committee Member Acting Dean College of Health Dr. John E. Queener Professions Dr. Timothy McCarragher
______Committee Member Acting Dean of the Graduate School Dr. Robert C. Schwartz Dr. Marnie Saunders
______Committee Member Date Dr. Julie Lenyk
______Committee Member Dr. Yue Dang
ii ABSTRACT
The purpose of this study was to examine the relationship between racial microaggressions, social support, and the self-esteem of African American women enrolled at Predominately White
Institutions (PWIs). This study, grounded in Critical Race Theory, a theoretical framework used to examine racism as a socially constructed concept, employed a purposeful sample of 121
African American women enrolled at PWIs across the United States. Participants completed a demographic questionnaire and an online survey consisting of three measurements, the
Rosenberg Self-Esteem Scale, and the Racial and Ethnic Microaggressions Scale and the
Multidimensional Perceived Social Support Scale and their associated subscales. Results of a hierarchical multiple regression analyses controlling for age, which significantly correlates with self-esteem, revealed that there was a statistically significant relationship between perceived racial microaggressions, social support and the self-esteem of African American women enrolled in PWIs. Additionally, when all variables were taken together, the overall model accounted for
34.9% of the variability in self-esteem.
iii ACKNOWLEDGMENTS
First and foremost, I have to thank my Lord and savior Jesus Christ, for equipping me with the ability, faith, perseverance, and determination to complete this quest. To my children,
India and Jayden, I do hope my due diligence can serve as an example for what you can not only strive for but also achieve with hard work and confidence. I thank you both for the sacrifices made during this process, and for pushing me even when I felt defeated. My friend, encourager, voice of reason, and shining light Jayson, as my husband you have served many roles. As I think about this journey, there is no one else I want to share this with. When considering this accomplishment, this was definitely possible with your love, adoration, respect, and appreciation for God’s plan for our life.
My family-parents, siblings, nieces, nephews, cousins etc., including but not limited to
“kin-ties”, friends and colleagues, I thank you for hanging in there with me throughout this storm!
We made it! To anyone who asked, checked-in and took interest, I am grateful!
I extend thank you to my committee, Dr. John Queener, Dr. Robert Schwartz, Dr, Julie
Lenyk, and Dr. Yue Dang your feedback and encouragement was valuable and appreciated.
Lastly, my advisor and chair, Dr. Delila Owens, I appreciate your commitment to me during this season. This would not have been possible without your guidance, support and belief that I could! I am forever grateful and humbled by your dedication towards my goal of completion!
iv TABLE OF CONTENTS
Page
LIST OF TABLES ...... viii
LIST OF FIGURES ...... ix
CHAPTER
I. INTRODUCTION ...... 1
Critical Race Theory ...... 4
Racial Microaggressions ...... 7
Social Support ...... 10
Self-Esteem ...... 13
Statement of the Problem ...... 16
Purpose of the Study ...... 18
Research Questions ...... 20
II. REVIEW OF THE LITERATURE ...... 21
Critical Race Theory and Institutional Racism ...... 21
Racial Microaggressions ...... 27
Social Support ...... 44
Self-Esteem ...... 54
Mental Health Considerations ...... 63
v Summary of Racial Microaggressions, Social Support, and Self-Esteem Literature ...... 66
III. METHODOLOGY ...... 69
Research Questions ...... 69
Null and Directional Hypothesis ...... 70
Description of the Independent and Dependent Variables ...... 70
Research Design and Data Analysis ...... 72
Participants and Sampling Methods ...... 75
Data Collection Procedures ...... 76
Instruments ...... 78
Summary of Methodology ...... 87
IV. RESULTS ...... 89
Pre-Analysis Data Screening ...... 89
Testing of Assumptions ...... 90
Descriptive Statistics for Study Variables ...... 93
Results ...... 95
Racial Microaggressions, Social Support, and Self-Esteem ...... 95
Summary of Results ...... 98
V. DISCUSSION ...... 100
Descriptive Summary and Interpretation of Statistical Results ...... 100
Discussion of Results Compared to Related Research and Theory ...... 101
vi Racial Microaggressions and Self-Esteem ...... 102
Social Support and Self-Esteem ...... 106
Racial Microaggressions, Social Support, and Self-Esteem ...... 111
Critical Race Theory ...... 112
Implications of Findings ...... 116
Implications for Counseling ...... 117
Implications for Counseling Practice ...... 126
Limitations and Recommandations ...... 128
REFERENCES ...... 129
APPENDENCIES ...... 156
APPENDIX A: DEFINITION OF TERMS ...... 157
APPENDIX B : DEMOGRAPHIC QUESTIONNAIRE ...... 158
APPENDIX C: RACIAL AND ETHNIC MICROAGGRESSIONS SCALE ...... 159
APPENDIX D: MULTIDIMENSIONAL PERCEIVED SCALE OF SOCIAL SUPPORT .. 161
APPENDIX E: ROSENBERG SELF-ESTEEM SCALE ...... 162
APPENDIX F: INFORMED CONSENT ...... 163
APPENDIX G: IRB APPROVAL…………………………………………………………...164
vii
LIST OF TABLES
Table Page
1 Frequency Distribution for Demographic Variables…………………………. 77
2 Bivariate Correlations Among Demographic and Dependent Variables
……………………………………………………………………… 90
3 Descriptive Statistics of Study Variables……………………………………… 94
4 Descriptive Statistics of Self-Esteem and Age………………………………… 94
5 REMS and MSPSS Regression Model Summary…………………………… 96
6 Summary of ANOVA for REMS and MSPSS…………… ………………97
7 Regression Coefficients for REMS and MSPSS……………………………… 97
viii LIST OF FIGURES
Figure Page
1 Normality plot for Self-Esteem………………………………………………. 91
2 Residuals plot for multivariate normality and homoscedasticity …………… .91
3 Scatterplot for Self-Esteem and Racial Microaggressions…………………….92
4 Scatterplot for Self-Esteem and Social Support……………………………….92
ix
CHAPTER I
INTRODUCTION
It has been challenged that racism is mere “preservation through transformation” and while racism alters in form, the impact continues to be detrimental to those targeted (Siegel,
1997). “Old fashioned racism” has been preserved through transformation into the modernized covert form, racial microaggressions, and scholars contend that they are more harmful in nature than old-fashioned racism due to their subtlety (Sue et al., 2008). The impact of frequent exposure to racial microaggressions for minority groups has been linked to poorer mental health outcomes and associated negative symptoms including but not limited to lowered self-esteem, hopelessness, worthlessness, fatigue, lack of motivation and withdrawal; all appropriate criteria for diagnosis of depression, anxiety, and post-traumatic stress disorder (Anderson et al., 1999;
Brown et al., 2000; Carter, 2007; Smith, 2004; Smith, 2008; Solórzano et al., 2000; Sue et al.,
2008).
A significant amount of literature has highlighted the deleterious effects of racial microaggressions on the mental health of people of color. Much of that work lends itself to
African Americans or other minority groups as a whole (Smith et al., 2007; Sue et al., 2008).
Research specifically exploring the experiences of African American women and racial microaggressions is scarce. As a double minority (female and African American), the experiences of African American women are unique, and the added stressors of exposure to racial microaggressions can have lasting implications on their self-esteem and wellbeing
(Alexander & Herman, 2016; Hatcher, 2007).
1
Per the Center for Disease Control (CDC) and Prevention (cdc.gov, 2010), depression affects about 19 million Americans within the United States per year, with women reporting instances of depression rated doubling those of men. This research also noted that women and
African Americans are significantly more likely to report depressive symptoms than any other demographic, while being less likely to seek mental health treatment. The CDC reported that approximately 7% of African Americans sought treatment in comparison to 13% of the general population (cdc.gov, 2010). Provided those statistics, it has been proposed that African American women are at higher risk for depressive symptoms than their counterparts; however, continue to remain one of the most underserved populations within the mental health field (Hatcher, 2007).
The degree to which African American women perceive and respond to racial microaggressions has been associated with their ability to maintain a high sense of worth and a healthy self-esteem throughout their lifespan (Hatcher, 2007). Social support has been identified as a buffer for racial microaggressions while also assisting with higher levels of self-esteem among African American women (Patterson, 2004). Traditional counseling models that focus on individuation have failed to validate experiences such as racial microaggressions and have been noted as being ineffective with the comprehensive treatment needs of Black women (Abrams et al., 2019). This lack of cultural sensitivity and use of Eurocentric treatment modalities have been cited as one reason for the underutilization of mental health care by this population (Constantine & Sue, 2007).
Empirical evidence has demonstrated higher instances of racial microaggressions within environments that are White dominated institutions and systems, for example, Predominately
White Institutions (PWIs) of higher learning (Crenshaw, 1988; Lewis, Mendenhall, Harwood &
Browne Huntt, 2016; Smith et al, 2007). PWIs, are defined as any institution of higher learning
2 where White students account for more than 50% of the student enrollment (Smith, et al., 2007).
Allen and Solórzano (2001) report that African Americans and students of color within these environments struggle to survive academically as well as report higher levels of psychological symptoms while battling racism. The authors did not provide a breakdown on the impact of racial microaggressions on solely African American women. However, findings within their study and other studies did indicate that students of color revealed that social support (i.e.,
African American student organizations, mentors, friends, family) served to assist with minimizing the impact of racism to a degree (Allen & Solórzano, 2001; Clark at al., 1999; Hall,
2007).
The American Counseling Association (ACA) Code of Ethics (2014) mandates that counselors remain informed about trends within society, especially recognizing the need to address social and diversity concerns that can contribute to the overall wellbeing of clients.
Therefore, it is imperative that the impact of racial microaggressions be monitored, especially on
African American women who are at higher risk of discriminatory and oppressive practices due their distinct membership in both populations (Holder et al., 2015). The ACA Code of Ethics
(2014) also speaks to the need for counselors to honor diversity and embrace a multicultural approach that supports, among other things, uniqueness of people within their social and cultural contexts. Therefore, it would be advantageous for counselors to consider how these issues can impact the wellness of African American women within their social environments and lifespan.
Counselors need to seek a better understanding of how the experience of racial microaggressions and social support can impact matriculation throughout college, a distinct developmental period that encompasses more than academic success while setting the foundation for adulthood
3
(Johnson et al., 2014; Patterson, 2004). While also recognizing the negative impact of racial microaggressions, counselors must remain mindful of methods such as social support, noted to increase self-esteem thereby counteracting effects of racial microaggressions for African
American women (Clark et al., 1999; Hall, 2007).
Critical Race Theory
Drawing out of a need for equality following the civil rights movement of the 1960s,
Critical Race Theory (CRT) was identified in the 1980s as a new theory designed to fight racial oppression (Abrams & Moio, 2009). CRT has since expanded to include racism, classism, and sexism with a focus on multiple groups of oppressed people (Yosso et al., 2004). Literature, often cited by scholars, defined CRT utilizing six themes; (1) recognition of endemic racism, (2) skepticism towards dominant legal claims of neutrality, objectivity, colorblindness, and meritocracy, (3) contention that racism has contributed to all contemporary manifestations of group advantage and disadvantage, (4) insistence on the recognition of the experiential knowledge of people of color and their ability to analyze the law and society, (5) interdisciplinary, and (6) elimination of racial oppression and eventually all oppression (Matsuda et al., 1993).
By design, CRT was to undermine two critical presumptions, (1) that the law is color- blind and (2) color blindness is superior to race consciousness (Abrams & Moio, 2009). CRT argues that racism is “ordinary” and not exceptional. Consequently, people of color experience acts of racism daily. One component of CRT serves to identify and examine structural or institutional racism that has been witnessed not only within the legal system, but also in studies on education and social sciences. In this manner, CRT serves as a framework that exposes and
4 challenges the effects of race and racism on institutional structures, practices, and discourses
(Yosso et al., 2004). More recently, scholarship has focused on racial microaggressions that pervade higher education, more specifically within Predominately White Institutions (PWIs) and the negative ramifications suffered by African Americans and people of color within those settings (Smith, 2008; Solórzano et al., 2000). Solórzano et al. (2000) have distinguished the use of CRT for educational studies from traditional CRT legal studies framework, citing a couple of factors. Of note, CRT for education uncovers the intersection of the basic elements used in legal studies specific to communities of color, while exposing racism within educational structures.
By design, this also accounts for variations in gender and social classes. Harris (2012) highlights how CRT for education serves to examine power structures evident within institutions that were designed to maintain White culture as dominant due to their existence that is based upon White privilege and White supremacy. CRT recognizes the existence of racism through the counter- narratives and storytelling of those afflicted and uses these personal narratives to disseminate its effects (Yosso et al., 2004).
Studies exploring CRT within education are abundant, however they remain limited in highlighting the experiences of African American women who are enrolled at PWIs. African
American women are frequently victims of negative undertones such as racial microaggressions within systems of oppression, (i.e., PWIs), and these conditions further perpetuate symptoms comparable to depression and anxiety (Alexander & Hermann, 2016). CRT speaks to the filtering of covert racism within institutions and is therefore an effective framework that is useful with the examination of college campuses that often serve to preserve behaviors such as racial microaggressions (Yosso et al., 2004). A positive racial environment has been identified as one
5 that, (1) is inclusive, (2) has culturally sensitive curriculum, (3) has supportive programs for recruitment, retention, and graduation, and (4) has a mission of reinforcement for diversification and fair treatment for all (Hurtado et al., 1999). Studies sharply contrast that description of a positive racial environment and identify instances where African American women enrolled report experiencing exclusion, lack of cultural sensitivity, being made to feel invisible, and assumption of intelligence, all themes consistent with the description of racial microaggressions
(Brown, 2000; Nadal, 2011; Sue et al., 2008).
Solórzano et al. (2000) note how the use of “academic counter-spaces”, for example, social groups and social spaces, designed to assist with the rebuffing of the constant barrage of negative messages received, worked to counteract the impact of exposure. In their work, they interviewed African American students at PWIs, who are members of African American student organizations, fraternities and sororities, and peer groups that worked to create positive and supportive environments. The emerging themes of support and inclusivity highlighted the benefit of social support, as a positive reinforcement to negative environments (Solórzano &
Villalpando, 1998). Sue et al. (2008) noted how minority populations can benefit from validation when faced with oppression and these forms of social support could serve to minimize the impact of racial microaggressions. Through a CRT lens, the use of social support can be examined to identify which types, if any, are effective strategies for success. While the benefits of social support are noted, Solórzano and Villalpando (1998) also recognized instances in which these groups can be counterproductive, with too much focus on being “validated” and less attention for minority group members on academics.
6
CRT is designed to consider all factors, for example, racial microaggressions, social support and self-esteem, and how these factors can interact thereby impacting the overall wellbeing of African American women enrolled in PWIs. CRT, through its multilayered perspective, sets the foundation for this study as it emphasizes the lived experience and historical context of societal racism, all of which are evident within institutional structures.
Racial Microaggressions
Theorists (Sue et al., 2008) have identified racial microaggressions to include covert racist behaviors such as racial slights, recurrent indignities and irritations, unfair treatment, stigmatization, and hyper-surveillance. This “new racism” (McWhorter, 2014) is noted as being used by the White dominant culture in efforts to degrade and devalue people of color and marginalized groups. Racial microaggressions have their foundation in racism (Sue et al., 2008) and critical race theorists would argue how they have been saturated throughout society to maintain a hierarchy that identifies marginalized groups as less than the dominant White culture
(Harris, 2012). Racism is operationally defined as attitudes, beliefs, institutional arrangements, and acts that are believed or enacted by members of a different ethnic group in efforts to oppress individuals or groups of a different race or ethnic make-up (Clark et al., 1999). Jones (1997) has identified three dimensions of racism: (1) individual: racism on a personal level, (2) institutional: social and institutional policies that prevent African Americans and minorities from attaining certain benefits, and (3) cultural: belief that the cultural practices of the majority group are better than the minority.
Sue (2003) contends that racism creates conditions where African Americans are treated as lesser beings through devaluing and demeaning them; therefore, denying equal access and
7 opportunity. Racism and racial microaggressions are similar; however, the latter can be considered a progressive form due to their hidden makeup while also being broader and focusing more on everyday instances between perpetrator and recipient (Nadal & Esquilin, 2007; Sue et al., 2008).
Dr. Chester Pierce, an African American psychiatrist, medical doctor, and scholar is credited with normalizing the term microaggressions in the 1970s, and his research continues to be expanded upon to explain stressors faced by people of color (Pierce et al., 1978). In his original work, Pierce (1969) first described racial microaggressions as “offensive mechanisms” utilized to explore the bigotry and lack of attention African Americans received within the healthcare fields.
There has been a plethora of research aimed at expanding Pierce (1969), Pierce (1970), and Pierce et al. (1978) phenomenon on the impact of racial microaggressions on African
Americans and other marginalized groups. Sue et al. (2007) have further extended the study of racial microaggressions, citing that racial microaggressions experienced by people of color are frequent verbal, behavioral and environmental indignities, whether intentional or unintentional, that communicate hostile, derogatory, or harmful racial slights and insults to the target person or group. Racial microaggressions have been categorized into three forms: microassaults, microinsults, and microinvalidations (Sue, 2010). Microassaults have been identified as “old fashioned racism” and are the more direct form, (i.e., name calling). Research has noted that microinsults and microinvalidations are modernized forms and are invisible in disposition and more harmful to marginalized groups than old-fashioned racism (Sue et al., 2008). Findings suggest not only a need for more advancement in the studies of racial microaggressions, but also
8 associated health concerns that minority groups can experience when subjected to chronic exposure (Smith, 2008; Sue et al., 2008; Sue, 2010).
Racial microaggressions are evident throughout collegiate studies and Critical Race
Theory (CRT) recognizes how institutional racism, while hidden at times, continues the agenda of exclusion for minority groups. Institutional racism has served to inflict discriminatory practices and unfair treatment on people of color in efforts to maintain the superior status of the majority White dominated culture (Thelin, 2011). Such instances have been witnessed and documented across society and legal systems and in more recent literature, in institutions of higher learning, of note Predominately White Institutions (PWIs) (Smith, 2008).
Thelin (2011) has pointed to the need of considering the history of exclusion of African
Americans in higher education institutions; the original make-up of colleges was designed for
White pupils instructed by White faculty. This historical premise is integral in recognizing the sentiments of African American students who continue to report feeling unwelcomed or supported due to the actions of Whites that validate those notions, (i.e., racial microaggressions).
Over time, racial diversity among PWIs has increased; however, some would argue that there has been minimal movement in altering the academic climate on college campuses (Harwood at al.,
2012). Johnson et al. (2014) have noted how psychological effects, with a marked focus on students of color as a whole, have interfered with persistence and college retention as well as increase in symptoms related to depression and anxiety. Again, theorists of CRT would contend that the filtration of racial microaggressions, for example unintentional and intentional behaviors and messages, serve to further deny students of color access to higher education, consequently impacting enrollment and retention rates due to the unwelcoming climates.
9
Research exploring institutional racism and the impact of racial microaggressions experienced at PWIs, has focused primarily on African American males; therefore, minimizing the experience of the African American woman (Chavous, 2000; Crocker et al., 1994; Smith,
2004). This omission is despite recent statistics demonstrating increased enrollment for African
American women in higher education versus that of African American males or any other group
(National Center for Education Statistics, [NCES] 2017). African American women, by both race and gender, account for 9.7% of overall college enrollment rate; followed by Asian women
(8.7%), White women (7.1%) and White men (6.1%) (NCES, 2017). Brown (2004) has noted that African American women enrolled in higher educational settings often report self- doubt with intellectual capabilities among stressors, as well as feelings of alienation and interpersonal concerns. While limited, studies that do exist exploring the experiences of African American women enrolled in PWIs (Alexander & Hermann, 2016; Johnson, 2011; Lett &Wright, 2003;
Watts, 2006), are often of a qualitative nature and would benefit from quantitative work to empirically support the generalizability of results to African American women.
Social Support
Hogan et al. (2002) have defined social support as a multidimensional construct describing the structure, function, and perception of support defined by an individual. Social support has often been identified as a way of increasing the self-esteem and resiliency of African
American women (Hall, 2007). Within the African American community, it has been recognized that support received from family, friends, and significant others are important aspects of coping and increasing resiliency (Constantine et al., 2003). Research on social support remains inconsistent within the African American population as the definition lacks studies identifying
10 the most effective type of support. Literature often cites social support family (Bagley & Caroll,
1998) as being more beneficial than other forms of support, such as friends or significant relationships. This contrasts with other research, which has acknowledged how minorities tend to seek support more from friends than family (Cutrona, 1986). Kiecolt-Glaser and Newton (2001) recognize the immediacy and intimacy of significant other relationships as buffers for psychological distress. Patterson (2004) found in their work spanning over a 14-year period, that
African American women established effective support that was beneficial in the role of mentors or other colleagues of the same gender and race across the lifespan. Bagley and Carroll (1998), and Hall (2007) note how support can be categorized as that which does not only encompass family relationships but also those “kin” ties, in the form of connections with immediate family
(i.e., nieces, nephews, cousins) and close relationships with non-blood relatives.
Despite the varying degrees and types of support received, empirical studies have demonstrated the power of social support within the African American community in managing stress heightened from discrimination (Utsey et al., 2000). Prior studies have indicated that
African American women with low social support are four times more likely to have depressive symptoms than women with high social support (Schumm et al., 2006). In efforts to combat the negative connotations and damning images created by perceived racial microaggressions for
African American women, specific investigations have suggested variations of social support that apply to this population (Hall, 2007). Literature posits that bonds formed with other African
American women, that when validated through positive reinforcement, reduced the likelihood of internalizing mainstream society’s negativist opinion leading to higher reported levels of self- esteem (Eugene, 1995; Patterson 2004). The ideology of social support as a positive influence is
11 grounded in the collectivist approach that argues that a sense of community and positive racial influence can alter the level of self-esteem over time for African American women (Patterson,
2004).
Social support has also been recognized in the connections with parental figures and caregivers, thus highlighting the work of Bowlby (1980) and Ainsworth (1980) who speak to the importance of such roles in child rearing. Dunkel and Harbke (2017) acknowledged Erickson’s stages of growth as being a balancing act of both genetic (cultural and family influences) and environmental concepts at the micro and macro levels. Ainsworth’s follow-up work to Bowlby
(1980) may be more applicable in the African American community as she urged for the consideration of other attachment figures and not just parents for the development of positive emotional health and self-worth (Ainsworth & Bell, 1970).
Sherman at al. (2011) recognize a gap in the literature with specific source of support and patterns of use specifically among gender and race, therefore suggesting more research exploring these factors. Sherman et al. (2011) also stressed concern over literature failing to link the degree of associated mental health symptoms and treatment with the source of support. To date research identifying the most effective form of social support in minimizing negative symptoms remains deficient. This speaks to the need for counselors to consider not only the type, but also the source of support when working to implement effective methods of integrating support into treatment modalities. To remedy such concerns, Abrams at al., (2019) proposed that clinicians use support networks as tools for integrating African American women into mental health treatment. These authors recognize the low engagement of this population with “help seeking behaviors” and challenges mental health professionals to “bring” the care to African American women via
12 environments that are familiar to them. Abrams et al. (2019) suggested that clinicians focus on integrating care within homes, community organizations, and faith-based institutions to increase access to the utilization of services. The ACA (2014) denotes that those working in the mental health field provide culturally competent care. Integration into the community may assist with this; therefore increasing insight and engagement through a method of increased support while also creating conditions that are more reflective and responsive to the needs of this underserved population.
This integration of support remains consistent with the ideology behind Critical Race
Theory (CRT), as it seeks to explore social support with a definition that not only accounts for the individual need, but also the environmental and institutional barriers that may impact overall wellbeing for minority populations. CRT recognizes that racism is multilayered and systemic
(Yosso et al., 2004), therefore it can be suggested that a proposed strategy to counteract this (i.e., social support) also remain multilayered in efforts to combat the varying degrees of influence racial microaggressions can have on those afflicted.
Self-Esteem
Self-esteem has been identified as a measure of an individual’s self-worth and how they feel about themselves (Coopersmith, 1967). As members of two distinct minority groups,
African American women have been challenged with the unique instance of dealing with a variety of discriminatory factors that alter self-esteem on levels consisting of race and gender
(Essed, 1991). Theory suggests that self-esteem for African American women is a multi- dimensional and evolutionary concept and that the definition should continue to expand and reflect the cultural variances of the most current times (Hatcher, 2007). While it can be proposed
13 that self-esteem increases over time, it has been noted that more research is needed to understand the components of African American women across varying age groups (Brown et al., 2013).
Critical Race Theory (CRT) recognizes how societal distortions such as racial microaggressions serve to harm the development and maintenance of self-esteem over time, through the multi- dimensional methods that are less than evident (i.e., institutional racism). Sue et al. (2007) speak to the normalization of racism, apparent in Predominately White Institutions (PWIs), for African
Americans who are led to believe that negative behaviors are normal or that they are being too sensitive in reaction. Despite this normalization, empirical research has identified the detrimental impact that racial microaggressions can have on the self-esteem, as well as psychological and physiological ramifications for minorities (Brown et al., 2000; Brown &
Moran, 1997; Carter, 2007; Clark et al., 1999; DeFrancisco & Chatham, 2000; Hatcher, 2007;
Smith, 2004; Sue et al., 2008).
Often, the perception of African American women has been altered by what others, (i.e., dominant culture) perceive, and this has been a fluctuation from one of strength and resiliency, to angry, criminal minded, uneducated, poverty-stricken, and having several children with different fathers (Donovan et al., 2012). These stereotypical images are systemically implanted in society, and African American women have been forced to overcome and fight against such damaging inferences (Donovan et al., 2012). This infiltration of such negative undertones (i.e., racial microaggressions) has been aided within systems, as suggested by CRT to dehumanize African
American women and negate their experiences in efforts to maintain the dominant status quo
(Harris, 2012). For example, the stereotype of being a “strong Black woman” may be counterproductive insofar as it prevents African American women from acknowledging or
14 admitting their psychological distress, symptoms of depression or anxiety, therefore, leading to lowered rates of seeking mental health treatment out of shame or fear of not living up to expectations (Shambley-Ebron et al, 2006). CRT theorists may again argue that the negative environment in a sense, forces a protective reaction from African American women, that serves to further deny them rights to treatment out of fears of being judged or considered weak for seeking support.
Utsey et al. (2000) explored the various coping styles of African American women exposed to racism and found avoidance to be the overwhelming choice, a method that is negatively related to self-esteem and life satisfaction. These authors conclude that avoidance serves to temporarily minimize the pain, often leading to more difficulty once confronted again.
Some scholars have asserted that the internalization of oppression and stigma, can lead to diminished self-esteem and self-efficacy (Crocker & Major, 1989; Smith, 2008; Utsey et al.,
2000). Charles (2010) stresses that the developmental level of college-aged women might influence their ability to manage the impact of negative inferences on their self-esteem due to a lack of experience and exposure. It is hypothesized that younger women are more likely to avoid or internalize messages, and therefore lack the maturity necessary to implement the positive coping skills needed to lessen the effects on the self-esteem (Charles, 2010). Patterson (2004) noted higher self-esteem levels among older women, citing how self-esteem increased with age across the 14-year study period. Higher reports of self-esteem were further aided through community supports that served to empower African American women collectively, therefore, improving self-esteem and increasing the ability to overcome the impact of perceived racial microaggressions and other forms of discrimination encountered (Eugene, 1995; Patterson, 2004).
15
Even with these gains, work remains incomplete concerning African American women and self-esteem, despite them being one of the most underserved populations within the mental health field (Hall, 2007). To date, there remains a disparity in the literature that accounts for variables that associate with the self-esteem of African American women.
Statement of the Problem
CRT suggests that racism has been maintained through structural and educational systems such as PWIs (Yosso at al., 2004). Many would argue that racist experiences have diminished over time; however, research indicates not a decrease but rather a transformation into the more harmful, subtle and overt forms referred to in this study as racial microaggressions
(Smith et al., 2007; Sue, 2010). Theoretical research examining PWIs have identified the deleterious effects that frequent exposure to racial microaggressions can have on minorities and/or African American women, for example lowered levels of self-esteem and worth, depression, anxiety, stress and physical and physiological ramifications (Branscombe et al., 1999;
Donovan et al., 2012; Lewis et al., 2016; Smith, 2008; Sue et al, 2008; Watts, 2006 ). The college years have been identified as distinct developmental periods where students progress through stages necessary for a successful transition into adulthood. As double minorities,
African American women are challenged with navigation through harsh climates inundated with racial microaggressions and gendered discrimination, thereby creating additional stressors that may affect the level of self-esteem or worth. Social support has been identified as a buffer for
African American women against negative connotations such as racial microaggressions. Ideally, those with higher levels of social support report higher levels of self-esteem.
16
African American women as they transition into adulthood are placed in situations where exposure to racial microaggressions have been identified as negatively impacting the self-esteem, creating higher risk for depressive symptoms more than any other groups (Alexander &
Hermann, 2016). Despite these findings, they continue to remain one of the most underserved populations within the mental health community while having criteria to meet various mental health disorders (Hall, 2007). Literature highlights cultural obligations, (i.e., “strong black women”) and culturally insensitive treatment modalities as adding to this underutilization of services (Abrams et al., 2019). Negative experiences such as these may be factoring into poor mental health concerns that often go undetected due to tendencies to minimize or ignore symptoms that may manifest. CRT recognizes that these barriers unfortunately have been strategically placed within societal messages, (i.e., institutions) in efforts to maintain the dominant ideology, through this denial and minimization of the specific needs of the African
American woman.
While racial microaggressions have been studied in depth throughout recent years, limited in literature are the experiences of African American women. This exclusion is alarming when considering how the impact of racial microaggressions on the mental health and self- esteem of African Americans and other minorities has been well documented (Sue et al., 2007).
On the contrary, the influx of social support is noted as a buffer that fluctuates levels of self- esteem and combats negative inferences (Patterson, 2004). This study explored the relationship between racial microaggressions, social support, and the self-esteem of African American women enrolled at PWIs. The results of this study can assist not only African American women, but also other underserved populations with highlighting factors that may contribute to overall
17 wellbeing. Mental health professionals can recognize the urgency of implementing culturally appropriate care from a systemic approach as outlined in CRT in best efforts to serve the unique needs of African American women who continue to deny symptoms in efforts to live up to the
“status quo” or report higher levels of depression while failing to seek appropriate mental health care.
Purpose of the Study
The purpose of the study was to explore the relationship between racial microaggressions, social support, and the self-esteem of African American women enrolled at PWIs. There is increasing literature on these constructs separately, however with respect to African American women, these variables had not been addressed concurrently or are limited in nature. Utilizing tenants of Critical Race Theory, which serves to identify systemic oppression that impedes the progress of minorities, in this case, the educational system, this study sought to extend prior literature by investigating if and to what degree racial microaggressions, social support, and the self-esteem of African American women are related.
The number of African American women enrolling into PWIs continues to rise (NCES,
2017); however, even with an influx of minorities the climate of these institutions remains stagnant and inundated with racial microaggressions (Smith et al., 2007). African American women attending PWIs have reported the impact of frequent exposure to racial microaggressions as harmful to overall self-worth and self-esteem, often leading to symptoms significant with clinical depression, anxiety and other mental health disorders (Alexander & Hermann, 2016).
Despite meeting criteria for depression, African American women fail to engage in mental health treatment. Nadal et al. (2014) and Patterson (2004) have noted how social support minimizes the
18 impact of racial microaggressions within White dominated environments such as PWIs. There is a need to explore the relationship between racial microaggressions, social support, and the self- esteem of African American women enrolled at PWIs. Studies that do exist focus on qualitative perceptions from whole minority groups (Smith et al., 2007) often negating the experiences of the African American women, who have experienced disrespect and other forms of discrimination throughout history (Essed, 1991; Omolade, 1994). Increased knowledge in this area can assist with broader meanings into reasons why this group continues to remain underserved within the mental health field and inform counselors about methods associated with these variables that can aide in better treatment outcomes.
One recommendation of this study was to stress the essentiality for counselors and those within the mental health field to better understand the immediate impact of racial microaggressions and social support on the self-esteem throughout an integral developmental period for a marginalized group. The results of this study contributed to the field of mental health as it shed light on factors that can influence the self-esteem of African American women while enrolled at PWIs. This study also recognized institutional racism (i.e., higher education) through a CRT perspective that has been demonstrated as facilitating undesirable experiences for minority students (Alexander and Hermann, 2016; Smith et al., 2007). In reviewing these relationships, clinicians can gain a better grasp on these environments and through a CRT lens identify appropriate cultural treatment modalities. This vantage point is helpful as it encompasses not only the individual perspective but also, environmental and structural constructions of racism
(i.e., racial microaggressions) that can aid in an overall understanding of this demographic that would otherwise remain unnoticed as evidenced by low utilization of mental health care.
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CACREP (2016) and the ACA (2014) promote the need for counselors to remain culturally competent with case conceptualization when assessing the needs of clients. Implications of this study addressed the essentiality for counseling interventions that are specific to the unique needs of clients and recognition of how the relationship between these variables can impact the self- esteem of African American women in these settings while promoting inclusionary efforts.
Research Questions
In this research study, the following question was addressed:
Research Question 1: Is there a statistically significant relationship between perceived
racial microaggressions, social support, and the self-esteem of African American women
enrolled at Predominately White Institutions?
*See Appendix A for definition of terms
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CHAPTER II
REVIEW OF THE LITERATURE
The purpose of this study was to explore the relationship between racial microaggressions, social support, and the self-esteem of African American women enrolled at Predominately White
Institutions (PWIs). This chapter will be divided into multiple sections. The first section will provide an overview of Critical Race Theory (CRT) and Institutional Racism. The second section will provide a general overview of racial microaggressions, with areas specific to African
American women, PWIs. The third section will provide an overview of social support and self- esteem specific to African Americans and African American women. The variables are then explored collectively with considerations for mental health in efforts to further verify the need and benefit of this study.
Critical Race Theory and Institutional Racism
CRT is a theoretical framework that has been utilized to uncover the normalization of racism within society (Yosso et al., 2004). This ideology draws attention to the regrettable truth that racism is ordinary; therefore, representative of the collective, everyday experience of most people of color in this country (Delgado & Stefancic, 2007). Throughout its evolution, CRT has called for more focus on the conception of racial issues within specific structures, (i.e., academia) in efforts to disseminate its effects, in addition to stressing the need for social justice reforms.
CRT has been recognized as a useful tool with exploring institutional racism due in part to the
21 ability to illuminate the racist undertones that are often ignored and minimized by the dominant culture (Morfin et al., 2006).
Primary tenants of CRT have been identified by most scholars as (1) recognition of endemic racism, (2) skepticism towards dominant legal claims of neutrality, objectivity, colorblindness, and meritocracy, (3) racism’s contribution to all contemporary manifestations of group advantage and disadvantage, (4) recognition of the experiential knowledge of people of color and their ability to analyze the law and society, (5) interdisciplinary, and (6) working towards the end of eliminating racial oppression and eventually all oppression (Matsuda et al.,
1993). Ladson-Billings and Tate (1995) are credited with the transcendence of CRT into the field of education. In their work, they outlined, with particular emphasis, the experiences of people of color in response to racism as it intersects with other forms of subordination, for example that which exists within the United States educational system. Similar in nature to the original theory,
Solórzano and Yosso (1997) described CRT with respect to education as one that recognizes (1) the centrality of race and racism (2) the challenge of the dominant ideology (3) the commitment to social justice (4) the centrality of experiential knowledge, and (5) the interdisciplinary perspective. Solórzano et al. (2000) expanded this to encompass not only policy but also behaviors. The educational system is better understood with consideration of Lorde (1992) and
Marable’s (1992) definition of racism, described as the institutional power of one group over another. This definition can include the intentional and unintentional (i.e., racial microaggressions) behaviors that the White dominant group, enacts over the less empowered marginalized groups through control and hidden agendas.
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Solórzano and Yosso (1997) contend that the CRT tenet (1) the centrality of race and racism is appropriate when examining educational systems. This tenet recognizes that race and racism are permanent fixtures within social and institutional structures. Of importance is consideration of the micro and macro components that aid in the structuring of schools and school practices. This structuring is best explained from the origin of higher education within the
United States that dates back to over 200 years ago (Geiger, 2007). The inception of post- secondary education argues the point outlined by the centrality of race, as the initial composition included only White instructors and White pupils. The omission of minorities in particular
African Americans, established the foundation of institutional racism within higher education whereby access for this and other groups was not always a privilege. This continues to resonate within society and is evidenced by the disproportionate enrollment rates of minorities in comparison to Whites over time (NCES, 2017).
Despite this centrality of race, that placed emphasis on the betterment of White students, the first African American male student credited with receiving a degree of higher education occurred in 1823 at Middlebury College in Vermont (Ranbom & Lynch, 1988). What followed were sporadic graduations of African Americans from PWIs. The first African American woman,
Mary Jane Patterson graduated from Oberlin College in Ohio in 1862 (Harper et al., 2009).
While significant, that stride for African American women was nearly 40 years after their male counterparts. This is also astounding given that Catherine Brewer was the first White woman to graduate with a bachelor’s degree in 1840 (Ranbom & Lynch, 1988). The delayed entry into systems of higher education has created an education gap between the dominant race and minority groups that remains present today. Taylor (1997) notes that a gap in higher education
23 between races in essence, is “widespread historical illiteracy,” citing how access to post- secondary education was not always a privilege for marginalized groups. CRT suggests that through this institutional racist structure, African Americans and African American women have always been placed in predicaments to fight through policy and with stakeholders for what should be a given right for all.
Nevertheless, the stalled educational progress of African Americans as a group was cited as one the driving factors of the government sponsored Morrill Land Grant Act of 1870, and the subsequent Morrill Land Act of 1890 (Rudy, 2003). As with other acts designed to assist minorities, the provision of land for the building of educational institutions, specific to African
Americans appeared promising (Rudy, 2003). Review of these acts through a CRT perspective serves to substantiate CRT tenet (2) the challenge of the dominant ideology, a concept that
Solórzano and Yosso (2000) described as accounting for challenging societal needs. While providing educational opportunities and funding is appropriate, the schools were constructed to service the growing mechanical and agricultural needs of those times (Rudy, 2003). The premise of providing post-secondary education within the “mechanical and agricultural” career fields must be concerning for marginalized groups. Rose (2017) purports that racism will only go away when Whites begin to benefit more from non-racist acts. In this instance, it can be ascertained that the need for more mechanical and agricultural work overrode the need to maintain the status quo through exclusionary control. This Act while beneficial on one hand, demonstrated the power of the policymakers and how they choose to invest within African Americans.
Ascription of intelligence a form of racial microaggressions that will be reviewed later in the study can also be applied (Nadal et al., 2014) and has been cited by African Americans
24 enrolled at PWIs. This speaks to assumptions and limitations regarding the intelligence and ability of minority groups (Smith, 2008; Sue, 2010). This Act may, therefore, serve to be counterproductive assuming that African Americans are either limited within their intellectual capabilities, or even worse ascribed to specific areas where they cannot threaten the dominant group ideology. CRT theorists might contend that the majority group finds it necessary to identify and restrict skill sets based upon what they deem appropriate and also how they might benefit. Furthermore, this is also an example of Derrick Bell’s original CRT premise of “interest convergence” whereby the desire to help African Americans is in the foreground; however, the majority White self-interest is what drives the movement (Delgado & Stefanic, 2007). Bell (1995) suggests that the civil rights advances for African Americans, seem to coincide with the economic self- interests of elitist Whites, a need to offer higher education for African Americans while also considering the demand for more manufacturing and agricultural production within the economy.
The United States government, with vested interest in the higher education for freed slaves and their offspring, eventually began the allocation of funding for Historically Black
Colleges, and Universities (HBCUs). What resulted was even more focus on African American education with the establishment of more HBCUs and gender-specific (i.e., Spelman College,
Morehouse College) universities. Roebuck and Murty (1993) suggested that the creation of public HBCUs and specialized trade schools began the separate but “unequal” trend, as many of the schools created were substandard with inadequately trained faculty and inadequate facilities, in comparison to PWIs. Roebuck and Murty (1993) posited that this was by design to prevent students of color from enrolling into PWIs, and also control the dominant culture, through
25 provision of substandard systems in comparison with those offered to Whites. These authors cited Plessy vs. Ferguson (1896) as a discrepancy in policy, insofar as it relegated that racial segregation was by law constitutional as long as accommodations were equal, a factor that failed to serve true even with the abolishment of racial segregation in Brown vs. Board of Education in
1954. Even with the implementation of higher education for African Americans, the accommodations in comparison to White schools were deficient, thus further widening the educational gap between races due to access to better materials, technology, instruction etc.,
(Roebuck & Murty, 1993). Brown (2004) contends that segregation among higher education failed to resonate until President Lyndon B. Johnson signed The Civil Rights Act of 1964, with provisions denying federal funding to segregated schools. This Act also stated that no person, regardless of race, should be excluded, discriminated, or denied access to any federally funded program.
PWIs have experienced diversification influx, with more students of color and women being accepted. However, these (minority students) continue to report differing perceptions and experiences than the majority race while attending (Harper & Hurtado, 2007). While the education gap between races remains evident, of notice is the gap that was also created by gender.
African American women were the last of their counterparts to be granted access into higher education; therefore, demonstrating their importance within the educational structure. As members of both minority groups, African American women are historically omitted or grouped into one of the subgroups; therefore, lacking acknowledgement as a separate entity. Capper
(2015) speaks to intersectionality, a tenet recognized by some CRT scholars to examine how race intersects with other identities and characteristics. Crenshaw (1993) was the first to speak of
26 intersectionality between race and gender, citing how it is difficult for this population to distinguish between the two identities. Due to their status and identification in two groups, their quest for equality within the educational realm is quite different than their two subgroups, as they remain susceptible to racism, and sexism that contribute to a unique experience (Alexander &
Hermann, 2016). Literature exploring African American women and higher education from a historical context remains limited, what results is often their experiences being accounted for within whole groups, if explored at all.
Racial Microaggressions
History of Racial Microaggressions
Dr. Chester Pierce is credited with the identification of the evolutionary concept, racial microaggressions with work exploring healthcare disparities between Blacks and Whites (Pierce,
1969). Pierce (1969) stressed for a new theoretical concept to address the needs of Blacks, and in a chapter titled “Is Bigotry the Basis of the Medical Problem in the Ghetto” he proclaims the following:
“What is needed for example is a sweeping new theoretical concept. ... The poor black may need care based on other models such as the negotiation of ‘offensive mechanisms’ (Pierce
1969, p. 308).”
From this point, Pierce (1970) advanced his theory and transitioned from “offensive mechanisms” to the current “micro-aggression,” in the chapter titled “Offensive Mechanisms,” stating:
“Most offensive actions are not gross and crippling. They are subtle and stunning. The enormity of the complications they cause can be appreciated only when one considers that these
27 subtle blows are delivered incessantly. Even though any single negotiation of offense can in justice be considered of itself to be relatively innocuous, the cumulative effect to the victim and to the victimizer is of an unimaginable magnitude. Hence, the therapist is obliged to pose the idea that offensive mechanisms are usually a micro-aggression (Pierce, 1970, p. 265-266).”
Pierce et al. (1978) further expanded this notion and therefore implemented the term
“racial microaggressions” through studies on the depiction of African Americans in television commercials. Through this investigation, several themes/messages were conveyed through that medium, identifying hidden messages such as, African Americans are inferior to Whites, in a variety of ways from education to child rearing, and that the dominant White culture exemplified what African Americans are unable of attaining. Through this deciphering, the authors urged for a firmer theoretical understanding of racism by African Americans as a method and tool to dilute its effects. These authors defined these attacks as offensive mechanisms that are “Subtle, stunning, often automatic and non-verbal exchanges which are ‘put downs’ of Blacks by offenders (Pierce et al., 1978, p. 66). Pierce (1995) has stressed that while racial microaggressions may seem harmless, a lifetime of exposure by African Americans can result in cumulative effects that contribute to diminished senses of mortality and diminished confidence.
Pierce et al. (1978) called for careful documentation and analysis of racial microaggressions and the impact of these inhibiting impressions on African Americans. Perez
Huber and Solórzano (2015) point out that Dr. Pierce, through his literature does not use the term,
“racial microaggressions” again until the year 2000, however his pioneering exploration set the foundation for the follow-up research that continues to receive attention to date.
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Building on that ideology are follow-up studies that speak to the subtle behaviors Pierce et al. (1978) described. McConahay (1986) identified racial ambivalence, regarding White people’s attitudes towards blacks, using the term “modern racism.” Sears (1988) broadened this research speaking to symbolic racism used to describe a blend of anti-Black sentiments that highlighted discriminatory behaviors that demonstrated unconscious beliefs of Whites. Sears
(1988) suggests through symbolic racism, Whites relay the message that people of color should be responsible for own their progress and not blame past injustices (i.e., slavery, racism) for lack of advancement in society; therefore omitting the historical context of group experiences. Along that same notion, Dovidio et al. (2002) referenced modern racism, as “aversive racism” to describe the contemporary bias of Whites that encompasses a subtle, unintentional nature hidden in their strong egalitarian values. These authors recognize that Whites may avoid interaction with other racial groups due to stereotypical beliefs held but will deny that race is a motivation for behaviors.
Most recently, Sue et al. (2007) defined racial microaggressions as more commonplace verbal or behavioral insults that can be unintentional or intentional used to communicate derogatory and harmful racial slights by majority groups. Sue et al. (2007) contend that racial microaggressions, while hidden in nature, serve to illustrate the unconscious bias of the White majority and their true feelings towards minority groups. Racial microaggressions have been classified into three forms microassaults, microinsults, and microinvalidations (Sue et al., 2007).
Sue (2010) defines microassaults as “old fashioned racism” and described behaviors that are deliberate, conscious, and explicit, such as intentional attacks consisting of verbal and non-verbal name-calling, avoidant and exclusionary acts intended to hurt the victim. Microassaults have
29 been recognized as operating consciously and on individual levels and are deliberate behaviors to cause harm by the perpetrator (Sue, 2010). Microinsults are those subtle slights, typically indistinguishable by the victim but used to insult and invalidate people of color (Sue, 2010).
These include behaviors such as insults that serve to devalue the skills and ability of people of color, often hidden through covert and non-directive methods (Sue, 2010). The third form, microinvalidations serve to negate or nullify experiences of people of color (Sue et al., 2008) speaking to instances of Whites being “color-blind” and refusing to acknowledge or see color. It has been noted that microinsults and microinvalidations are more powerful and harmful due to their indirect delivery and it is the contention that the messages are the unconscious belief and racial biases of the perpetrator (Sue et al., 2007).
Even with repeated exposure to racial microaggressions and proven consequences such as those described, some scholars continue to deny that racism is indeed a stressor for people of color. Instances such as this denial can also be depicted as a form of oppression in denying the sentiments of a minority group (Essed, 1991). The harsh truth of racial intolerance has plagued people of color prior to slavery however racism, in and of itself has only been recognized for the past 40 years with its acceptance having occurred in the 1960s, as noted in the 1968 Kerner report: The National Advisory Commission report on civil unrest (Kerner, 1968) which concluded the following:
“White racism is essentially responsible for the explosive mixture which has been accumulating in our cities since the end of World War II, among the ingredients . . . are pervasive discrimination and segregation in employment, education, and housing (Kerner, 1968, p.10)”.
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There are some authors who question the validity of racial microaggressions. Thomas
(2008) has called them “pure nonsense” denying the existence of subtle discrimination, thereby warning clinicians not to fixate on one race. Harris (2008) has focused on alternative hypotheses to explain the microaggressions experienced. Nadal et al. (2014), however note the empirical support that racial microaggressions are detrimental to mental health, cautioning that lack of validation by counselors can lead to lowered engagement rates and lack of trust in clinical settings for victims. Sue et al. (2007) conclude that encounters with racial microaggressions can be exhaustive for people of color and serve to impair their performances in a variety of settings and having to constantly explain and justify can be considered a microaggression within itself.
Racial microaggressions have the damaging potentiality to prosper outside of the conscious awareness of the perpetrators and create lasting impact for victims that are experienced within institutional settings, social practices, and policies. Sue et al. (2007) have proposed a taxonomy explaining the ways that microaggressions can manifest in the lives of minority populations. These include, (1) ascription of intelligence; assumption that the person of color is uneducated, (2) assumption of criminal status; assumption that people of color are deviant, (3) pathologizing cultural values/communication styles; dominant White culture is standard and anything other than is abnormal, and (4) second-class citizenship; Whites receive preferential treatment over people of color (Sue et al., 2007). Prior research also identified themes associated with microinvalidations, (1) being an alien in one’s own land; assumption that non-White is foreign-born, (2) color blindness; claim to not see color, (3) denial of personal racism; denial of personal bias by White person, and (4) the myth of meritocracy; race has no role in success or lack thereof (Sue et al., 2007). In their qualitative interview of both African
31
American and Asian American students, at a PWI, Sue et al., (2007) found the common theme of the ascription of intelligence being reported. Many participants recalled instances of potential employers assuming they were White due to phone conversations and glaring resumes and then being astonished to see a person of color arrive for the interview. Participants summarized the experience through an unfortunate message that higher education and achievement is “normal” for Whites but shocking that an African American or minority was capable of attaining the same status. Nadal (2011) has normed these terms in the Racial and Ethnic Microaggressions Scale in efforts to identify a quantitative method that could measure the microaggressions that people of color experience every day. This scale has also been utilized in studies and was appropriate with recognizing the impact these frequent encounters can have on the wellness of minority groups
(Lewis, Mendenhall, Ojiemwen, & Brown Huntt, 2019; Yang & Carroll, 2016).
Racial Microaggressions and African American Women
Studies on racial microaggressions are expansive in literature and usually encompass analyses on African American men or minority groups as a whole (Nadal, 2011; Sue et al., 2007).
African American women have been the unfortunate victims of discrimination throughout history, often scrutinized and stereotyped with negative themes and images consistent with the definition of racial microaggressions, leading to diminished sense of self-worth and self-esteem
(DeFrancisco & Chatham-Carpenter, 2000; West, 1995). Experiences and consequences of exposure will differ from African American men due to the added layer of discrimination by gender (Thomas et al., 2008). The literature that does exist for African American women and racial microaggressions remains limited, with much focused on gendered racism as defined by the simultaneous experience of both racism and sexism (Essed, 1991; Lewis et al., 2012;
32
McCabe, 2009; Szymanski and Lewis, 2012; Thomas et al., 2008). Essed (1991) identified the term “gendered racism” to describe the distinctive form of oppression that occurs due to the intersection of race and gender. Gendered racism exemplifies racist perceptions on gender roles promoting stereotypical images (microinvalidations) that have been noted as being deleterious to the development and maintenance of healthy self-esteem and wellbeing across several paramount areas of development (Essed, 1991). While there are studies that explored the experiences of racism and sexism and their association with psychological wellbeing (Essed, 1991; Lewis et al.,
2012; McCabe, 2009; Szymanski and Lewis, 2012; Thomas et al., 2008), little focused directly on racism and how this variable alone can influence the health of African American women.
While both matters are important, this study examined racial microaggressions as perceived by measures on the Racial and Ethnic Microaggressions Scale and did not explore gendered experiences as a multitude of other studies have identified connections between gendered racism and self-esteem (McCabe, 2009; Szymanski and Lewis, 2012; Thomas et al., 2008) . Studies have suggested that more women will report discrimination based upon gender over racism
(West, 1995). It should be recognized that African American women are often placed in predicament to decide between constructs this study focused on the latter that is limited in research areas and did not intend to negate experiences related to gender.
Racial microaggressions for African American women can be traced back to slavery, characterized by victimization through sexual control and forced servitude with domesticated roles (i.e., cooking, cleaning, childcare) (Anderson, 1996). As evidenced in this treatment, their value as sexual beings and property further victimized them and stripped away their rights as equal citizens under the law sending a message that continues to be engrained throughout society
33 today (Omolade, 1994). Considering the criteria established by Sue et al. (2008), behaviors by the White dominant culture would satisfy conditions for microinvalidations; however, messages received can be further interpreted as the more subtle form microinsult, as it suggests that the skills and ability of African American women be limited to those areas.
It has been maintained that the availability of African American women sexually to
White men only strengthened their inability to enjoy the status of a “lady,” by definition; therefore, generating questions about levels of acceptance and self-esteem (Higginbotham, 1992).
As witnessed in “the cult of true womanhood” by Barbara Welter (1966), a construct outlining gender and race roles in the nineteenth century, White women were afforded higher value than women of any race. Including characteristics of “piety, purity submissiveness, and domesticity,”
“true women” was used to describe the ideal or White woman (Welter, 1966) therefore categorizing slaves and other women of color as second-rate or inferior. In doing so, experiences and social validation of African American women, and women of color were omitted; therefore, continuing trends of racial and gender insignificance (i.e., microinvalidations and microassaults)
(Battle, 2016). Following emancipation from slavery, African American women continued to struggle in their attempts to gain equal respect among their counterparts. They have reported acts that can be defined as racial microaggressions such as being made to feel invisible, victims of sexual harassment, exposure to racial slurs, and also most recently bias within social media, media, work and community settings (Shorter-Gooden, 2004).
Over the years, research has examined stereotypes and racial microaggressions within the media depicting the negative portrayal of African American women from historical standpoints to current societal trends (Shorter-Gooden, 2004). Representations like Jezebel: the sexually
34 irresponsible, Mammie: the caretaker, and Sapphire: angry and combative have continued to be replicated and reproduced through television, music, and now social media, further justifying the victimization and sexual exploitation of this group (Jewel, 2012; Jones & Shorter-Gooden, 2003;
Speight & Vera, 2004; West, 1995). These images serve as further examples of microinvalidations (Sue, 2010) in which the image of the African American woman has been distorted and devalued into negative connotations that majority White find appropriate. Jewel
(2012) contends that just as racism has transformed into modernized forms so have these images.
It could be argued that images such as the “Jezebel”, have transformed into the “video vixen” and the “Sapphire” into the “diva”, both demeaning representations that are more visible than positive images. Jewel (2012) recognized the media as a medium for transformation of negative perceptions of African American women as suggested by Pierce, et al. (1978) with their groundbreaking work on commercials, that showed African Americans in negative contexts.
Thomas et al. (2004) note that the historical treatment of African American women has a powerful influence on their self-perception throughout current times linking negative depictions to how these women feel about themselves. Stephens and Few (2007) argue that such representations serve to shape the experiences, behaviors, and self-identity of those afflicted.
Hudson (1998) has ascertained that the damaging effects of oppressive images for some groups are harmful because of the lack of positive images available to replace such distortions. Critical
Race theorists may contend that this is deliberate manipulation, as the media being controlled by
White dominant culture, selects which images are displayed and are intentional in a quest to maintain the status quo (Bell, 1995).
Racial Microaggressions and PWIs
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Most recently, racial microaggressions has been investigated among African American students enrolled in PWIs while factoring in campus climate and student experiences (Johnson,
2011; Johnson et al., 2014; Smith, 2008; Suarez-Balcazar et al., 2003). Studies reveal these climates as being unwelcoming and unsupportive, therefore creating an environment that promotes assimilation and exclusion versus acculturation and acceptance (Alexander & Herman,
2016; Saddlemire, 1996; Smith, 2004). Dr. William A. Smith of the University of Utah has explored this phenomenon, and his studies focused on the experiences of African American male students enrolled in a PWI (Smith, 2004). Smith (2004) revealed physical and physiological symptoms reported by African American male students in response to frequent exposure to racial microaggressions that occur within such settings. Nettles and Thoeny (1988) have proposed that
African American academic performances and experiences can be altered by the racial make-up of their college atmospheres. It has been suggested that negative expectations and stereotypes often assigned to African Americans within these settings have been internalized and therefore result in lower self-efficacy and effort within academia (Chavous et al., 2004; Mickelson, 1990).
Nadal (2011) has identified negative consequences of attempting to survive in such hostile situations latent with racial microaggressions such as increased stress, self-doubt, lower performance, and also mental health issues. Smith (2008) followed up his work with African
American male students, thereby coining the phrase “Racial Battle Fatigue” to stress the consequences (i.e., depression, fatigue, exhaustion, anger) of frequent exposure to racial microaggressions.
Negga et al. (2007) compared experiences of African American students attending
Historically Black Colleges and Universities (HBCUs) and African American students attending
36
PWIs. This work highlighted that greater levels of self-esteem, sense of control and social support were strongly related to lower levels of stress for students at HBCUs. These authors argue that African American students at HBCUs felt more supported and included among those with similar ethnic make-ups, thereby increasing self-esteem.
Perez’ Huber and Solórzano (2015) identified Critical Race Theory (CRT) as a useful tool, adding to the existing research depicting how everyday instances of racism are systematically mediated by institutional constructs. It has been synthesized that whenever a racial microaggression occurs, there exists institutional racism to enforce it (Perez’ Huber &
Solórzano, 2015). College in many aspects is identified as a period of transition into adulthood and identification of self, however experiences of African American’s at PWIs have too often been summarized as facilitating abrasive environments creating harm to the psyche while reducing self-esteem, shaking confidence, isolation, depression and at times the discontinuance of education (Lett & Wright, 2003).
Saddlemire (1996) notes that while enrollment of African Americans and students of color has increased at PWIs, little has been done to alter the campus climate and accommodate those students. CRT tenant (2) skepticism towards dominant legal claims of neutrality, objectivity, colorblindness, and meritocracy (Solórzano et al., 2000) can be cited here, as the majority White culture would assert neutrality and lack of racism due to the increased number of minorities in these settings. In a national study by exploring the experiences of 5,600 STEM students, findings indicated that Latino (a) and Black students enrolled into the programs at equal rates as Whites, however dropout rates were significantly higher for minorities (Whites, 29%,
Latino (a) 37% and Blacks 40%) (NCES, 2017). This study failed to identify a cause or identify
37 by gender, however of note is that across other major’s dropout rates were not significant.
Researchers have also explored retention rates among college students and suggest that minority students arrive to school unprepared due to economic disadvantages of lack of readiness from their high school programs (Johnson et al., 2013). CRT can again attest to the skepticism and that proposes that White dominant culture would argue that access to higher education is provided, but fail to acknowledge the substandard preparation offered to minorities who struggle with success as a result.
The visibility of minorities on campus is more abundant than ever before. However, the argument could be made through a CRT lens highlighting institutional racism that the adverse conditions experienced could be intentionally designed to limit this growth. Specific to African
Americans, much of the literature focuses on experiences of men, however, between 2014-2015,
African American women made up approximately 9% of the 15% of African Americans enrolled in United States colleges (Nation Center for Education Statistics, [NCES], 2017). During that same span, African American women achieved higher educational attainments than African
American male students having obtained 64% of all Bachelor’s, 70% of Masters’ and 66% of all
Doctoral degrees awarded. Given statistics, the lack of studies on African American women is demoralizing considering the disproportionate rate of African American women versus men among college student enrollment (Lewis et al., 2016).
Racial Microaggressions, African American Women and PWIs
Lewis et al. (2016) have highlighted PWIs as areas where racial microaggressions are most prevalent while stressing the notion that African American women are at higher risk for such encounters and adverse effects as lowered esteem and worth due to their distinctive status in
38 society. Watt (2006) noted that for African American women enrolled in college, lower stages of racial identity development were often found to be negative predictors of self-esteem, suggesting that higher levels of racial identity development assisted with minimizing deleterious effects of discrimination such as racial microaggressions experienced in such institutions. Phelps et al. (2001) discovered that 37% of the variance of reported self-esteem of African American students enrolled at a PWI was in cultural mistrust, ethnic, and racial identity. Peden et al. (2000) identified a significant relationship between lowered levels of self -esteem, adverse life events, and depressive symptoms among African American women enrolled in college.
Belle and Doucet (2003) examined discrimination within the college setting and findings suggest that African American women, when exposed to discriminatory acts such as racial microaggressions were more susceptible to lowered rates of self-esteem and depressive symptoms. Johnson (2011) studied the attrition rates of African American women enrolled in a
Science, Technology, Engineering, and Mathematics (STEM) program at a PWI. Despite higher rates of achievement, many reported negative factors, including low self-concept and increased instances of racial and gender discrimination. Johnson (2011) noted that these educational environments promote institutional racism through enhanced negative racial stereotypes and deliberate behaviors as well as isolation from White peers and faculty. Alexander and Herman
(2016) also revealed higher rates of achievement for African American women in STEM programming at a PWI, while also noting higher instances of behaviors consistent with racial microaggression from White peers and faculty. Study participants reported lower self-efficacy as well as instances where they were ignored and offered minimal institutional support.
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Despite studies indicating successes within STEM programming, African American women have higher rates of degree attainment in the humanities and social sciences versus
STEM fields (Chavous et al., 2004). Lehmen (2013) notes the importance of STEM programming within America’s economic development as necessary to remain in competition with international counterparts, this author also notes a decline in STEM enrollment in general.
Chavous et al. (2004) revealed higher rates of STEM majors at Historically Black Colleges and
Universities (HBCUs) than at PWIs, where academic majors were more consistent with stereotypical patterns (i.e., humanities, social work). Those students enrolled at HBCUs have reported conditions where they felt supported and encouraged to consider more difficult academic programming. While there is a need for both, it can be suggested that African
American women at PWIs are being steered to a field that is more characteristic of stereotypical strengths of nurturing and caretaking. Patton (2016) likens STEM fields to prime “institutional real estate”, however notes the elitism that is rooted within the field with access primarily granted to Whites who occupy the bulk of academic spaces.
CRT is effective with examining this concern as it stresses a theme of dominance thereby citing policies enacted to “assist” marginalized groups; education will be offered, however with stress in areas and careers that are “stereotypical” in comparison to that which is afforded to
White students. This also speaks to a form of racial microaggressions pointed out by Nadal
(2011), ascription of intelligence, whereby Whites assume that African American women lack the intelligence and skill needed to succeed in these fields. Rose (2017) has noted that this theme will only be corrected when the White dominant culture has something to gain, thus making a case for recent interest for minority students in STEM programming.
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While their academic career remained on track, studies such as Johnson (2011) and
Alexander and Hermann (2016) further support the assertion that African American women often internalize or minimize experiences and associated negative symptoms in efforts to achieve academic success. The internalization of experiences has been noted to be self-defeating to the establishment and maintenance of wellbeing over time (Sue et al., 2008). McGhee (2013) noted that although retention in academic settings was positive for STEM majors, often female minority groups struggle following graduation within work environments where racial microaggressions are also prevalent, leading to higher job turnover rates. It is therefore suggested that remediation of these offenses occur earlier in the pipeline (i.e., higher education, high school) in efforts to counteract messages that can influence outcomes.
Torres et al. (2010) reported on the experiences of higher achieving African American women with post-secondary degrees, describing instances where Whites have questioned their intellectual capacities, therefore undermining credibility. Their work revealed other instances where African American women reported having to continually prove their worth at the consternation of supervisors or colleagues who have doubted capabilities. It can be inferred that negative instances as those described, work to create a sense of invisibility for the marginalized group. This invisibility serves to identify yet another example of microinvalidations, that challenges African American women with overcoming the negative perceptions from colleagues often creating limits to success and growth within industrial, educational, and societal settings
(Constantine et al, 2008). Also, of importance within this population is the scholarship of Holder et al. (2015) who identified several themes with their work with African American women among corporate settings. These authors identified feelings, including frustration with a lack of
41 recognition of racial microaggressions, cultural mistrust, and feelings of exclusion. This research concluded that even with advanced education and career attainment, the pain of internalizing messages led to lowered work performances and diminished self-confidence for this population when inundated with negative messages. Constantine et al. (2008) also note that
African Americans working in higher education experienced being challenged by White students, staff, colleagues, and faculty despite higher educational attainment. Themes of frequently having to prove worth and lack of support within the harsh environments led to senses of discouragement and emotional tolls that can be exhaustive. Other themes conveyed by faculty are noted as hypervisibility and invisibility (Constantine et al., 2008). It has been identified among studies of African American faculty in counseling departments that White faculty often ignored their input regarding “rigorous” scholarship unless it was meaningful to their cause, for example, a need to resolve multicultural issues or recruit other candidates of color (Constantine et al., 2008). This study served to highlight an unfortunate pattern of those faculty members feeling used, and their achievements only valued when beneficial to the White majority (e.g., accreditation) and being spotlighted due to an assumption of racial expertise (Constantine et al.,
2008). This notion also further substantiates the CRT focal point of the interest convergence in which Bell (1995) identifies Whites being inclusive to minorities and allowing such privileges when beneficial to the dominant group.
Impact of Racial Microaggressions
Victims of such offenses have reported that these instances of racial microaggressions create psychological harm that can impair functioning in a variety of settings (Nadal, 2008).
Research has linked frequent exposure to discrimination with not only psychological
42 ramifications, but also physical health issues such as elevated heart rates, blood pressure, and cortisol levels, cardiovascular concerns, hypertension and coronary heart disease (Cochran, &
Barnes, 2007; Marshall et al., 1997; Mays,2000; Pascoe & Smart Richman, 2009). Studies have also suggested that increased exposure to discrimination also triggers stress responses within those exposed, thereby decreasing self-control resources leading to unhealthy behaviors and poor coping skills such as substance abuse, smoking, risky sexual behaviors and poor management of health-related issues (Pascoe & Smart Richman, 2009).
Analyses often report strong emotional reactions from minorities such as racial rage, low self-esteem, and depression suggesting that racial microaggressions are more harmful to people of color than overt racism (Sue et al., 2007). Studies have reviewed the sense of personal control and the ability to overcome various stressors such as racial microaggressions (Fischer & Bolton
Holz, 2007). Research indicates that the mere experience of racism not only affects the physical and mental health of African Americans but also their outlook on the future. Fischer and Bolton
Holz (2007) linked this notion of personal control to Bandura’s (1999) social-cognitive perspective and the idea that such negative connotations are internalized, and the impact can be detrimental to the formulation of positive thoughts. These authors aimed to identify how the perceived beliefs of a “just world” can act as a predictor of personal control. Their findings summarized that control was perceived to be more difficult by people of color in systems of oppression, as outlined in Critical Race Studies. While challenging, Harris (1992) concluded that when African Americans/Blacks can secure a sense of control over their environment that is reinforced by family and community, they have a higher rate of success for overcoming negative undertones. Pierce et al. (1978) have stressed that for African Americans, the never-ending
43 burden of living in a mundane environment where racism and discrimination are ubiquitous and constant, only solidifies the interaction between the White majority and minority group.
Social Support
Social support has been identified as a psychosocial coping resource that positively impacts individuals’ self-esteem and self-efficacy while buffering the negative effects of stress
(Thoits, 1995). Studies have demonstrated the effectiveness of social support across the lifespan, including adolescence, adulthood, and elderly adults (Marshall et al., 2007; Negga et al.,
2007Sarkadi et al., 2008). The amount and function of support can vary depending on the need
(Hogan et al., 2002). Perceived support has been cited as friends, family, and significant others that can provide instrumental, informational, or emotional assistance (House et al., 1988). House
(1981) defines instrumental support as that which can provide tangible assistance, informational as the provision of advice and guidance, and emotional as that, which offers empathy, concern, and affection. To date, there is a lack of literature that recognizes the association between social support, and mental and physical health, distinguishing between the benefits of different relationship sources (i.e., family, friends) (Nguyen et al., 2018). While literature among family and friend support is abundant, that which exists on spousal or “significant other” remains limited. Robinson Brown & Gary (1985) did not find significance of reported support among non-married and married African American women.
Social support has also been linked to attachment and trust, starting with parental figures or caregivers that if formulated correctly can set the foundation for healthy relationships and high sense of worth (Chapin, 2002). This ability to formulate positive relationships can depend on an
44 individual’s ability to trust, as outlined in Erikson’s (1968) stages of growth and development.
This is demonstrated during the initial stage trust versus mistrust, where people begin to gain a sense of identity through contact with a parent or caregiver (Chapin, 2002).
This relationship serves as the pinnacle for navigating relationships across the lifespan, while learning how to thrive or survive within the environment. Bowlby (1958) recognized the importance of infant and caregiver relationships, citing how this attachment is, rooted in survival, and the level of security experienced has been identified as determining an individual’s ability to develop appropriate coping skills that can be carried throughout life.
Theorists have identified that high levels of self-esteem are associated with secure attachments highlighting the importance of family influences on the coping behaviors of children through socialization, supportive parental environments, and parental coping skills (Bringle &
Bagby, 1992; Bylsma et al., 1997; Cassidy, 1988; Feeney & Noller, 1990; Mickelson et al.,
1997). As a child, perception of self is formulated by how others such as parents and adults view and deem behaviors as capable and worthwhile. Those expectations are often internalized throughout development, leading to a sense of worthiness when expectations are accomplished and disappointment when not.
Social Support and African Americans
Within the African American community social support has been linked the sense of self with the appraisal theory and idea that self-worth is related to the perception and approval from others (Neighbors & Jackson, 1988). Support mentioned for African Americans has been identified as a sense of community consisting of social support, pride, and respect, all aspects
45 integral for overcoming obstacles that can impact success (DeFrancisco & Chatham-Carpenter,
2000).
Bakermans-Kranenburg et al. (2004) reviewed differences in attachment between
African American and White children and were successful with identifying three separate processes: (1) culturally, (2) quality and assumed precursors of secure attachment, and (3) ethnicity and attachment. These different processes imply that attachment is defined on a cultural context and what may be considered quality attachment features (i.e., physical contact, nourishment, breastfeeding) may not be the case within another culture or ethnicity. When defining “attachment,” it is necessary to remain unbiased, taking into account cultural differences.
Chapin (2002) also recognizes not only influences of others but also the impact of society and how messages received within this context, can serve to set foundations for what is deemed proper behaviors. CRT theorists may contend that for African Americans, not only is the opinion of parents and those close relationships necessary for healthy foundations and creation of self but also images filtrated through societal influences. Therefore, many theorists have identified that it is not simply social support, but support that is specific to particular stressors that is necessary to minimize the impact of negative influences (Odafe et al., 2017).
From that point, parents and caregivers within the African American and minority communities are also tasked with the implementation of rules and values that are significant when debunking the negative stereotypes and connotations that are layered within society (Hall,
2007). This process is called racial socialization, and Hall (2007) describes it as necessary insofar as it is predicated on teaching children of color to cope with racism and exclusion. Racial socialization can serve as desensitization for African Americans and include examples consistent
46 with talking to children about police brutality or racial microaggressions. Certain studies have indicated that frequent exposure to racist experiences can be related to low levels of life satisfaction and happiness, resulting in higher levels of psychological distress for minority groups (Lin & Yusoff, 2013). Racial socialization, if appropriately utilized, can limit the onset of negative responses to discriminatory efforts encountered through early education. This method can serve to enhance coping skills and better outcomes for self-esteem by increasing expectations while also providing specific interventions for overcoming (Hall, 2007).
Family Support
As mentioned, family support has been identified as being instrumental with positive development throughout the lifespan within the African American community. Investigations have noted how more frequent positive family relationships predicted fewer reports of depressive symptomology among samples of African American adults (Lincoln et al., 2015; Taylor et al.,
2015). In a study comparing social support and racial differences between Black and White students, Black students reported less depression when family support was high versus Whites who relied more on friends (Jung & Khalsa, 1989).
When considering family and attachment, it is necessary to recognize that attachment to figures within the African American community may not be limited to biological parents or family but may be comprised of a community effort with a variety of caregivers and supports.
This ideology has been labeled as “kinship ties,” where children can develop attachment not only to family members but also to extended families such as neighbors and other significant adults
(Hall, 2007). This notion has been cultivated from Ainsworth’s Strange Situation, an extension of Bowlby’s attachment theory, stressing that children can formulate multiple attachments that
47 can be beneficial to positive, social development (Ainsworth, 1985). Jackson (1990) found that child-care within the African American community differed from that of Whites with multiple caregivers being present. The conclusions of this study found that African American children at times may encounter on average, 15 familiar adults weekly; therefore, establishing the pattern of community support within this population. This community support has been noted as a buffer within harsh climates and having several positive influences to combat the negative inferences only adds to the ability to minimize the impact of stressors (Patterson, 2004). Furthered studies point to the importance of “kinship ties” in the form of extended family, community leaders, teachers, role models and mentors as methods of maintaining healthy esteem, a trend favored within the African American community (Hall, 2007).
African American culture has been characterized as a collectivist approach that champions interconnectedness (Constantine et al., 2003). Therefore, this collectivist approach has been recognized as reducing the impact that racial microaggressions can have on overall self- worth. Patterson (2004) identified the experiences of slavery as predictors of the benefits of social support when African Americans were forced to rely on a sense of community for survival during a period saturated with extreme racism and cruelty. Although African Americans were inundated with the inhumane circumstances, they were able to rely on one another build a resiliency. Harris (1992) speaks to positive emotional connections formulated from feelings of belonging to a collective such as family or a group encompassing spiritual components. This author hypothesizes that this can be used as a tool to reduce isolation and detachment often experienced when encountering stressors. These positive connections may also aide in explaining why African Americans who are subject to such cruelty, typically report lower levels of
48 psychological distress and suicide rates. Constantine et al. (2003) recognize this “paradoxical” nature whereby psychological resiliency has been embedded in cultural practices that promote interdependence and determination.
Black churches have also been considered as a part of the extended family, providing empathy while also promoting resiliency through faith (Mays & Nicholson, 1993). Ellison (1993) posits that African American churches have provided opportunities for integration of such practices, often creating spaces for community gatherings, community uplift through social and political contexts, and stimulated education. Many authors have concluded that the importance of the Black church can be ascribed to it being operated and organized by African Americans, providing possibilities outside of the scope of the White dominant society (Mays & Nicholson,
1993; Nelson, 1993). Ellison (1993) further adds that the quality of these religious groups may work towards the building of self-esteem and personal empowerment.
Friend Support
Friendship and peer support have also been recognized as forms of support that are beneficial with combating negative messages received among African American communities.
Specific to African American women, Knickmeyer (2002) notes that women tend to turn to each other for support more often than African American men. It was proposed that “same-sex” friendships provided support characterized by intimacy, self-disclosure and mutuality that served to empower through affection and empathy. Along that notion, Fehr (2004) further identified friendships as being most beneficial when emotional support and self-disclosure were involved.
Boyd-Franklin (2006) also proposed that African American women are more focused on quality of these relationships versus the frequency of contact. In contrast with other work, Helliwell and
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Putnam (2004) revealed that friend relationships had a greater impact on mental health than family connections. Nguyen at al. (2019) hypothesized that with friendships that are voluntary, people can disengage should they become unfulfilling versus family relationships where the historical context of collectivism makes this more difficult. These authors also found in their work of African Americans within higher education, that those with more formal years of education revealed lower depressive symptoms with more frequent support from friends than family.
This could be due in part to what Taylor et al. (2011) uncovered as demanding “kin” relationships that contribute to more emotional distress and depressive symptoms. The authors explored the socially imposing dynamics accompanying these connections, such as excessive demands, interference, criticism, or conflict often experienced by this demographic that can cause mental anguish. The findings indicate consequences such as low self-efficacy and reduced outlooks on life known to lead to poor coping skills and psychological distress. King and
Ferguson (1996) caution that friendships can at times become unhealthy and “co-dependent”, especially as African American women’s roles of advocate and stress-buffer are reinforced due to the societal positioning established in slavery where they were expected to communal support was the expectation.
Social Support in Collegiate Studies
Social support has also been investigated within collegiate studies, and findings indicated that support from peers, family, and mentors were positively correlated with adjustment to college (Banyard et al., 2001). Holahan et al. (1995) found that college students who had positive support from parents were able to transition from high school more effectively. In
50 another study exploring minority college students, Hefner and Eisengerg (2009) found that students from lower socio-economic status, international students, and students of color were at higher risk for social isolation, lacking positive support to counteract negative messages, resulting in more reports of negative symptoms such as depression and anxiety. Chaing et al.
(2004) investigated Black and Latino students at a PWI and findings indicated that when faced with psychological distress, students turned to family and friends primarily before turning to mental health support on campus. This study also examined how Black students relied on informal networks for coping with distress. These informal networks typically consist of other black students however; challenges arise when there is a lack of Black students available on
PWIs.
Despite the challenges, the use of social support among African American students has been praised for reducing stress during a critical developmental period. Significant relationships have been demonstrated as being beneficial within environments that are latent with racial microaggressions such as PWIs that were examined within this study. Despite infusion of negative messages within such areas, not all African American students will report experiencing racial discrimination and subsequent consequences (Odafe, Salami, & Walker, 2017).
Social Support and African American Women
Social support has gained traction throughout the years, with African American women receiving increased attention. Empirical workings cited social support as a positive method for coping with negative symptoms exacerbated by discriminatory practices thereby serving to increase self-esteem and/or general wellbeing (Brown, Parker- Dominguez & Sorey, 2000;
Patterson, 2004; Taylor et al., 2001; Westaway et al., 2005). Linnabery et al. (2014)
51 hypothesized that when African American women failed to use self-help coping skills, they often turned to social support to counter the effects of stressors. DeFrancisco and Chatham-Carpenter
(2000) also noted through their study of African American women, that social support proved to be positive with its deflection of negative impressions aiding in increased reports of self-esteem.
They determined social support to be present in the following: immediate and extended family,
“kin” relationships, friends, and church members. Patterson (2004) conducted a longitudinal study following multiple African American women for 14-years in hopes of monitoring sustainment of positive and healthy esteem. Findings were indicative of the conventional approach, and it was affirmed in comparison with prior studies that being around other African
American women promoted higher racial esteem. Bronder et al. (2014) sampled a diverse group of African American women exploring “John Henryism” (high coping effort), perceived support, social economic status, and depressive symptomology and findings were indicative of an inverse relationship between social support and depression with positive associations with high coping efforts and support.
It has also been suggested that African American women tend to define themselves in terms of their significant relationships (Gibbs & Fuery, 1994). While the type of support can differ depending on the individual circumstance for African American women, the argument for the utilization and effectiveness of social support in reducing oppressive and damaging messages received through racial microaggressions or racist incidents should be considered. DeFrancisco and Chatham-Carpenter (2000) reported from their studies that African American women were better able to thrive within an oppressive system due in part to their ability to internalize community lessons of self-reliance, pride, respect and optimism among other positive messages
52 developed from positive connections with other African Americans, all qualities vital to mental health.
Briggs et al. (2014) agree with that argument by illuminating the opposite view and recognizing effects of inadequate support on the development of healthy self-esteem of African
American women. Briggs et al. (2014) argued that unstable environments lacking community structure, positive relationships, and strong racial identities often lead individuals to formulate maladaptive sociocultural identities that are more reflective of their reality lowering self-worth and esteem (Briggs et al., 2014). This heightens the notion that a negative environment, can be a cause of negative self-esteem, leading to behaviors such as possible drug and alcohol abuse, risky sexual behaviors, and criminal activity magnifying a higher probability of contact with the criminal justice system as suggested in their earlier study. The authors, speaking from a clinical perspective, advocated the necessity for treatment modalities and counseling techniques that can utilize the known predictors of low self-esteem (i.e., lack of appropriate support) and their effect on decision-making. Taylor et al. (2011) determined correlations between exhaustive "kin" relationships and lower socioeconomic status and urban environments, generally occupied by the
“at risk” African American women. Evidence presented further substantiated these claims revealing that these women were more prone to psychological responses to stressful events and maladaptive behaviors. With this being stated, it is imperative to consider not only the level but also the quality of support received. Harris (1992) also spoke to the necessity to account for the cultural demands within the Black community, of particular the African American woman’s role of caretaker and nurturer.
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Counselors and those working within the mental health fields may use the notion of support with their client in efforts to bolster trust within the therapeutic relationship. Research has highlighted cultural mistrust as being a common theme concerning the lack of engagement within psychological services (Phelps et al., 2001). Abrams et al. (2019) noted that practitioners should recognize the strength of African American women as an asset in motivating clients to engage and remain within mental health treatment. Specific to college campuses, Grier-Reed
(2013) suggest the creation of informal networks implemented within PWIs as an aid to support
African Americans, thereby fostering a community that seeks to connect those experiencing similar encounters. This development serves to create culturally appropriate spaces to empower, validate, and stimulate while also offering levels of acceptance and therapeutic engagement.
Sanchez-Hucles (2016) also point to collaboration as a form of support in working to recognize culturally congruent coping skills, while redefining strengths and also self-reliance and self-care practices. Counselors can work together with African American students to create these spaces in hopes of normalizing the experiences and also benefits of help-seeking behaviors. The ACA
Code of Ethics (2014) maintains the use of culturally appropriate strategies when working with diverse populations, and this approach would demonstrate a counselor’s willingness to improve insight. Through that perspective, as suggested by Odafe et al. (2017) willingness to identify and validate stressors can provide knowledge about what specifically can assist with the minimization of symptoms.
Self-Esteem
Rosenberg (1965) has spoken to the definition of self-esteem and has used varying definitions to encompass this term. Rosenberg (1965) has on occasion defined self-esteem as a
54 positive or negative attitude towards self and suggested that individuals with high self-esteem accept themselves for who they are, seeking to improve deficiencies while recognizing that they are not perfect. On the other hand, Rosenberg (1965) defined those with low self-esteem as lacking respect and acceptance of self. He also cited Murphy’s (1947) explanation of self as “the individual as known to the individual (Murphy, 1947, p.996)”. Rosenberg (1965) contends that
“known” is used to include a range of cognition and affective reaction towards an object, particularly the self. Therefore, self-esteem can be extended to include an individual’s beliefs, opinions, attitudes, and feelings about him/herself. There are a plethora of studies that explored the applicability of global self-esteem, recognizing it as a person’s evaluation as well as taking into account its overall impact on life outcomes such as healthy relationships, life satisfaction, and career attainment (Baumeister et al., 2003; Fergusson et al., 2008; Swann et al., 2007). Orth and Robins (2011) contend that while studies have identified variables related to self-esteem, few demonstrated the construct of self-esteem as a predictor of these measures. These authors proposed an examination of self-esteem across the lifespan and found through their longitudinal study that the level of self-esteem has a significant impact on the perception of real-life experiences and should encompass constructs to represent those experiences.
Conceptualization of African American Self-Esteem
Studies involving African Americans have served to contradict traditional definitions of self-esteem citing a need for further investigation into the self-esteem of this population, given credence to cultural considerations (Chapin, 2002; Patterson, 2004; Smith; 2008). Other research has worked to dispel the claim that African Americans suffer from low self-esteem instead pointing to increased esteem through historical resiliency and the ability to overcome
55 adversity caused by oppression (Crocker et al., 1994; Crocker, 1999; Jones et al., 2007).
Rosenberg (1981) has argued that the self-esteem of African Americans is only affected by the negative attitudes of Whites if, they are made aware of their attitudes, consider them to be significant, and also believe in personal relevancy of disparaging claims. He follows up on
Cooley’s (1902) theory of appraisal that asserts that people often credit their esteem and worth from reflections of others. To strengthen his argument, Rosenberg (1981) contends that African
Americans often look for self-appraisal among those closest to them such as family and friends, seeking approvals from a closer network versus larger White society. Thus, a claim could be made that African Americans with stronger support and social networks that offer positive affirmations will have higher levels of self-esteem despite negative appraisal from the dominant culture.
Given the historically poor treatment received by African Americans due to the color of their skin it is necessary to always consider how the issue of racism and racist experiences such as racial microaggressions can heighten negative perceptions and alter positive opinions of self.
This idea continues to be linked back to the early work of Charles Horton Cooley’s “Social
Looking Glass,” which is grounded in the fundamental belief that the perceptions shared by others have the capability of altering personal beliefs about the self (Chapin, 2002). Instances of exposure to racial microaggressions have been noted to be disadvantageous to the establishment and maintenance of healthy self-esteem throughout the lifespan of minorities (Sue et al., 2008).
Crocker and Major (1989) in their work suggested three mechanisms in which racist experiences can affect the self- esteem and efficacy of African Americans: (1) the development of an ethnocentric perception of others, (2) self-fulfilling prophecy of negative connotations, and (3)
56 perceived limits on environmental control. Mizell (1999) theorized that individuals with high levels of self-esteem are assumed to have an internal locus of control being less swayed by influences. On the other hand, those who exhibit less control over their environment report lowered levels of self-esteem and are more likely to be negatively influenced (Mizell, 1999).
Based on those points, it would be assumed that African Americans would have lower levels of self-esteem than other racial groups, however empirical research would argue the opposite. Twenge and Crocker (2002) through their meta-analyses explored differences of self- esteem between five racial groups, using scores recognizing global self-esteem as on the
Rosenberg Self-Esteem Scale (Rosenberg, 1965). Results indicated that Blacks scored higher than Whites and also other groups over time. This study also demonstrated that levels of self- esteem among Blacks increased with age. Twenge and Crocker’s (2002) study was a follow-up to Gray-Little and Hafdahl (2000) who also determined higher levels of self-esteem for Blacks
(an average of .15 standard deviations more) when compared to Whites, with higher difference between children and young adults. Sprecher et al. (2013) sampled a group of undergraduate students in a Midwestern University over a twenty three-year span, noting again how the self- esteem levels of Blacks were higher than Whites, Hispanics, and Asians. These authors did not find significance between genders among Blacks. Despite reports of higher levels of self-esteem, many theorists would urge for the consideration of other factors to explain findings. Crocker and
Major (1989) stress that for Blacks, many attributed personal failures to systems versus personal failures in efforts to protect self-esteem. Other studies stress that Blacks have a stronger sense of collective and racial identity (Grey -Little & Hafdahl, 2000), or a sense to self-protect and present as likeable and strong (Crocker et al., 1991). With differing perceptions and reports, it
57 has been suggested that self-esteem be further evaluated along with factors that could potentially alter reports accounting for life experiences and personal perceptions (Twenge and Crocker,
2002).
Despite fluctuations, a recent National Public Radio (NPR) poll, found that 51% of
African Americans surveyed reported having been the victims of racial slurs and insensitive or offensive comments (NPR, 2017). Pascoe and Smart Richman (2009) identified through their analysis of racial discrimination and mental health studies among people of color that individuals reporting higher levels of contact revealed lower levels of self-esteem, and those reporting lowered levels of contact with racial discrimination reported higher levels of self-esteem.
Within the African American community, self-esteem is frequently related to racial/ethnic identity, and this relationship often mediates between the development of positive psychological wellbeing and maladaptive patterns and behaviors. Smith and Silva (2011) have defined ethnic identity as the degree to which individuals perceive themselves to be included within an ethnic group. These authors have theorized that a strong ethnic identity can serve to minimize the effects of perpetuated beliefs in society. Maish (1978) found that African
Americans/Blacks who scored high on Black Nationalism also reported higher scores in psychological competence such as coping skills, goal setting, initiative, and self-efficacy.
With consideration for ethnic identity development, Phinney (2003) has noted that while there are several models exploring racial, ethnic, or minority development, all depicted the importance of minority group membership as a tool to question and reaffirm identity, a step necessary for achievement (Atkinson et al., 1993; Cross, 1991; Phinney, 1989). Despite differences, many of the models follow W.E. Cross’ (1971) model of psychological
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“Nigrescence” or black actualization, exploring psychological stages of identity development.
It has been noted that all of the models recognize the process of this development from adolescence to young adulthood (Phinney, 2003). Phinney (2003) contends that this exploration into the development of ethnic identity is influenced by many experiences, including contact with community, family, and society. African American adolescents, for example, historically attended school, church, and other community functions with the same racial groups and used these connections as comparisons of worth. From this point, Pearlin (1989) also noted that stress and stress reactions are related to social structures, and prior research focused on children, lacking information from adults who tend to spend more significant time within the dominant
White culture. Thus, the assessments next to the status quo are more prevalent for occupation, higher education, and socioeconomic status for African American adults who have to compete within social structures that are more reflective of the dominant culture. Rosenberg and Pearlin
(1978) therefore, suggest that the reflections of Whites become more critical as African
American children transition into adulthood where these implications become more apparent and pertinent.
African American Women and Self-Esteem
As noted, African American women are a double minority, and are tasked with navigating through gender and racial messages that can be defeating to overall self-worth.
Hidden in nature and intent, these messages are delivered through racial microaggressions that have worked to undermine the value of African American women in society (Sue et al., 2007).
African American women have been confronted with gendered oppression in the form of sexual abuse, affecting the inner and emotional psyche, and also racial oppression that is represented as
59 more external with institutional, structural and political barriers presented in efforts to minimize their importance (Omolade, 1994). These conditions have served to systemically de-humanize
African American women and their experiences illuminating their placement in society as deficient. Due to their distinction, African American women are noted to be at risk for lower levels of self-esteem than other groups (Patterson, 2004). Research has recognized the idea that many will begin to internalize these negative messages, therefore setting African American women on a path of the self-fulfilling prophecy (Crocker & Major, 1998), where they begin to live up to the negative depiction received by the dominant groups' negative interpretations (Hall,
2007).
With that stated, it is plausible to consider how outside factors can influence reactions received and believed about self. Famed civil rights activist the late, Malcolm X declared,
“The most disrespected person in America, is the Black woman. The most unprotected person in America is the Black woman. The most neglected person in America is the black woman” (Malcolm X, 1962).
Although this sentiment was recited over 50 years ago, its meaning continues to be evident in current times. Mowatt et al. (2013) highlight this unfortunate concept with their depictions of invisibility and hypervisibility, also forms of racial microaggressions as recognized by Nadal (2011). These authors recognize invisibility as instances where African American women are ignored, for example through academia as researchers and or study participants, omitting their experiences through important research areas (Mowatt et al., 2013). As mentioned, even with studies on racial microaggressions and self-esteem, African American women are often sub-grouped by race or gender if at all mentioned (Nadal, 2011; Smith et al., 2008; Sue et
60 al., 2007). Invisibility refers to the experience of African Americans as they fight for survival within a White society, at times that survival simply implies acknowledgement. Hypervisibility, for example, heightens the focus on the body and the sexual glorification of African American women due to that body image (Henderson, 1996). Overt instances of racism and sexism for
African American women can be traced historically to Sara Baartman and continue through modern times with the objectification of tennis athlete Serena Williams (Gillman, 1985; Mowatt et al., (2013). Much research follows the often grotesque, animalistic, and horrific lived experiences of Baartman due to her distinctly and uniquely shaped posterior, on one hand being ridiculed for her uniqueness but then as a sense of financial gain for Whites when deemed appropriate (Gillman, 1985; Hobson, 2003). The same can be mentioned of Williams and other
African American women (West, 2012) who are at first shunned, but now have women of all races receiving medical procedures to model. Stereotypical images such as this have been depicted and outward expressions of discrimination have shown to have detrimental effects on self-worth. These images have been demonstrated throughout studies to lead to states of depression, or in a broader sense, maladaptive psychological welfare (Hatcher, 2007). Mowatt et al. (2013) also recognize how these women have also been selected as the “poster child” for welfare reforms, thus making the distinction that society only appreciates the value of this race as sexual beings, or depiction of groups needing assistance and lacking sustainability. West (2012) has worked to identify how the stereotypes such as these and others have plagued and devalued the images of the African American women throughout generations. She argues the notion that these demeaning images have negative influences on the psychological functioning of African
American women. Messages such as these substantiate the impact of society’s negative
61 connotations towards African American women that continues to manifest through popular media and social media constructs.
Even with negative depictions, as their male counterparts, studies indicate that self- esteem for African American women remains higher than Whites (Hall, 2007). Billingsley (1992) cites among other reasons, the idea that African American women, from the days of slavery have been forced to be strong in the face of oppression and lean on a spirit of self-reliance.
Arguments have been made that it is this reliance and sense of interdependence that has garnered higher senses of worth and self-esteem for this population (Watt, 2016). DeFrancisco and
Chatham-Carpenter (2000) note that self-reported levels of self-esteem for African American women have been higher among those in academic, public, and social realms. Harris (1992) noted that African American women may report higher levels of self-esteem, if certain elements exist: (1) a sense of identify that is developed through individual and group accomplishment, (2) a sense of control, and (3) a sense of belonging. Many of those elements are present within social support, a method that has demonstrated effectiveness with counteracting negative inferences (DeFrancisco & Chatham, Carpenter, 2000).
Self-esteem has also been reported as being high for African American women enrolled in higher education. Certain investigations have linked to higher rates to Black consciousness among African American women enrolled in higher education (Eaton et al., 2010; Smith et al.,
1991). In a study of African American women at HBCUs, Watt (2006) found that participants who scored higher on the Rosenberg Self-Esteem Scale (Rosenberg, 1965) also reported higher instances of racial identity, and it can be proposed that feelings of group membership (i.e. racial) assisted with that sense of belonging. Connections between self-esteem, age, and education were
62 identified by Pearlin (1989) who cited that self-esteem is known to fluctuate depending on status positions that can shape one’s social experiences in complex manners. In other words, African
American women who develop stronger connections and positive beliefs about their ethnic group through awareness and associations will have higher levels of self-esteem. Settles et al. (2010) have explored the self-esteem of African American women and the relationship between racial identity and depression. Their findings were consistent with the appraisal theory and the insulation hypothesis. These studies are effective with summarizing the notion that the level of
African American women’s self-esteem is in direct relationship with how others perceive them, their culture and also their interpretation of themselves (Mead, 1925; Cooley, 1922; Broman,
Jackson & Neighbors, 1988). This framework serves to recognize the inconsistencies between what is believed and what is experienced by African American women, and it can be hypothesized that community and social support aided in redefining negative impressions layered within society. Based upon that notion, it can be conceptualized that the more positive the self-esteem, the higher the likelihood to overcome stressors increasing resiliency. The instillation of hope obtained through community support and peer groups has been documented as beneficial with overcoming negative messages across the lifespan and can be a useful tool to empower this disadvantaged population (Patterson, 2004).
Mental Health Considerations
Neufeld et al. (2008) have noted how cultural obligations of being strong or living up to the “super woman schema” can make it difficult to prevent or treat mental health issues that may develop as a result of low self-esteem, thus contributing to the underutilization of psychological services. To improve this underutilization, counselors will need to be mindful that traditional
63 counseling models, those that deny collective experiences might be ineffective in the comprehensive assessment and treatment of African American’s women’s mental health needs
(Abrams et al., 2019). The Council for Accreditation of Counseling and Related Educational
Programs (CACREP, 2016) provides leadership and promotes excellence in professional preparation through the accreditation of counseling and related educational programs. CACREP
(2016) speaks to the need of counselors’ professional identity to reflect current knowledge and projected client needs within a multicultural and pluralistic society for effective practice.
Critical Race Theory (CRT) has also been used to dispute the conceptualization of mental health that is more often than not classified with a standardized definition that fails to capture the overall mental health status across racial groups (Baldwin, 1984; Wakefield, 1992). CRT challenges the need for clinicians to consider a holistic view that accounts for the entire individual and environmental factors that can contribute to negative symptomology. Brown
(2004) expounds upon the sociological perspective of CRT, rejecting prior claims that the etiology of mental health is solely the result of internal and individual factors. This author proposed that attention be granted to the normalization of racism that has been implicitly and explicitly engrained at the individual and institutional level. Minority groups, specifically
African American women, may experience mental health concerns (i.e., depression and anxiety) in a manner that is different than the status quo, example being low self-esteem and racial battle fatigue (Hatcher, 2007; Smith, 2008). Occurrences such as racial microaggressions have been explored and linked to self-esteem consequently exacerbating symptoms that are consistent with depression and anxiety (Smith, 2008).
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With consideration for higher education and PWIs, racial microaggressions often go ignored by Whites and unreported by minorities (Smith, 2008). Through a CRT lens, it can be ascertained that this denial or diminished importance has also been normalized. It can be assumed that this lack of validation is strategically manifested to deny or distort realities, making minorities question their claims of discrimination (Crenshaw, 1993). Delgado and Stefancic
(2001) note that the decision to ignore racist experiences serves to disarm minorities of skills necessary to confront oppression, racial exclusion, mistrust, and apathy. Consequently, this internalization leads to emotional and social disruption of relationships and functioning (i.e., mental disorders) (Hall, 2007). This information may serve to aide in improved client conceptualization within mental health fields and understanding of presenting concerns that may interfere with wellbeing for this and other marginalized groups.
CACREP recognizes the need for counselors to consider cultural factors that are relevant to the mental health field, while also speaking to the ability of clinicians to conceptualize their clients while assessing for needs and best treatment outcomes (CACREP, 2016). Counselors would need to consider that an African American client will not likely present with “depression” but rather report concerns that are known to trigger these symptoms. With that stated, counselors must consider through a CRT lens, a cultural definition of mental health that includes the impact of environmental and structural concerns (i.e., PWIs).
Negga et al. (2007) proposed specific interventions or counseling targeting issues that are more culturally sensitive to concerns with racial discrimination, isolation, and coping. They discovered that students at an HBCU reported lower levels of stress than those at a PWI. This suggests that the lowered levels of stress may be due in part to the social support students at
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HBCUs received that may serve to counteract negative messages received. Research has noted that an integration of a social support quality screening tool during intake assessments with periodic monitoring would be beneficial to assess level of support for students’ wellbeing
(Hefner and Eisenberg, 2009). The ACA Code of Ethics (2014) also mandates multicultural competency whereas counselors gain knowledge, personal awareness, sensitivity and skills pertinent to a culturally competent counselor working with diverse populations. Exploration into the social network of African American women would be a specific intervention that counselors can employ to gain more knowledge while also implementing methods to reduce the onset of associated negative symptoms within these institutions.
Summary of Racial Microaggressions, Social Support, and Self-Esteem Research
Literature and Need for the Study
Racism has continued to manifest throughout society despite public disapproval, laws, and policies that were allegedly incorporated to dilute its effects (Crenshaw, 1988; Lewis et al.,
2016). Critical Race Theory serves to identify structural racism, thereby enhancing understanding of how racial inequalities continue to impact people of color, in particular, African
Americans (Crenshaw, 1988). Siegel (1997) notes that racism has not dissipated but merely transformed, and the effect continues to permeate throughout the lived experiences of people of color. This transformation is evident with the advent of racial microaggressions, or modern racism that is identified as more subtle and harmful than “old fashioned racism” due to their covert nature (Sue, 2010). There have been advancements into systemic and institutional racism, with recent interest into higher education, specifically PWIs (Smith et al., 2007). Racial microaggressions have been explored throughout collegiate studies including minority groups
66 and findings demonstrate deleterious effects including but not limited to lowered self-esteem, hopelessness and worthlessness, fatigue, lack of motivation and withdrawal, all appropriate criteria for diagnosis of depression, anxiety, and post-traumatic stress disorder for minority groups (Brown et al., 2000; Carter, 2007; Clark et al., 1999; Smith, 2004; Smith, 2008;
Solórzano et al., 2000; Sue et al., 2008). Research on racial microaggressions has been expanded to consider LGBTQ, women, and other marginalized groups who report the similar consequences
(Nadal et al., 2014), however that exploring experiences of African American women is limited.
Self-esteem among African American women has been examined and research suggests that higher levels of self-esteem have been beneficial with combating the negative messages received from racist experiences (i.e., racial microaggressions) (Hatcher, 2007). Social support for this group has been noted as being beneficial to the maintenance of healthy self-esteem and has been described as positive influences and encouragement from family, friends and significant others who are accessible and willing to provide assistance in a multitude of circumstances (Hall,
2007). Also, research has linked higher rates of self-esteem for African Americans and African
American women to higher rates of perceived social support, therefore, counteracting the effects of racial microaggressions (Clark et al., 1999; Hall, 2007).
The research included within this chapter serves to highlight the tenants of Critical Race
Theory while linking the variables of racial microaggressions, social support, and self-esteem among African American women enrolled at Predominately White Institutions. Considering that the associated negative symptoms that can incur in such environments, this study adds to the existing literature through promotion of a need to devote more attention to this population while acknowledging factors that may contribute to African American women being the most likely to
67 meet criteria for depression while also most underrepresented group to engage in treatment. The research presented, supports the hypothesis that social support serves to improve levels of self- esteem for African American women enrolled in PWIs. Based on a review of the literature, the following research question was investigated:
(1) Is there a statistically significant relationship between perceived racial microaggressions, social support and the self-esteem of African American women enrolled at PWIs?
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CHAPTER III
METHODOLOGY
The purpose of this study was to investigate the relationship between racial microaggressions, social support, and the self-esteem of African American women enrolled at
Predominately White Institutions. This chapter provides an overview of the research question and a description of the independent and dependent variables. Also, this chapter reviews the data collection and procedures, and concludes with the identification and discussion of methodological limitations for this research study.
Research Questions
In this research study, the following question was addressed:
1. Is there a statistically significant relationship between perceived racial
microaggressions, social support and the self-esteem of African American women
enrolled at Predominately White Institutions?
Prior research has examined racial microaggressions and their deleterious effects on minorities’ self-esteem and wellbeing attending PWIs (Sue et al., 2008). Studies exploring the experiences of African American women are limited in nature and have hinted at the notion that despite these negative inferences, African American women continue to have higher levels of self-esteem during adulthood (Hall, 2007). Therefore, this study examined both a research and a null hypothesis to determine if such a relationship exists between perceived racial microaggressions and self-esteem, and if so to what degree are these variables related. Social support has also been noted as a method of increasing self-esteem, and while studies indicate an increase in self-esteem over time (Patterson, 2004), that relationship was also not thoroughly
69 documented among this population for degree of relationship (if any). The independent variables of social support and racial microaggressions have not been explored concurrently in relationship with self-esteem, and as indicated racial microaggressions may negatively impact self-esteem
(Sue et al., 2008) and social support may positively impact self-esteem (Patterson, 2004), therefore this study will also seek to identify if there is statistical significance between the independent variables and dependent variable self-esteem.
Null and Research Hypothesis
This study focused on the one research question designed to examine the relationship between perceived racial microaggressions, social support and self-esteem.
Therefore, the following hypothesis was identified.
Null Hypothesis 1: There is not a statistically significant relationship between perceived
racial microaggressions and social support, and the self-esteem of African American
women enrolled at Predominately White Institutions.
Research Hypothesis 1: There is a statistically significant relationship between perceived
racial microaggressions and social support, and the self-esteem of African American
women enrolled at Predominately White Institutions.
Description of the Independent and Dependent Variables
There was one dependent variable of interest used for this research study, being self- esteem. For the purposes of this study, self-esteem is defined by Rosenberg (1965) and assessed via scores on the Rosenberg Self-Esteem Scale (RSES), which measures global self-worth through measurement of positive and negative feelings about the self (Rosenberg, 1965). The
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RSES is an instrument consisting of 10 self-reported items assessing an individual’s feelings of self-worth and overall global self-worth. Potential responses are on a 4-point Likert scale with opinions ranging from “strongly agree” to “strongly disagree.” The RSES is one of the most widely used measurements of self-esteem and is noted as being the “gold standard” for self- esteem measurement (Schmitt & Allik, 2005). The RSES has been utilized in various samples consisting of African American students and noted high internal consistency with Chronbach’s alphas ranging from .83 to .86 (Utsey et al., 2000).
The independent variables of interest for this research study were perceived racial microaggressions and social support. For this research study, two instruments were selected to serve as measurements for participant’s perceived racial microaggressions and social support at the time of survey administration. The Racial and Ethnic Microaggressions Scale (REMS) was utilized to measure perceived racial microaggressions. The REMS in an instrument consisting of
45 items across six subscales: (1) Assumptions of Inferiority, (2) Second-Class Citizen and
Assumptions of Criminality, (3) Microinvalidations, (4) Exoticization/Assumptions of
Similarity, (5) Environmental Microaggressions and (6) Workplace and School
Microaggressions (Nadal, 2011). To measure participant’s perceived social support, the
Multidimensional Scale of Perceived Social Support Scale (MSPSS) was used. The MSPSS is an instrument consisting of 12-items across 3 subscales: (1) Family Support, (2) Friend Support, and (3) Significant Other Support. The subscales were used as constructs of each variable as the definitions outlined in the literature capture the measurement of each experience that could impact level of self-esteem. In total across the two instruments, 57 items were used with nine subscales, therefore a total of nine independent variables were used (REMS, 6; MSPSS; 3).
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Research Design and Data Analyses
This study utilized a non-experimental correlational research design to test the null hypothesis. This study attempted to examine the relationship between racial microaggressions, social support, and the self-esteem of African American women enrolled at Predominately White
Institutions. This study is considered non-experimental in that no groups were assigned to control or intervention groups to examine the phenomenon. The design of this study was appropriate as it allowed for the examination of multiple variables at one time and is useful when describing the relationship between two or more variables (Mertler & Reinhardt, 2016).
Several methods of analysis were utilized to examine the data in this study. First, descriptive statistics were examined for all research and demographic variables including means, standard deviations regarding the one dependent variable and nine independent variables.
Descriptive statistics for the following demographic characteristics included were (1) age, (2) class year in education and, (3) the region where their college/university was located. These demographic variables were included in this study due to their relationship with racial microaggressions, social support and self-esteem found in previous studies. For example,
Patterson (2004) found higher rates of self-esteem for older women (i.e., age, class year), and
Orth and Robbins (2014) found in a large longitudinal sample of African Americans across the lifespan, higher self-esteem was reported for adolescent and younger adulthood with a sharp decline during old age. School region was used due to prior research noting limitations that racism (i.e., racial microaggressions) might be experienced in wider ranges and varying types within different regions (Sue et al., 2008). Each of those studies also noted the significance of social support for the populations researched.
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One hierarchal linear multiple regression analyses was conducted to examine the relationship between the independent and dependent variables. Mertler and Reinhardt (2016) note the use of these analyses as being most suitable for investigating the statistical significance among independent and dependent variables. Mertler and Reinhart (2016) indicate that regression is a frequently used statistical method for analyzing the correlational relationships among independent variables and a continuous dependent variable. Hierarchal multiple regression analyses are common within studies that are exploratory in nature and can be used to understand or explain the existence of a relationship or phenomenon for the purpose of developing a theory (Mertler and Reinhardt, 2016). There are a limited amount of empirical studies that examine these variables qualitatively specific to this population, to date none that explore the relationships between all variables collectively, while also recognizing the impact of other factors (i.e., age) known to fluctuate effects, therefore the exploratory nature of this analysis was appropriate
This study explored the relationship between the independent and dependent variables in two blocks, so that the combined and unique contribution of each independent variable can be examined (Mertler & Reinhardt, 2016). Prior to conducting the regression analysis, testing for any covariates (i.e., demographic variables) to be included in the model was performed. If any covariates were statistically significantly related to the dependent variable, they were entered into the model first to control for their effect. Age was found to be statistically significant with self-esteem (r= .389) and was entered into the model first to control for its effect.
The next block of the regression analyses included all perceived racial microaggression and social support sub-scale scores. The independent variables, perceived racial
73 microaggressions and social support were entered into a separate block to support the hypothesis of determining statistical significance between the dependent variable, self-esteem. An alpha level of p < .05 was used to determine the statistical significance of each data analyses.
Assumptions for multiple regression statistical analyses were checked by examining outliers using tests for multicollinearity and by examining the Malhanalnobis Distance. Variance
Inflation Factors (VIF) were all under 10 and found to be acceptable for this data set (Allison,
1999; Miles & Shevlin, 2001). Bivariate correlations were conducted among the independent variables and between the independent and dependent variables to determine if the variables are related. Multivariate normality of the data was examined using the Kolmogorov-Sminrov test since N ≥ 50. Lastly linearity and homoscedasticity of the variance of the residuals were also examined to further determine whether the data meet the assumptions of the multiple regressions
(Mertler & Reinhardt, 2016).
Participants and Sampling Methods
Because this study investigated the relationship between racial microaggressions, social support, and the self-esteem of African American women enrolled in Predominately White
Institutions, participants selected for this study included African American women ages 18 and older who were enrolled in an undergraduate or graduate student program at a university meeting criterion as a Predominately White Institution in the United States.
Power analyses, which determine the probability of a statistically significant finding given a true relationship exists between variables, were conducted to decrease the likelihood that a null hypothesis would not be rejected if it were false (Cohen, 1992). Cohen (1992) stated that power is defined and calculated through the following parameters and can be solved by knowing
74 three of four: proposed alpha, sample (N) size, effect size, and power level. Therefore, a power analysis with an alpha level of .05, and a medium effect size of .15, and a power set to .80 would be achieved with a minimum of 114 participants when conducting a multiple regression analysis with a total of nine independent variables (i.e., six perceived racial microaggression variables, three social support variables) (Faul, Erdfelder, Buchner & Lang, 2009). Cohen (1992) explained that power is best when set at a high level, since the goal of this study is to reject the null hypothesis that is not true with a high probability. Therefore, a minimum number of 114 participants was obtained to ensure adequate statistical power in this study.
The sampling method in this study was purposeful and included a sample of African
American women enrolled in Predominately White Institutions (PWIs). This method was chosen due to the characteristics of participants who could provide information rich data related to this phenomenon. The participants were identified through a variety of social and physical science majors, identifying as being enrolled in a PWI. The survey was submitted to participants through their email listings and identification of meeting criteria. Participants displayed a diverse range of demographics regarding age, school region, and class level.
Participants
The total number of participants in this study was 121, with 100% identifying as African
American women. Table 1 provides an overview of the participants by demographic variables,
(a) age, (b) class level, and (c) school region. Participants ranged in age 18 and older, and the average age of the participants was 28-32. Participants between the ages of 43 and older, had the highest response rate, accounting for 24.8%. Graduate students made up almost half of the
75 population with approximately 43.8%. The majority of participants identified a school region in the Southeast (AR, LA, MS, AL, GA, FL, SC, NC, TN, KY, WV, DC, VA, DE) with 33.1%.
Table 1
Frequency Distributions for Demographic Variables (N=121)
Variables N Percentage Age
18-22 25 20.7 23-27 24 19.8 28-32 19 15.7 33-37 12 9.9 38-42 11 9.1 43 and older 30 24.8 Class Year Freshman 15 12.4 Sophomore 20 16.5 Junior 17 14.1 Senior 16 13.2 Grad Student 53 43.8 Region West 16 13.2 Southwest 13 10.7 Northeast 28 23.1 Southeast 40 33.1 Midwest 24 19.8
Note. 1 Percentages are based on the participants who reported information for each demographic variable.
Data Collection Procedures
Prior to the start of data collection, approval was gained from the Institutional Review
Board (IRB) at The University of Akron to conduct this study. An online survey was conducted
76 for the purpose of collecting data for this study. This online survey was created and hosted by
Qualtrics, an online survey software platform. Contact was made via email to Listsevs, graduate and undergraduate student organizations, and professional associations (i.e., National Black
Nurses Association, The National Society of Black Engineers, National Student Medical
Association, National Black MBA Association, National Black Law Association, National Black
Graduate and Professional Student Organization, The National Alliance of Black School
Educators, National Black Student Union Organization, National Association of Black Social
Workers, National Black Association of Black Accountants, National Association of Black
Journalists, and Actions Intelligence for Social Policy,) representing a wide range of social and physical sciences requesting permission to have surveys distributed to students meeting criteria.
Furthermore, Qualtrics assisted with an online data collection and the data was analyzed through
Statistical Package for Social Sciences (SPSS), version 22.
Targeted participants identified as meeting criteria received an email link to a webpage containing a cover letter clearly explaining the purpose of the study. Following this page, participants were directed to a demographic survey used to determine their appropriateness for participation. Participants were asked to identify race, gender, age, and enrollment at a PWI. If participants identified as an African American female, ages 18 and older and currently enrolled at a PWI, they continued forward in the study. If either one of these criteria were not met, these individuals were redirected the end of the study. Selected respondents were directed to the demographic questionnaire (Appendix B) regarding current educational level, major field of study, and school region. Following demographic information, participants were presented with the informed consent document, providing details about the risks and benefits of the study and its
77 applicability to understanding self-esteem among African American women enrolled at PWIs, time constraints, confidentiality of records, and their right to withdraw from the study. Once the participants elected to participate, they were directed to complete instruments measuring the constructs of racial microaggressions (Appendix C), social support (Appendix D), and self- esteem (Appendix E). All survey data was encrypted to protect confidentiality. Including the
Informed Consent, total time to complete all measures was estimated at 15-20 minutes.
Instruments
A description of the instruments used to measure variables in this study is provided in the sections that follow. Each section includes a brief review about the history, reliability, content, construct and concurrent validity and as well as uses within the counseling/psychology field.
Demographic Questionnaire
A demographic questionnaire (Appendix B) gathered information including race, gender, age, enrollment status at a PWI, current education level, field of study and school geographic region location. These variables were tested to determine their relationship, if any, to the dependent variable. Age was the only variable that was statistically significant with self-esteem and was included in the model as a covariate. Studies have indicated that self-esteem formulates over time, and to a degree has a positive relationship with age, thus as age increases as does self- esteem levels (Patterson, 2004). With the inclusion of age, this study can demonstrate if there are any fluctuations of self-esteem across a distinct period of physical and educational maturity therefore identifying implications for future exploration.
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The Racial and Ethnic Microaggressions Scale
In efforts to screen for perceived racial microaggressions, The Racial and Ethnic
Microaggressions Scale (REMS) was utilized (Appendix C). In responses to prior research exploring negative impact of racist experiences of people of color and minority groups, Nadal
(2011) argued the need for psychologists to become not only aware of the instances but also types of racial discrimination experienced. This author cited the expansive amount of qualitative research, however, notes a need for more quantitative studies with larger samples to support the presence of racial microaggressions and their deleterious impact on the self-esteem and mental health of minorities exposed. Nadal (2011) noted the lack of scales consisting of subscales that can assist with identifying varying types of racial microaggression experienced.
Therefore, Nadal (2011) developed a 45-item instrument intended to quantitatively identify the type and frequency of racial microaggressions experienced by minorities. This scale is comprised of a six-factor model with associated subscales: (1) Assumptions of Inferiority, (2)
Second-Class Citizen and Assumptions of Criminality, (3) Microinvalidations, (4)
Exoticization/Assumptions of Similarity, (5) Environmental Microaggressions and (6)
Workplace and School Microaggressions (Nadal, 2011). Normed with an initial sample population n=443 comprised of individuals identifying as Black/African American, Latina/o,
Asian American, Pacific Islander, Arab American, or multiracial. There was also a second sample in efforts to conduct a confirmatory factor analysis with 218 participants. Results of both samples provided empirical evidence of internal consistency and correlations with other scales that the REMS as an adequate measure of racial microaggressions with responses paralleling several categories of racial microaggressions described in prior literature (Sue at al., 2008).
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Participants are asked various experiences about race and therefore asked to respond on a scale (0-5) using 0 “no experience” to 5 “I experienced 5 or more times.” To calculate the total
REMS score, conversion of items 12,18, 19, 24, 28, 37, 41 into inverse scores, add all scores then divide by 45 to obtain the scale score. Each subscale would be calculated by adding scores from the corresponding questions and dividing by the number of questions for each subscale.
The REMS did not provide a scaling chart for scoring purposes, but indicate higher scores result in higher perceptions of racial experiences. To date the REMS has been utilized in a variety of settings such as schools/universities, community settings among varied ethnicities and minority groups including Asian, Black, and Latino/as. (Forest-Bank, Jenson, Trecartin, 2015).
In development of this instrument and to test the validity of this measure, Nadal (2011) correlated responses with scores on the Racism and Life Experiences Scale Brief aimed at measuring the belief to which an individual believes racism affects the self and racial group
(RaLES-B; Utsey, 1998). The REMS was eventually reduced to include the more substantial measures and a 45-item checklist was formulated having a Chronbach’s alpha, α=. 91 for the overall model and subscales ranging from .78 to .87. Subscale 1: Assumptions of Inferiority generated a Chronbach’s alpha, α=894, Subscale 2: Second Class Citizens and Assumptions of
Criminality, α= .883, Subscale 3: Microinvalidations, α= .888, Subscale 4:
Exoticization/Assumptions of Similarity, α=852, Subscale 5: Environmental Microaggressions, α
=. 850, and Subscale 6: Workplace and School Microaggressions, α=. 850. For this research study, the internal reliabilities of all six subscales were at or above 0.83. Furthermore, these 45 questions loaded onto six factors, each having a loading above the recommended threshold of
0.32, and these factors matched with REMS subscales defined in the prior literature.
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Testing for concurrent validity, the REMS, was measured against the RALES-B, a short
(and more widely used) version of the Racism and Life Experiences-Self- Administration
Version (RaLES-S; Utsey, 1998), a nine item self-report instrument that measures perceptions of racism by a person of color and the impact of stress that racism has on that person’s life. Nadal
(2011) found that the REMS were positively correlated with the RALES-B (r = .464, N = 376, p
< .001). Five of the six subscales were positively correlated, Subscale 1: Assumptions of
Inferiority (r = .343, N = 376, p < .001), Subscale 2: Second-Class Citizen and Assumption of
Criminality (r = .351, N = 376, p < .001), Subscale 3: Microinvalidations (r = .380, N = 376, p
< .001), Subscale 4: Exoticization/Assumptions of Similarity (r = .216, N = 376, p < .001), and
Subscale 6: Workplace and School Microaggressions (r = .433, N = 376, p < .001) with the exception of Subscale 5: Environmental Microaggressions not being positively correlated.
Nadal (2011) utilized a model of evaluation in which he has participant’s opinion on the measure through the completion evaluations following the instrument in efforts to gage construct validity (Hsiesh & Shannon, 2005). From those responses, many items were re coded and a checklist and new scoring method was created to assist with higher construct validity. Following updates, reliability measures were the following: Reliability of subscales include the following:
Subscale 1: Assumptions of Inferiority (.873), Subscale 2: Second-Class Citizen and
Assumptions of Criminality (.821), Subscale 3: Microinvalidations (.841), Subscale 4:
Exoticization/ Assumptions of Similarity (.783), Subscale 5: Environmental Microaggressions
(.785), and Subscale 6: Workplace and School Microaggressions (.792).
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The Multidimensional Scale of Perceived Support
For the intent of measuring the level of perceived social support, this study utilized the
Multidimensional Scale of Perceived Social Support (MSPSS) (Appendix D). Zimmer et al.,
(1988) designed this scale to respond to the need for an instrument that could adequately measure social support as a coping mechanism for stressors, as prior research as well as more recently, has indicated that social support acts as a buffer between stressful life events and symptoms (Gore, 1978; Hatcher, 2007; Patterson, 2004; Wilcox, 1981). This 12-item subjective self-reporting instrument has the distinction apart from others, due to its use of three subscales and ability to measure social support from three distinct areas, Family, Friends, and Significant
Others. Inventory items are divided into factor groups relating to the source of the social support, namely family (Fam), friends (Fri) or significant other (SO) and were constructed to address relationship factors.
In its development, the authors utilized scores on the Hopkins Symptoms Checklist
(HSCL) (Lipman et al., 1979) a 58-item self-report inventory designed to assess the degree to which symptoms associated with various problems exist across the following five dimensions: somatization, obsessive compulsive behavior, interpersonal sensitivity, anxiety and depression.
HSCL has been noted as having high reliability and validity (Lipman at al., 1979). This MSPSS was normed on 275 college students with a test-retest reliability of .85 following 2-3 months for the entire inventory (Zimet at al., 1988). Construct validity was identified through inverse correlation with depression scores generated from the HSCL and r = -.25. Chronbach’s coefficient alpha, a measure of internal reliability for this whole measure was reported at α=. 88.
Individual subscales revealed, family α=. 87, friends, α=. 85, and α=. 91 for significant others.
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In follow-up confirmatory analysis, measuring students from a large urban campus, Chronbach’s alpha for total scales was reported at α= .91 (Dahlem et al., 1991). Clara et al. (2003) conducted a confirmatory analysis on groups of psychiatric inpatient and also university sample for each subscale with Chronbach’s alpha for each subscale and population: Friends α=. 91 (psychiatric),
α =. 93 (university sample), Family α=. 92 (for both groups), and Significant Others α=. 93
(psychiatric) and α=. 94 (university sample). These findings hypothesized and concluded that higher reports of social support would predict lower levels of depression and anxiety.
Construct validity of the MSPSS was measured against symptoms related to depression and anxiety, hypothesizing that perceived support would be negatively related to depression and anxiety. This prediction was further substantiated by correlations on the depression and anxiety subscales of the HSCL. Family was significantly inversely related to both depression, r = -.24, p
< .01, and anxiety r = -.18, p < .01. Perceived support from Friends was correlated to depressive symptoms, r = -.24, p < .01 but not anxiety. The Significant Other scale was minimally significant negatively to depression, r = -.13, p < .05, the same for the scale as a total, r = -.25, p
< .01 (Zimet et al., (1988). Wongpakaran and Wongpakaran (2011) also further established convergent validity from a sample of 462 Thai participants, as the MSPSS total scores positively correlated with the Rosenberg Self-Esteem Scale, (r = 0.33, P < .0001).
The original inventory was implemented with 24-items, but later scaled to 12-items following a repeated factor analysis that determined that 12-items of the original 24 were not conducive to the measurement of perceived social support (Zimet at al., 1988). The authors initially utilized a 5-point Likert scale, ranging from strongly agree to strongly disagree, however in efforts to increase response variability and minimize a “ceiling effect” the scales were
83 expanded to a 7-point Likert, (1) very strongly disagree (2) strongly disagree (3) mildly disagree
(4) neutral (5) mildly agree (6) strongly agree and (7) very strongly agree. To calculate the mean scores, administrators would add up the total of each subscale and divide by 4. Scores ranging from 1 to 2.9 are considered low, 3 to 5 are considered moderate, and 5.1 to 7, considered high.
In efforts to gain the total cumulative score, the sum of all items is determined and therefore divided by 12. Scores range from 12 to 84 and scores are interpreted as the higher the score, the greater amount of social support perceived. For this research study, the internal reliabilities were calculated at 0.88 (family), 0.89 (friends), and 0.86 (significant other). These 12 questions loaded onto three factors, each having a loading above the recommended threshold of 0.32, and these factors matched with the family, friends and significant other constructs defined in the prior literature.
This measure has been cited as one of the most widely used instruments depicting an accurate picture of perceived support (Cecil et al., 1995; Clara at al., 2003; Dahlem at al., 1991).
Most recently, Dambi et al. (2018) stated that, despite the original intent of the MSPSS with adolescents within the United States, it has evolved into a measure appropriate across a variety of populations and settings. It continues to be praised with its ability to measure the subjective assessment of social support qualitatively, also measurement of perception of separate subgroups of social support, and this measure has also been found to be psychometrically sound, citing its reliability, factorial validity, and adequate construct validity versus other measures (Zimet, at al.,
1988; Clara at al., 2003; Dambi et al., 2018). This measure is available free of charge and can be assessed online www.yorku.ca/rokada/psyctest/socsupp.pdf.
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Canty-Mitchell and Zimet (2000) identified high internal consistency among a large group of African American adolescents, with results also confirming reliability, validity, and utility of this measure with an urban African American sample. This measure has also been utilized with elderly groups and also pregnant women (Stanley et al., 1998; Zimet et al., 1990).
Reliability, validity, and factor structure have been demonstrated in a variety of studies following the development of the MPSS (Cecil et al., 1995; Zimet et al., 1988; Zimet et al., 1990). The
MSPSS has also demonstrated relevant use among psychiatric patients inpatient, and outpatient, community, college settings, as well in medical capacities dealing with clients suffering cardiac concerns, pain, nausea, dementia and declining status (Hardan-Khalil, & Mayo, 2015). In recent studies, and in response to evidence based practice the MSPSS has undergone expansive translation and cross-cultural adaptations including use within a variety of socio economic levels and countries (Dambi et al., 2018).
Rosenberg Self-Esteem Scale
The Rosenberg Self-Esteem Scale (Appendix E) has been used for the measurement of self-esteem in a variety of studies since its inception (Patterson, 2004; Schmitt & Allik, 2005).
For the purposes of this study, this instrument was used to identify self-reports of self-esteem for participants. This instrument is a 10-item scale that measures global self-worth by measuring both positive and negative feelings about the self (Rosenberg, 1965). Introduced in 1965 by
Rosenberg and normed on a group of high-school students in New York State, this scale is one of the most widely used instruments on self-esteem (Blascovich & Tomaka, 1991; Gray-Little et al.,
1997; Robins et al., 2001), measuring self-esteem through the use of a 4-point Likert scale format ranging from strongly agree to strongly disagree with each question assigned a value of 0-
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4 points. This construct of self-esteem ranges from scores of 0-30, with higher scores revealing higher self-esteem levels. Items 1,3,4,7 and 10 were reverse scored as per instruction implementation.
Rosenberg (1989) has stressed a global definition of self-esteem, arguing that self- concept is measure that reviews the overall picture encompassing positive and negative attitudes about the self. Gray-Little et al. (1997) have noted that the conceptualization of self-esteem within this measure is fairly accurate with psychological theory of self-esteem and a normalized definition. Positive attributes that continue to add to the construct validity aiding in sustainability over time as it measures what is intended. Sinclair et al. (2010) conducted psychometric analysis through tests of scaling assumptions and reported an internal consistency reliability, α = .91 for the overall sample and internal reliability, α = .75. For this research study, the internal reliability was calculated at 0.82 and all 10 questions had a loading above the recommended threshold of 0.32.
In comparison with more recent scales, the RSES has remained an adequate measurement of self-esteem. Robins et al. (2001) have contrasted the RSES and the Single Item Self Esteem
Scale (SISE, 2001) and the RSES was demonstrated to have strong convergent validity among men and women, varying ethnicities, and college students. Schmitt and Allik (2005) have argued cultural relevancy, citing the lack of diversity present during the original norming sample of students. However, the RSES continues to demonstrate wide range of uses across varying ethnicities. The RSES has been utilized across several decades and has the distinction of being translated into 28 different languages with estimated administration being well over 60,000 times
(Schmitt & Allik, 2005). In a recent search on OHIOLINK electronic dissertation center, a
86 search of 12 approved dissertations were identified as having employed the RSES as an instrument between 2008 and 2017. This measure is available via public domain and can be assessed online at http://www.bsos.umd.edu/socy/Research/rosenberg.htm. Wylie (1989) and
Blais et al. (2010) both cite the ease of administration with a minimum of a fifth grade reading level required, only requiring limited time, and uni-dimensionality of this measure. More recently, some theorists have suggested that it is two factor scale, that measures self-competence
(SC), one’s instrumental value and self-liking (SL), one’s intrinsic value (Tafarodi & Milne,
2002). However, there exists minimal literature on these subscales and clinical indicators, and for the purposes of this study, it will be considered one-dimensional.
Summary of Methodology
The purpose of this research study is to examine the relationship between perceived racial microaggressions, social support and the self-esteem of African American women enrolled at
Predominately White Institutions. The independent variable in this study was self-esteem as measured by Rosenberg Self Esteem Scale. The dependent variables were racial microaggressions as measured by the Racial and Ethnic Microaggressions Scale, and social support as measured by the Multidimensional Perceived Social Support Scale. Participants included a purposeful sample of African American women aged 18 and older, currently enrolled in PWIs, and obtained through emails and contact made with various student, graduate, and professional organizations. Research participants completed the Rosenberg Self-Esteem Scale
(RSES), the Racial and Ethnic Microaggressions Scale (REMS), the Multidimensional Perceived
Social Support Scale (MPSS) and a demographic questionnaire that included information regarding age, current educational level, and school region. Descriptive statistics and one
87 hierarchal multiple regression analyses was utilized to examine the relationship between the variables of interest, age was included as a covariate due to its statistically significant relationship with self-esteem, and relevance within the literature regarding the positive impact age can have on self-esteem levels (Patterson, 2004).
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CHAPTER IV
RESULTS
The results of the research study are presented in this chapter. It is organized into three sections: pre-analysis data screening, descriptive statistics, and inferential statistics. The pre- analysis data screening section tested for missing data and statistical assumptions of linearity, normality, and homoscedasticity. The descriptive statistics are provided first for the sample detailing participants’ demographic variables. Inferential statistics were used to test the research hypotheses and include the results of the hierarchal multiple regression analyses. This chapter concludes with a summary of the results.
Pre-Analysis Data Screening
Before descriptive and inferential statistics were analyzed, pre-analysis data screenings and testing for covariates were conducted. This process was necessary to ensure the accuracy of the data collected, determining if any missing data were present, and assessing any extreme values such as outliers to help ensure valid results of the statistical analyses (Mertler & Reinhardt,
2016). The inclusion criteria set forth for either eliminating and retaining cases to be included in the final analysis were: (1) participants indicated that their self-identified race was African
American, (2) participants self-identified that they were female, (3) participants indicated that they were 18 and older, (4) participants indicated that they were enrolled at a PWI, and (5) participants completed the demographic questionnaire and all three survey instruments (i.e., the
RSES, REMS, and MSPSS). A total of 127 individuals responded to the survey; however, after data screening and cleaning, six cases were eliminated due to not self-identifying as a woman.
There were no missing cases, and the final sample for this study included 121 participants. Next,
89 multivariate outliers were then assessed (Tabachnick & Fidell, 2007) and it was determined that no items represented extreme values and therefore were not addressed in the present study.
Bivariate correlations were conducted to test the need for inclusion of any covariates in the primary data (see Table 2). Age displayed a statistically significant positive correlation with the dependent variable self-esteem. Therefore, age was included as a covariate in the final model to control for its effects.
Testing of Assumptions
Prior to conducting the hierarchal regression model, statistical testing for assumptions was checked. Regarding multicollinearity, all independent variables were within the acceptable range given a VIF < 2.5, or less than 10 (Allison, 1999; Miles & Shelvin, 2001). Additionally, bivariate correlations were analyzed to determine whether demographic factors were associated with the dependent variable, and therefore controlled for in the primary analysis. Bivariate correlations indicated a statistically significant relationship between age and self-esteem (see
Table 2).
Table 2
Bivariate Correlation of Demographic Characteristics with Dependent Variable
Age Educational Level Region Self-Esteem .389* .108 -.040
Note. p < .05*, p < .001***. Age was statistically significant with self-esteem,
The assumption of normality for the dependent variable, self-esteem was met following a review of the Q-Q normality plot (Figure 1). The plot of residuals (Figure 2) revealed a scattered pattern, thus linearity, multivariate normality, and homoscedasticity of the variance of the
90 residuals were therefore acceptable. The scatterplots for each independent variable (Figure 3 and
Figure 4) demonstrated positive linear trends. Examination of case wise diagnostics, including
Mahalanobis distance and Cooks distance suggested that there no variables exerting undue influence on the model. Thus, no cases were excluded from the final analyses.
Figure 1. Normality plot for Self-Esteem
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Figure 2. Residuals plot for multivariate normality and homoscedasticity assumption of errors
Figure 3. Scatterplot for Self-Esteem and Racial Microaggressions
Figure 4. Scatterplot for Self-Esteem and Social Support
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Descriptive Statistics for Study Variables
The instruments used in this study included the following: (1) the Rosenberg Self-Esteem
Scale (RSES) as a measure of self-esteem, (2) the Racial and Ethnic Microaggressions Scale
(REMS) as a measure of racial and ethnic microaggressions, and (3) the Multidimensional Scale of Perceived Social Support (MSPSS) as a measure of multidimensional social support. The total sample (N=121), means and standard deviations of each of the questions in each instrument are described in Table 3. The RSES items are scored on a 4-point Likert scale format ranging from 1
(strongly agree) to 4 (strongly disagree) with higher scores indicating higher self-esteem. Table
4 demonstrates self-esteem scores by age. This was consistent with the prior literature suggesting that self-esteem levels increase with as age and life experiences (Patterson, 2004;
Charles, 2016). The MSPSS has three subscales, each of which describe a different measure of social support (i.e., FAM: family, FRI: friends, SO: significant other). The MSPSS is based on a
7-point Likert scale ranging from, 1 (very strongly disagree) to 7 (very strongly agree). To calculate the mean scores, administrators would add up the total of each subscale and divide by 4, with higher scores indicating the greater amount of social support perceived. In efforts to gain the total cumulative score, the sum of all items is determined and therefore divided by 12.
Lastly, the REMS has six subscales including: (1) Assumptions of Inferiority, (2) Second-Class
Citizen and Assumptions of Criminality, (3) Microinvalidations, (4) Exoticization/Assumptions of Similarity, (5) Environmental Microaggressions and (6) Workplace and School
Microaggressions. The total number of items on the REMS is 45, scored on a scale 0-5 requesting frequency of each occurrence. To calculate the total REMS score, conversion of items
12,18, 19, 24, 28, 37, 41 into inverse scores, add all scores then divide by 45 to obtain the scale
93 score. Each subscale would be calculated by adding scores from the corresponding questions and dividing by the number of questions for each subscale. The REMS did not provide a scaling chart for scoring purposes, but indicate higher scores result in higher perceptions of racial experiences.
Table 3
Descriptive Statistics of Study Variables
Instrument n M SD Range
RSES-Self-Esteem 121 29.08 6.03 30 REMS - Inferiority 121 1.87 1.43 0-5.00 REMS - Criminality 121 1.41 1.24 0-5.00 REMS - 121 1.83 1.35 0-5.00 Microinvalidation REMS - Similarity 121 1.45 1.20 0-5.00 REMS - Environmental 121 1.86 1.18 0-4.86 REMS-Work/School 121 1.47 1.36 0-5.00 MSPSS - Friends 121 4.95 1.60 0-6.00 MSPSS - Family 121 5.16 1.56 0-6.00 MSPSS – Sig Other 121 5.48 1.41 0-4.75
Note. REMS measures scores reported over the past six months.
Table 4 Descriptive Statistics of Self-Esteem and Age
Age N Mean SD
18-22 25 26.48 4.38 23-27 24 27.63 5.98 28-32 19 26.84 6.46 33-37 12 30.25 4.27 38-42 11 32.09 6.44 43 and older 30 32.27 5.80
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Results
This section reviews the inferential statistical results. First, Pearson’s correlation coefficient matrix was generated to determine if a relationship between the variables existed.
Next, a hierarchal regression analysis was conducted to determine which (if any) of the independent variables were statistically significant with the dependent variable self-esteem. The
“enter” method was used, as this research was exploratory in nature. An alpha level of .05 was used as criterion to determine the significance of statistical results.
Racial Microaggressions, Social Support and Self-Esteem
The research hypothesis stated that there is a statistically significant relationship between racial microaggressions (as measured by the REMS), social support (as measured by MSPSS) and self-esteem (as measured by the RSES) among African American women enrolled at
Predominately White Institutions. A hierarchal multiple regression analysis was conducted, in which the null hypothesis was rejected.
Prior to data analysis, the correlation of the demographic variables with the dependent variable was tested to determine if it was necessary to control for each covariate in the model.
The results of the bivariate correlation analysis indicated that the demographic variable age significantly correlated with self-esteem. As age increased, so did scores for self-esteem and this variable was entered into the first step of the model to control its effect (see Table 2). Research has indicated that younger groups have less experience navigating through discrimination and life challenges that can impact functioning and levels of self-esteem (Charles, 2010; Patterson;
2004). Szymanski and Lewis (2016) also noted that age was a factor in their study exploring
95 coping strategies against discrimination for African American women enrolled in higher education, who reported less impact.
The hierarchical multiple regression results are summarized in Table 5. The summary indicated that the control variable of age, when entered into step one explained 15.1% of the variance of self-esteem. Step two consisted of variables representing perceived racial microaggressions (as measured by the REMS-inferiority, criminality, microinvalidations, similarity, environmental microaggressions, and work/school microaggressions), and variables representing social support (as measured by the MSPSS-family, friend, and significant other) this addition contributed to an additional 19.8% of the variance of self-esteem. The total model accounted for 34.9% of the variability in self-esteem.
Table 5
REMS and MSPSS Regression Model Summary N=121
2 2 2 Model R R R adj ΔR Fchg df1 df2 1. Age .389 .151 .144 .151 21.19 1 119
2. REMS & MSPSS .591 .349 .290 .198 3.72 9 110
Note. *p < .05, ***p < .001. REMS (inferiority, criminality, microinvalidations, similarity, environmental microaggressions, and work/school microaggressions). MSPSS (family, friends, and significant other). The total sample included in this analysis was 121 participants, as the analysis included only those cases in which participants responded to all variables in the model.
The results of the ANOVA (Table 6) indicated that the overall model was statistically
2 2 significant with self-esteem, R = .349, R adj = .290 F(9, 110) = 5.90, p < .001. The overall model accounted for 34.9% of the variance in self-esteem (as measured by RSES). The overall model shows that when all of the independent variables are taken together they were statistically
96 significant with self-esteem. This positive relationship noted that the higher social support, family perceived (as measured by the MSPSS), the higher the scores for self-esteem (as measured by the RSES). Also of note, social support friends had an inverse relationship with self-esteem, as friend support increased, self-esteem decreased.
Table 6
Summary of ANOVA Results for Perceived Racial Microaggressions, Social Support and Self- Esteem Model Sum of Squares df Mean Square F Sig. 1 Regression 658.88 1 658.88 21.19 .000* Residual 3700.29 119 31.10 Total 4359.18 120
2 Regression 1522.30 10 152.23 5.90 .000 Residual 2836.87 110 25.79 Total 4359.17 120 Note. p < .001***
Regression coefficients (see Table 7) did indicate that there was a statistically significant relationship between perceived racial microaggression, social support and self-esteem in this study, and therefore the research hypothesis was accepted. This model indicated that perceived racial microaggressions and self-esteem were not statistically significant. This model indicated a statistically significant relationship between social support and self-esteem. This was demonstrated by increases in self-esteem, when perceived social support-family was high. These variables implied that self-esteem increased on average by 1.61 points for every standard deviation increase in social support (family; p<0.001). However, there was a negative coefficient for social support (friend) that implied that self-esteem decreased on average by 1.55 points for every standard deviation increase in social support (friend; p<0.001).
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Table 7
Hierarchical Regression Coefficients for Racial Microaggressions and Social Support Variables Correlated with Self-Esteem
Variables B β t Bivariate r Partial r Age 1.12 .350 4.04 .389 .360
REMS-inferiority .781 .185 1.13 -.013 .107
REMS-criminality -.030 -.006 -.0.34 -.107 -.003
REMS-microinvalidations -.848 -.190 -1.32 -.141 -.125
REMS-similarity -1.03 -.206 -1.34 -.222 -.127
REMS-enmicroaggressions .902 .177 1.75 -.021 .165
REMS-workschoolmicro .191 .043 .227 -.104 .022
MSPSS-Family 1.61 .417 4.21 .266 .373
MSPSS-Friends -1.55 -.413 -3.92 -.081 -.350
MSPSS-Sig Other .237 .055 .548 .109 .052
Note. *p < .05
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Summary of Results
The research showed that when all of the variables were taken together, there was a statistically significant relationship between perceived racial microaggressions, social support and the self-esteem of African American women enrolled in PWIs. This was consistent with previous literature and will be discussed further in the next chapter. As participants, social support increased, as did their levels of self-esteem, therefore family support was positively related to self-esteem. However, self-esteem did display an inverse relationship with friend support, as friend support increased, self-esteem decreased. This finding will also be discussed in the following chapter. There was no relationship between significant other support and self- esteem. There was not a statistically significant relationship between perceived racial microaggressions and self-esteem. All of the independent variables associated with racial microaggressions shared negative relationships with self-esteem suggesting that perceived racial microaggressions did not impact the self-esteem of African American women enrolled at
Predominately White Institutions within this study. Of note, the covariate of age was demonstrated to show higher levels of self-esteem for older students versus those between the ages of 18-22.
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CHAPTER V DISCUSSION
This chapter discusses the results of the study. It is organized into four sections: descriptive summary and interpretation of statistical results, discussion of results compared to related research and theory, implications of results, and the limitations and recommendations for future research.
Descriptive Summary and Interpretation of Statistical Results
The purpose of this study was to examine the relationship between racial microaggressions, social support, and the self-esteem of African American women enrolled in
Predominately White Institutions (PWIs). All participants in this study were African American women aged 18 and older, who were enrolled in PWIs across the United States (N=121). Other demographic information collected included age, class level, and school region. The sample appeared to be generalizable to African American women enrolled in PWIs.
In addition to the demographic questionnaire, participants in this study also completed the Rosenberg Self-Esteem Scale (RSES; Rosenberg, 1965) to assess for level of self-esteem, the
Racial and Ethnic Microaggressions Scale (REMS; Nadal, 2011) designed to assess six subcategories of perceived racial microaggressions (i.e., (1) Assumptions of Inferiority, (2)
Second-Class Citizen and Assumptions of Criminality, (3) Microinvalidations, (4)
Exoticization/Assumptions of Similarity, (5) Environmental Microaggressions and (6)
Workplace and School Microaggressions) , and the Multidimensional Scale of Perceived Social
Support (MSPSS; Dahlem et al., 1991) designed to assess for three subcategories of perceived social support. (i.e., (1) family (2) friends and (3) significant other).
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Descriptive statistics and hierarchal multiple regression analyses were utilized to examine the relationship between perceived racial microaggressions, social support and the self-esteem of
African American women enrolled at PWIs. Bivariate correlations were conducted to test the need for inclusion of any covariates in the primary data analysis. Age displayed a statistically significant positive correlation with self-esteem and therefore was entered into the first step of the model to control for its effects on the dependent variable.
For the hypothesis tested, the overall model including all variables associated with perceived racial microaggressions, social support, and self-esteem was statistically significant with self-esteem. The results did not indicate a statistically significant relationship between perceived racial microaggressions and associated subscales and self-esteem. However, there was a statistically significant relationship between social support (family) and self-esteem. The results of this hypothesis indicated an inverse relationship between social support (friends) and self-esteem, and there was not a relationship between self-esteem and significant other support.,
Discussion of Results Compared to Related Research and Theory
Much of the previous research has suggested that relationships exist between self-esteem and the independent variables, (racial microaggressions and social support). However, research has been limited with examination of the two dependent variables concurrently with self-esteem with respect to African American women attending PWIs. Results of the present study examining the relationship between racial microaggressions, social support and self-esteem are discussed and compared to prior research.
Racial microaggressions and self-esteem
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The null hypothesis in this study asserted that there is not a statistically significant relationship between perceived racial microaggressions (as measured by the Racial and Ethnic
Microaggressions Scale; REMS), social support (as measured by the Multidimensional Perceived
Scale of Social Support), and self-esteem (as measured by the Rosenberg Self-Esteem Scale;
RSES). After controlling for the demographic variable age, the null hypothesis was rejected as the outcome of the analysis indicated a relationship with the overall model. However, there was a lack of a relationship with each racial microaggression subcategory and self-esteem. Although there is limited research that directly explores “self-esteem” and the relationship between racial microaggressions and African American women enrolled in PWIs, a plethora of research explored the damaging impact of racial microaggressions or discriminatory acts on the wellbeing of African Americans and minority groups (Carter, 2007, Smith, 2004; Smith, 2008; Sue et al.,
2008). Therefore, this finding would be inconsistent with prior literature that has suggested a link between racial microaggressions and lower self-esteem (i.e., sense of self/worth).
Hughes and Demo (1989) concluded through a national black sample in 1980 that black self-esteem is generated from systems of racial inequality and also contact with whites, positive relationships with family and friends, education and occupational prestige. Jackson et al. (2004) found that self-esteem for African Americans, due to multiple oppressions in their racial context, may indicate self-value against distorted negative images related to skin color, physical appearances, and common stereotypes. Phelps et al. (2001) discovered that 37% of the variance of self-esteem was accounted for by “cultural mistrust, ethnic identity, and racial identity” among African American students sampled on a college campus.
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Solórzano et al. (2000) were one of the first to utilize the term “racial microaggressions” within studies and their qualitative work indicated that African American students in higher education reported the encounters as being “devastating”. These students revealed suffering from feelings of self-doubt and frustration while trying to maintain good academic standing and navigate through a climate inundated with racial stereotypes fueling the microaggressions. Dr.
William A. Smith furthered this work with findings recognizing the consequences of frequent exposure to racial microaggressions for African American male students at PWIs (Smith et al.,
2007). Results of that study remained consistent with the prior phenomenon that male students reported flattened sense of self, low self-confidence and sense of worth when frequently exposed to racial microaggressions. Smith et al. (2007) identified “racial battle fatigue”, a psychological concept used to explain the social and psychological stressors (i.e., high blood pressure, anxiety, frustration, anger, and depression) associated with living and navigating through historically
White spaces.
Examinations into the impact of racial microaggressions on African American women’s self-esteem and sense of worth have been noted to encompass negative symptoms consistent with Smith et al. (2007) research of African American male students at PWIs. Alexander and
Hermann (2016) in their phenomenological investigation of African American women in science, technology, and engineering, and mathematics (STEM) graduate programs at a PWI in the South, found that those who reported experiences of racial microaggressions, also revealed low self- confidence, anxiety, frustration, low-self efficacy and lack of institutional support while enrolled.
Prior studies also revealed that racial and gender discrimination, non-supportive educational environments that perpetuate negative stereotypes, and isolation were all factors affecting self-
103 concept, thereby leading to higher rates of attrition within STEM programs (Ehrhart & Sandler,
1987; Johnson, 2011). Research among African American women, racial microaggressions, and
PWIs is limited, and to date there are no studies exploring Smith (2008) concept of “racial battle fatigue” and the experiences of African American women, despite consistencies in the limited research available. However, existing research explores experiences of African American women who are faculty or those enrolled in special (i.e., STEM programming) negating the undergraduate and graduate experiences among various fields of study (Alexander & Herman,
2016; Constantine et al., 2008; Johnson, 2011).
There is a vast majority of literature that would support the analysis, stating that there is not a statistically significant relationship between racial microaggressions and self-esteem.
Studies have consistently found that despite the occurrences of discrimination (i.e., racial microaggressions) African Americans have been noted as having higher levels of self-esteem than Whites and other races (Gray-Little and Hafdahl, 2000; McClure et al., 2010; Twenge and
Crocker, 2002). Many conclusions argue higher reports of self-esteem may not necessarily represent an accurate measure of self-esteem for minorities and African Americans. These reasons may provide attestation as to why the relationship between racial microaggressions and self-esteem was noted as being weaker within this study. Crocker and Major (1989) argue that
African Americans may attribute personal failures or negative experiences to actual systems, thereby negating negative personal impact and consequently selecting to protect their self-esteem.
Specific to African American women, Jones and Shorter-Gooden (2003) note that this population often resorts to “shifting” whereby they hide emotions in efforts to present as professional in public settings. These authors note that this population is often more vulnerable
104 to anxiety, depression, low self-esteem, self -hatred and other psychological problems due to not owning true feelings. Shavers and Moore (2014) spoke to the “academic mask” as a suboptimal strategy used by African American women as a strategy to overcome oppression and persist academically, however results may include feelings of incompleteness, disconnectedness, and exhaustion. These authors conclude that African American women in academic settings are often conditioned to choose between academic success and “wellbeing” by ignoring negative factors in favor of self-imagined preservation. This work of Shavers and Moore (2014) is important as it affirms the suspicion that African American women and minorities often downplay the impact of unsupportive environments that are often inundated with racial microaggressions, leading to consequences consistent with poor physical and physiological health. This can also explain why reports of perceived racial microaggressions were less frequent in this current study. Charles (2010) also noted that younger women enrolled in higher education, suffered greater impact when exposed to discrimination. Experience and maturity were noted as assisting older women in that study with maintaining higher levels of self-esteem through minimization of the impact of discriminatory acts. That conclusion is consistent with findings from the present study indicating higher self-esteem levels for older women. The age group with the most responses within this study was 43 and older (24.8%). The average age of participants was between 28-32 and it is plausible that this group, armed with more experience and maturity are not as prone to report perceptions due to their ability to overcome and resist negative influence.
Social Support and Self-Esteem
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The results of this study also asserted that there is a statistically significant relationship between social support (as measured by the Multidimensional Scale of Perceived Social Support;
MSPSS) and the self-esteem (as measured by the RSES) of African American women enrolled at
PWIs. After controlling for the demographic variable age, the outcome of the analysis indicated an overall statistically significant relationship between social support (family) and self-esteem.
Social support (friends) demonstrated an inverse relationship that will be discussed further in the section. Social support (significant other) was not statistically significant. However, the model including all subscales representing social support accounted for approximately 34.9% of the variance of self-esteem.
The results of this study remained consistent with prior literature speaking to the importance of social support for African American women’s self-esteem. There is an extensive amount of research aimed at examining the positive relationship between social support and self- esteem/worth within the African American community. In a sample of African Americans,
Caldwell et al. (1998) examined the effects of perceived support on depression and anxiety and their findings indicated that higher levels of support from family and peers demonstrated a relationship with lower levels of depressive symptoms. In a study of African American adolescents, Gaylord-Harden et al. (2006) identified self-esteem as a mediator of depressive symptoms for females, therefore highlighting the notion that increased support resulted in lower reports of depression. These authors propose that perceived support provided a sense of protection from negative experiences (i.e., discrimination, racial microaggressions) that can impact level of depressive symptoms reported. These studies and others are consistent with the early work of Bowlby (1980) and Ainsworth (1985) who challenged that infants, who form
106 secure bonds with adults/caregivers are more secure as they transition across the lifespan and to a degree more positive when approaching stressors (e.g., ability to overcome distress or feeling worthy of support). Lin and Yusoff (2013) also noted that African American adolescents utilized positive coping responses when confronted with discrimination if they had opportunity to discuss such encounters with those in their social support network.
Studies have recognized the benefit of social support among the college-aged population.
McKinley (2013) used structural equation modeling to explore the relationship between perceived emotional support, stress, coping skills, and problem- solving confidence among 293 college students enrolled in undergraduate studies. These results were conclusive with prior work demonstrating an association between the variables suggesting that greater problem-solving self- confidence is elicited from an increase of supportive messages when faced with stressors.
Research exploring experiences of African American students attending PWIs identified lower levels of social support and self-esteem when compared with those attending HBCUs (Negga et al., 2007). This study highlighted an important factor indicating how the racial composition of college, can contribute to the overall experience. Negga et al. (2007) found that students at
HBCUs reported more support from faculty and peers, therefore accounting for higher emotional wellbeing. While those students primarily identified support as those from the same racial and gender make-up, Nadal et al. (2014) spoke to the need to students of color to have not only allies of the same gender and racial make-up but also that were White. Nadal et al. (2004) stress that allegiances with the dominant group who in their own awareness, validate experiences of racial microaggressions can normalize the occurrences, creating safe spaces for minorities to vent frustrations and feel supported. Ancis et al. (2000) urge for consideration of social emotional and
107 intellectual needs when working towards sustainability of Black students within environments such as PWIs.
With respect to African American women, Hammack et al. (2004) found that family and peer support was related to less anxiety for African American women. Ridolfo et al. (2013) noted in their sample of African American and White girls, that the African Americans revealed not only higher levels of self-esteem and sense of control, but also stronger relationships with their mothers consisting of encouragement and independence. Much of the work focusing on African
American women considers their experience as a part of the larger African American community, women, or adolescent populations. Few explore this group alone while also factoring in an important developmental period of college. This current study adds the field, as the focus is on women between the ages of 18 and older, enrolled in environments documented as being unsupportive, therefore known to impact functioning. Results can be used to address the needs of this population not only during college, in preparation for successful transition into adulthood and establishment of career.
Domingue et al. (2015) explored the leadership experiences among Black women attending PWIs, and findings were indicative of the necessity of interpersonal relationships (i.e., mothers, mentors, campus leaders, and social networks) to counteract negative messages detrimental to emotional health. Constantine et al. (2008) noted in their study of Black faculty at a PWI, that seeking social support was a primary coping strategy used against microaggressions.
Patterson (2004) examined the maintenance of healthy self-esteem in a longitudinal study spanning across 14 years for African American women. Findings highlighted social network and personal and collective achievement as noteworthy attributions to the maintenance of self-esteem
108 through significant life stages. It has long been contended that the self-esteem of African
American women is in part a reflection of their environment that is mainly comprised of people of the same racial background and gender (Eugene, 1995; Patterson, 2004). Therefore, this analysis may suggest furthered studies into the importance of social network on the establishment and maintenance of self-esteem for this population. With that stated, the results of this study that demonstrated high levels of self-esteem and high family support is not surprising.
There is a lack of significant literature that speaks to social support (significant other) and
African American women. Significant studies explore collective approaches related to this group to moderate stressors, however none support the specific notion of significant other and its benefits (Solórzano & Yosso, 2002; Szymanski & Lewis, 2016). This finding or lack thereof suggests a need for further investigation into this specific variable and its relationship to self- esteem.
The results of the study also indicated an inverse relationship between social support
(friend) and self-esteem. The negative coefficient for social support (friend) implied that self- esteem decreases on average by 1.55 points for every standard deviation increase in social support (friend; p<0.001). This was in contrast with previous literature that noted the advantages of social support (friend) on the level of self-esteem of African American women. DeFranciso and Chatham-Carpenter (2000) found that for African American women studied, self-reliance, was taught and nurtured through the social support of family, friends, and community and it is important to the sense of self. The authors also found that women identified “extended family” including “kinships”, individuals whom they identify as family but are not necessarily biological relationship. Patterson (2004) found that between a 14-year timespan (1979 and 1992) that the
109 more African American women reported contact with friends, the higher their self-esteem was over that time.
There is research that would support the analysis that as social support (friend) increased, reported self-esteem levels decreased. Bowlby (1973) speaks to the attachment theory and attachment anxiety to review unhealthy attachment and consequences of negative relationships.
These are characterized by interpersonal experiences when inconsistent availability from close relationships leads to an individual becoming over reliant on evaluations, love and approval from others (Foster et al., 2007; Kernis et al., 2000; Rosenberg, 1989). Therefore, an individual may report high “support” but in turn the inconsistency of such relationships may lead to lowered senses of self and worth (i.e., unstable or low self-esteem) based off the fluctuating relationships with others. Taylor et al. (2011) explored demanding kin relationships among low-income
African American women and found a positive association with depressive symptoms, demanding relationships, self-esteem, and optimism. These relationships were characterized of negative social exchanges comprised of demands, criticisms, conflict or lack of reciprocity
(Abbey et al., 1985). Gray and Keith (2003) have also noted how demanding social relationships are significantly linked to psychological distress. It is therefore probable that the inverse relationship between social support (friend) and self-esteem could be attributed to this concern, whereby an increase in friends is not necessarily a benefit.
Racial microaggressions, social support, and self-esteem
While research exploring these variables concurrently among African American women attending PWIs is limited, certain findings have attested to the benefit of increased social support for African Americans. Gaylord-Harden at al. (2006) identified among African American
110 adolescents, through structural equation models that self-esteem partially mediated the relation between social support and depression. This research suggests that social support reduces internalizing symptoms in African American youth and can thereby be considered as an implication when encountering youth who will eventually transition into adulthood within predominately White communities (institutions). Clark (2006) explored the relationship between perceived racism and vascular reactivity among black college women, and results proposed that those who actively sought social support to negotiate the effects of racism benefited from the emotional supports provided by the networks therefore, more likely to use positive coping strategies. That literature is consistent with Selye (1983) who noted that those who failed to seek social support when faced with racism experienced a discrepancy between their environment and resources, consequently suffering from psychological strain. The negative relationship with social support, friend was also recognized and can be attributed to a number of factors. Hall
(2007) spoke to the demanding kin-ship relationships that are more exhaustive, highlighting the need to establish quality support networks for this population. Grey and Keith (2003) also caution against the demanding family relationships that can add more stress for this group. In addition, further research with regard to significant other can assist, as there was no relationship with self-esteem among this population.
Critical Race Theory
As mentioned in previous chapters, this study was grounded upon many of the themes outlined in Critical Race Theory (CRT). In challenging the traditional claims that educational institutions make towards objectivity, colorblindness, race, neutrality, and equal opportunity, critical race theorists argue that these claims merely act as a shield for the self-interest of those in
111 power and privilege in U.S society (Solórzano, 1997). Furthermore, Ladson-Billings and Tate
(1995) have championed for the use of CRT to serve as an analytical framework for examining educational issues related to racism. Theorists have long argued that Predominately White
Institutions (PWIs) often serve as breeding grounds for racial microaggressions, inequitable treatment and disproportionate opportunities for minorities (Nadal at al., 2014; Smith et al.,
2007). Therefore, it is important to pay special attention to the environmental constructs that continue to exist and uphold spaces that perpetuate racism and racist experiences that are harmful to minorities. Gurin et al. (2002) have noted that the institutional environment is influenced by several factors including but not limited to government policy and the historical legacy of racial exclusion. The main tenants of CRT are aimed at the identification of systemic oppression that impedes the progress of minorities, in this case, the educational system. In attempts to conceptualize and better understand the relationship between racial microaggressions, social support, and self-esteem among African American women enrolled in PWIs, CRT would be effective with exploring this multi-layered phenomenon and its lasting impact on this population.
There are a handful of studies that specifically explored CRT in higher education, primarily at the undergraduate level, with a small amount focused on graduate studies. Solórzano et al. (2000) used critical race methodology and focus groups to enhance understanding of experiences of undergraduate African American students at three separate PWIs. The stories that emerged from this qualitative study highlighted themes related to the effects of racial microaggressions on student experiences inside and outside of educational settings, and consisted of struggles with self-doubt, frustration, and isolation.
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Daniel (2007) employed CRT in an examination of a group of social work students of color at a PWI, and findings were also consistent with experiences of racial microaggressions described as being ignored and being made to feel invisible. These students did note the importance of having a mentor to aide in the socialization process and the numerous racial challenges faced. Solórzano and Yosso (2002) focused on understanding how graduate education reinforces racial, gender, and class inequality for Chicano students. This work was important as it recognized how the Chicano student experience was different from other students of color, as their representation at that level is often non-existent. This corresponds with this current study that focused on the experiences of African American women, who are a double minority with challenges not faced by their male or female counterparts within unsupported environments. Also, of note, the majority were qualitative workings structured through interviews and focus groups. Lacking were those exploring quantitative methods examining frequency and duration of racial microaggressions as this employed. In efforts to further intellectualize the relationship between self-esteem and the independent variables in the context of CRT, the design of utilizing scales that identified the frequency and degree of occurrences was appropriate while also considering factors (social support) that has been reviewed as counteractive towards the impact.
In comparison of the results of this study, CRT can be considered in several ways. First, the use of the Racial and Ethnic Microaggressions Scale (REMS) (Nadal, 2011) was appropriate to recognize the varying categories and frequencies of perceived racial microaggressions experienced. CRT with respect to education is outlined through the following tenants: as identified by Solórzano and Yosso (1997) as one that recognizes (1) the centrality of race and
113 racism (2) the challenge of the dominant ideology (3) the commitment to social justice (4) the centrality of experiential knowledge, and (5) the interdisciplinary perspective. Solórzano et al.
(2000) have expounded upon this definition to encompass behaviors, for example, the more covert racial microaggressions to demonstrate how racism continues to manifest itself within institutional systems through control and hidden agendas. Understandably, in efforts to identify the covert actions, the use of the REMS in this study served to recognize the tenants as suggested by Solórzano and Yosso (1997) through categories of racial microaggressions: (1) Assumptions of Inferiority, (2) Second-Class Citizen and Assumptions of Criminality, (3) Microinvalidations,
(4) Exoticization/Assumptions of Similarity, (5) Environmental Microaggressions and (6)
Workplace and School Microaggressions, that could best relate to those tenants (Nadal, 2011).
Despite the intention of capturing category and prevalence of incidents, the results indicated a lack of statistically significant relationship between racial microaggressions, and the self-esteem of African American women enrolled at PWIs. Although results were not consistent with prior literature it is still important to recognize how this theory was used to examine environments such as PWIs, for this population that often serves to support racial microaggressions and unjust treatment that potentially leads to unfavorable outcomes (i.e., psychological distress, self-esteem).
Secondly, research for CRT has championed for more workings in efforts to challenge and counteract the dominant mind-set of society through the use of storytelling/narrative/autobiography/personal history. These methods serve to engage and contest negative stereotypes, however there is also a call for consideration of other theories and methods to better explain the experience (Solórzano and Yosso, 2002). Although, the use of counter story telling was not used specifically in this current study, the exploration of the
114 relationship between racial microaggressions and social support could be justified as a method of personal history to decrease impact of negative messages received. Also of note, there was a statistically significant relationship between social support and self-esteem .To better gage social support, this study used the Multidimensional Scale of Perceived Social Support (MSPSS, Zimet et al., 1988) that breaks down support into three subscales (i.e., family, friends and significant other). CRT speaks to the need to counteract the negative messages inundated within White dominated environments through positive and encouraging interactions (Solórzano and Yosso,
2002). In this study, participants did not report significant levels of perceived racial microaggressions, and it is possible as suggested by research (Patterson, 2004) that increased support negated those experiences and their subsequent impact on self-esteem. Social support
(family) has been noted as serving as a method of “racial socialization” for African Americans whereby negative messages are re-created and normalized by support networks to lessen their impact through recognition of the unfortunate encounters (Hall, 2007). The results of this study revealed high levels of perceived social support that could have contributed to lower levels of racial microaggressions and self-esteem.
Implications of Findings
The following section describes the implications of the current study’s findings as it applies to the different areas in the counseling field. Implications are presented for counseling education and training, counseling practice and future research.
Implications for Counseling
As shown by this the study, the self-esteem of African American women is unique, and the results confirm what other research has stated with regard to the relationship between racial
115 microaggressions, and social support, specifically for this population while enrolled at PWIs.
While racial microaggressions did not demonstrate a statistically significant relationship with self-esteem, as did social support (family), its impact should not be minimized based on the results alone. This is true with consideration for prior research that has highlighted the impact of racial microaggressions on the self-esteem and overall wellbeing for this population (Alexander and Herman, 2016; Sue et al., 2007).
Results of this study demonstrated the positive impact that social support can have on the self-esteem of African American women. Therefore, it would be advantageous for counselors and counselor educators to recognize and identify methods of implementing positive support within the community for the clientele that they serve. Research has indicated how the strength of support networks served as protective functioning and buffers against racial discrimination and other factors noted to impact self-esteem (Gibbs & Fiery, 1994). While some theorists may argue that racism no longer exists, research reviewed in this study further implies that it has not dissipated but rather transformed into racial microaggressions (McWhorter, 2014). Counselors and counselor educators can use this information to consider ways of helping this demographic with the maintenance of self-esteem that may be influenced by these experiences throughout the lifespan. One such method would be addressing the need for support during such a crucial time period, where they may be inundated with racial microaggressions as noted within the environments at PWIs.
The ACA Code of Ethics (2014) noted the need for counselors to conduct comprehensive assessments taking into account a client’s personal and cultural context. On that note, counselors when assessing the culture and environment of their clients should also seek to identify social
116 support networks that may or may not exist. Not only should this support be assessed but the quality of those networks must also be taken into consideration. Grey and Keith (2013) highlighted how demanding kin relationships can add to psychological stressors. Patterson (2004) highlighted the benefits of mentorship among African American women. Strength of relationship will be key, and counselors should be cognizant of the importance of support and also work together with this population to employ support measures that can be beneficial and not harmful. Within environments such as PWIs it is necessary to explore how social dynamics can be used as a positive motivator in the face of racial discrimination and other barriers that can influence self-esteem within White dominated environments.
DeFrancisco and Chatham-Carpenter (2000) highlighted social support in the form of kin, friends, and church members for example that served as a source of nurturing that worked to instill pride, respect, self-reliance and racial esteem. Counselors can work to link African
American women with others of the same race and gender that can serve to counteract many of the negative experiences reported within unsupportive environments. Patterson (2004) reported that it is through these relationships that women gained adaptive skills to survive and thrive within oppressive societies. With advocating for such positive associations, counselors are recognizing the distinct need of this population but also serving to emphasize culturally appropriate interventions, a facet of treatment recognized by the ACA (ACA, 2014).
Although, it has been documented that African American women may minimize levels of self-esteem and the impact of racial microaggressions, counselors should remain focused on the maintenance of self-esteem throughout the lifespan. Results of this study demonstrated that self- esteem was higher with older participants. Counselors can use this information to advocate for
117 mentoring relationships within individual and group settings whereby older African American women, with more experiences can establish rapport and relationships with younger generations who may not be as aware of the damming effects of racial microaggressions and oppression present within spaces such as PWIs. Implications for counselors should include their ability to address support networks and remain resourceful should a need exist.
Within the counseling field, CACREP (2016) recognizes the importance of social and cultural diversity, and this standard is a one of the eight core curriculum areas included in counseling education programs. The results of this study can be used to demonstrate the distinct social and cultural needs of African American women enrolled in PWIs. Counselor educators should work to emphasize to counselors, and future counselors the necessity of obtaining and enhancing multicultural knowledge as outlined by CACREP (2016) standards. Mandated through these standards, the notion that accredited program objectives reflect current knowledge and projected counseling needs within this multicultural and pluralistic society. While mandating these standards is important, the unfortunate reality is that a great deal of programming lacks accountability for coursework and continuing education that promotes multicultural skills and knowledge. CACREP (2016) only requires one course on diversity throughout counselor training and attempts to examine the varying degrees of diversity over one semester can be underwhelming at best. Also, the Counseling, Social Work, Marriage and Family Therapy
(CSWMFT) Board vaguely states that counseling supervisors have training in multicultural counseling competencies as defined by the board. An implication for counselors and supervisors, to rectify this deficiency could be mandating continuing education in the areas specifically cultural sensitivity and interventions. Vera and Speight (2003) proposed the idea of doing
118 counseling pracitca (practicum) with special populations or offering full courses focusing on historical context and techniques to foster and maintain therapeutic relationships. With that process, students would be immersed within the environment of their clients and recognize issues such as oppression that can arise and create conditions that are harmful to wellbeing. Vera and
Speight (2003) also note how there is much emphasis directed on counseling and therapy within curriculum. This often omits the importance of other duties that can be beneficial such as outreach, advocacy, and prevention. A design of a comprehensive program that can include aspects of counseling and social justice is crucial when considering the call to move beyond knowledge and into action (Ratts et al., 2016).
The Multicultural and Social Justice Counseling Competencies (MSJCC) are noted as being aspirational, thereby reflecting the belief that counselors are in a constant state of becoming, and the development of multicultural and social justice competence is a lifelong process (Ratts et al., 2016). Establishing early emphasis on multiculturalism and social justice is key, training programs although limited set the foundation however, it is the ultimate responsibility of the counselor to aspire for continued understanding and commitment in current practice. While individual counseling primarily takes place within the office setting, more emphasis on social justice and cultural awareness can assist with motivation for participation with community endeavors aimed at addressing the systemic oppression outlined within this study.
Research lends itself to the underrepresentation of African American women within the mental health arena, while having higher rates of depressive symptoms than counterparts
(Hatcher, 2007). Counselors and counselor educators will need to move beyond the literature
119 and into action-oriented methods focused on resolving many of the factors associated (i.e., racial microaggressions, social support, and self-esteem) while striving towards improved outcomes.
Multiculturalism, as defined by Sue (1998) is about social justice, cultural democracy, and equity therefore the goal is not to be constrained by awareness alone. Further elaboration on the cultural sensitivity training for all counselors is needed. Most counselors have to take one diversity course which is not enough given the browning of America
As previously stated, African American women are not a new phenomenon within the counseling field, but do remain the most underserved populations, accessing treatment at significantly lower rates than counterparts while being more at risk for depressive symptoms
(Hatcher, 2007). Matriculation through environments such as PWIs has been well documented, revealing such climates as unwelcoming and also perpetuating racial microaggressions and resulting physical and psychological symptoms (Smith et al., 2007). Studies have demonstrated that when confronted with racist experiences, particularly within White dominated environments,
African Americans and minority groups often shield, minimize, or placate blame to others and institutions out of need to self-protect from further control asserted by dominant groups (Crocker and Major, 1989; Jones and Shorter-Gooden, 2003; Smith et al., 2007). These strategies may account for the lower levels of racial microaggressions reported in this study that were inconsistent with past literature. Counselor educators should be aware of such strategies and situations where those afflicted might underrate or dismiss behaviors, as this suppression can lead to increased health risks (i.e., depression, anxiety, low self-esteem). It is plausible that as concerns remain unaddressed, African American women within this group unfortunately add to the disproportionate amount of those not seeking treatment, while potentially meeting criteria.
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Counselor educators can play a significant role, as they are tasked with educating counselors and future counselors who due to limited experiences and education, may be oblivious to racial microaggressions.
The American Counseling Association (ACA), through the endorsement of the MSJCCs in 2015 has also noted the importance of expanding the knowledge base of counselors, counselor educators, and supervisors. The MSJCCs include specific competencies while also recognizing the developmental domains that reflect multicultural and social justice competence (Ratts et al.,
2016). Domains include, (1) counselor self-awareness, (2) client worldview, (3) counseling relationship, and (4) counseling and advocacy interventions, along with the aspirational competencies of attitudes and beliefs, knowledge, skills and action. Along those lines, it would be beneficial for counselor educators to encourage counselors and future counselors to implement these competencies methods on a consistent basis. This will not only improve awareness of the phenomenon but working towards helping through not only counseling, but also action. Pederson (2004) recognizes that gaining multicultural knowledge involves more than awareness and education about diversity. Counselor educators will need to stress action, and the use of the MSJCCs would be beneficial with empowerment towards action-oriented approaches.
Alexander and Hermann (2016) note that errors within counselors working with diverse populations include the inability to provide validation and support when clients report racial microaggressions. Due to the covert nature of racial microaggressions, Sue (2010) recognizes the unfortunate misconception often held by Whites, that racism is non-existent due to the decrease in reported explicit racist behaviors. This distortion could also be affirmed when considering the lack of significant relationship between racial microaggressions and self-esteem
121 in this study. However, research continues to demonstrate how racism does not disappear but is merely preserved and transformed into other forms over time, for example the less than obvious and harmful racial microaggressions (Sue et al., 2007). Furthermore, it is essential that counselor educators remain abreast of how transformations of racism can consequently be more of a detriment to the overall esteem of those inflicted. Nadal (2010) notes that the minimization and ignoring of the microaggression is within itself an offense, failing to substantiate the claims of the person(s) afflicted. Counselor educators need to work with counselors and those in training in efforts to create safe spaces for clients while also substantiating claims through psychosocial support and validation (Sue et al., 2007).
Also, results of the study can highlight the need to consider not only African American women’s perspective, but also the environment in which they reside. As discussed, the image of the African American woman is one that has been distorted, consequently impacting the self- esteem. This distortion often occurs through platforms inundated throughout the environment.
Stephens and Phillips (2003) note stereotypical images ranging from a caretaker, and sexual prowessness to a strong black woman and “gangsta girl” are rooted in history and maintained through structural inequalities. Counselors will need to remain cognizant about these messages that are delivered and how they can be interpreted through various platforms. These platforms are often evident within the environment and exist within racial microaggressions being filtered throughout society, of particular those dominated by Whites. Counselors need to work to assess the environments of their clients and identify how issues may attribute to overall wellbeing. The
MSJCCs emphasizes oppression and mental health, stressing the use of the socioecological
122 perspective, a holistic ideology that encompasses the whole client and how the wellbeing of minorities can be impacted from environmental and societal factors (Ratts et al., 2016).
Humphrey’s (1996) provided a critical analysis of the process of psychotherapy and notes that if the goal is to promote human welfare, it is essential to explore alternatives and revisit larger scale interventions and prevention efforts. Vera and Speight (2003) advocate for counseling professionals to consider direct services other than therapy to assist clients such as including community outreach work, consultation, and facilitation of self-help or indigenous support to contribute to social change. While individual counseling is important, counselors should also be able to recognize and strive for systemic changes and furthered examination into the communities of those afflicted.
Counselor trainings should emphasize the vantage point of their clients, and application of CRT would be key to this examination of African American women. CRT, stresses the necessity to recognize systemic and institutional racism (i.e., PWIs) factors that can also further enhance oppression (Solórzano & Yosso, 2002). This study challenges counselor training programs to confront potential biases held, and remain open to other aspects engrained within society, that are constructed to serve as a detriment to overall wellness for marginalized groups.
Counseling education programs should encompass the multilayered dimensions outlined within CRT (i.e., government, institutional, environmental constructs) and should be content and experientially based. This study used the REMS to identify frequency and duration of the varying types of racial microaggressions within PWIs. Focusing on the climate, of particular such as those microaggressions that are more seemingly embedded than others, can help understand methods to counteract onset of negative symptoms. Counselor educators should also
123 seek to recognize not only the impact of racial microaggressions, but also remaining knowledgeable about what can serve to assist with minimizing that impact. This knowledge must recognize the various facets of multicultural counseling, which include but are not limited to strategies for the identification and elimination of barriers, prejudices, and processes related to oppression and discrimination (CACREP, 2016).
Findings in the study and prior literature have noted the positive influence that social support can have on the self-esteem and wellbeing of African American women. It has been noted that self-esteem often serves as a buffer to minimize the negative impression racial microaggressions can have on the self-esteem of this population (Patterson, 2004). Counselor educators again will need to consider the entire worldview of the client, and this should include support networks and their environment. Increased levels of social support may further explain lower reports of racial microaggressions in this study. Counselor educators should encourage counselors and future counselors to recognize the benefits of positive support for this group and assist with maximizing support, especially when navigating through environments such as PWIs.
Results of this study also demonstrated statistically significant relationship between self- esteem and age that was included as a covariate. While the majority of students in the sample, reported moderate to high levels of esteem, of note was the difference among age groups. When compared against students, who could be considered traditional college age, 18-22, students 43 and older showed significantly higher levels of self-esteem, and this was consistent with prior research that has indicated that self-esteem does increase as individuals’ age (Hall, 2007). This would suggest that younger women enrolled at PWIs, while not suffering from low self-esteem, might benefit from increased support as well as monitoring in efforts to maintain appropriate
124 levels especially within negative environments. Counselor educators with more experience than those in training will need to ensure that counselors and those in training are aware of age and other factors that may impact self-esteem.
Implications for Counseling Practice
As noted, racism continues to manifest throughout society into modernized forms (i.e., racial microaggressions) (Sue et al., 2007). Due to the overt nature, clinicians, even those with experience will struggle to recognize the worldview of clients afflicted and often view such behaviors as harmless (Nadal at al., 2014). Results of this study revealed that as participants social support increased, their self-esteem also increased. Although there was a lack of significance between racial microaggressions and self-esteem, clinicians will need to be mindful, as not to assume that this relationship was is not impressionable. Given the historical context of those afflicted often ignoring or minimizing racist experiences, clinicians will need to be mindful of possible rationale behind lower reports in this study. Also, those with higher social support may have been racially socialized to ward off the effects, therefore reporting lowered frequencies.
The American Counseling Association (ACA) Ethical Code (2014) Section C notes among other things that counselors need to monitor their effectiveness thus continue their education. In doing so, professional counselors must continue to seek ways to expand their knowledge base and remain cognizant of associated factors related to self-esteem for this population. Ratts et al.
(2016) notes the importance of recognizing that individuals are a part of the larger ecosystem and thus, as society evolves, so should the competence of counselors.
Based upon the results of this study, counselors can better serve clients by not only considering frequency and type of microaggression but also the responses of their clients and
125 how those can impact self-esteem. Nadal (2010) recognized that individuals’ respond differently depending on the type of microaggression and the group targeted, theorizing a three-part decision making model consisting of three questions (1) Did that (microaggression) really happen, (2)
Should I respond, and (3) How should I respond to this (microaggression)? The decision to respond may by itself create psychological distress, as the individual must consider if they responded appropriately, and dealt with the microaggression effectively (Sue et al., 2008).
Clients in this state may benefit from feeling validated within the counseling setting. Counselors can provide validation through encouragement and support. This validation may trigger a desire to explore feelings regarding microaggressions while also examining past experiences and unresolved feelings that may lead to other negative mental health outcomes due to internalization of emotions (Nadal et al., 2014).
Shavers and Moore (2014) during their study of African American doctoral students, suggest that leadership at a PWI take a multifaceted approach, evaluating policy as they relate to oppression and gender. Through advocacy, clinical counselors can get involved and partner with institutions for solutions to such concerns, demonstrating a strong commitment to diversity on both parts. The results of this study also indicate the importance of social support, and therefore
Shavers and Moore (2014) also suggest more formalized approaches, for example social, academic, and counseling groups dedicated to this population. Counselors can work to enhance the social support through organization of such groups that can serve as methods of enhancing understanding of those issues such as racial microaggressions and social support that can impact self-esteem.
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Limitations and Recommendations for Future Research
There are several limitations within this study. There were several limitations of this current study: (a) Self-Esteem may vary depending on the reported stage of racial identity that is not assessed (b) Lack of relevant research on racial microaggressions and African American women in existing literature (c) Arguments for Critical Race Theory applying to African
American Women.
Self-esteem, with respect for the African American community has been difficult to assess and research has linked this variable with racial identity (Phelps et al., 2001; Poindexter-
Cameron and Robinson, 1997). Studies have indicated that higher reports of racial esteem also yielded higher reports of racial identity (Chao, Vidacovich, and Green, 2017). Krause (2003) has long proposed the need to evaluate African Americans on the basis of racial context. This study explored the relationship between racial microaggressions, social support and self-esteem, and thus examined experiences that may or may not be related.
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APPENDICES
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APPENDIX A
Definition of Terms
1. Self-Esteem refers to Self-esteem, in psychology has been defined as how an individual assesses their self-worth and value (Coopersmith, 1967).
2. Racial Microaggressions refer to the inclusion of covert racist behaviors such as racial slights, recurrent indignities and irritations, unfair treatment, stigmatization, and hyper- surveillance by the dominant group towards oppressed groups (Sue et al., 2008).
3. African American refers to an individual of African (and especially of Black African) descent who self-identifies as belonging to the African American race. (Merriam-Webster, 2018).
4. Predominately White Institutions refer to any institution of higher learning in which
Whites make-up 50% or greater of student enrollment (Smith et al., 2007).
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APPENDIX B
DEMOGRAPHIC INFORMATION
Instructions: Select from the following
1. What race do you identify with?
☐ White ☐ African American ☐ Latino ☐ Asian ☐ Other
2. What gender do you identify with?
Male Female ☐Other
3. Age:
☐ 17 or younger ☐ 18-22 ☐ 23-27 ☐ 28-32 ☐ 33-37 ☐ 38-42 ☐ 43 and
older
4. Do you currently attend an institution of higher learning that can be considered predominately White
(institution of higher learning in which Whites account for 50% or greater of the student enrollment)? ☐
Yes ☐ No
5. What is your current education level:
☐ Freshman Sophomore ☐ Junior ☐ Senior ☐ Graduate Student
6. School Region:
☐ West (WA, OR, ID, MT, WY, NV, CA, UT, CO)
☐ Southwest (AZ, NM, TX, OK)
☐ Northeast (ME, VT, NH, RI, CT, NJ, PA, MD, NY)
☐Southeast (AR, LA, MS, AL, GA, FL, SC, NC, TN, KY, WV, DC, VA, DE)
☐Midwest (ND, SD, NE, KS, MO, IA, MN, WI, IL, IN, MI)
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APPENDIX C
Racial and Ethnic Microaggressions Scale (REMS) Kevin L. Nadal, Ph.D. John Jay College of Criminal Justice- City University of New York
Instructions: Think about your experiences with race. Please read each item and think of how many times this event has happened to you in the PAST SIX MONTHS. 0 = I did not experience this event. 1 = I experienced this event 1 time in the past six months. 2= I experienced this event 2 times in the past six months. 3= I experienced this event 3 times in the past six months. 4= I experienced this event 4 times in the past six months. 5= I experienced this event 5 or more times.
1. I was ignored at school or at work because of my race. 2. Someone’s body language showed they were scared of me, because of my race. 3. Someone assumed that I spoke a language other than English. 4. I was told that I should not complain about race. 5. Someone assumed that I grew up in a particular neighborhood because of my race. 6. Someone avoided walking near me on the street because of my race. 7. Someone told me that she or he was colorblind. 8. Someone avoided sitting next to me in a public space (e.g., restaurants, movie theaters, subways, buses) because of my race. 9. Someone assumed that I would not be intelligent because of my race. 10. I was told that I complain about race too much. 11. I received substandard service in stores compared to customers of other racial groups. 12. I observed people of my race in prominent positions at my workplace or school. 13. Someone wanted to date me only because of my race. 14. I was told that people of all racial groups experience the same obstacles. 15. My opinion was overlooked in a group discussion because of my race. 16. Someone assumed that my work would be inferior to people of other racial groups. 17. Someone acted surprised at my scholastic or professional success because of my race. 18. I observed that people of my race were the CEOs of major corporations. 19. I observed people of my race portrayed positively on television. 20. Someone did not believe me when I told them I was born in the US. 21. Someone assumed that I would not be educated because of my race. 22. Someone told me that I was “articulate” after she/he assumed I wouldn’t be. 23. Someone told me that all people in my racial group are all the same. 24. I observed people of my race portrayed positively in magazines. 25. An employer or co-worker was unfriendly or unwelcoming toward me because of my race. 26. I was told that people of color do not experience racism anymore. 27. Someone told me that they “don’t see color.” 28. I read popular books or magazines in which a majority of contributions featured people from my racial group.
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29. Someone asked me to teach them words in my “native language” 30. Someone told me that they do not see race 31. Someone clenched his/her purse or wallet upon seeing me because of my race 32. Someone assumed that I would have a lower education because of my race 33. Someone of a different racial group has stated there is no difference between the two of us. 34. Someone assumed that I would physically harm them because of my race. 35. Someone assumed that I ate foods associated with my race/culture every day. 36. Someone assumed that I held a lower paying job because of my race. 37. I observed people of my race portrayed positively in movies. 38. Someone assumed that I was poor because of my race. 39. Someone told me that people should not think about race anymore. 40. Someone avoided eye contact with me because of my race. 41. I observed that someone of my race is a government official in my state. 42. Someone told me that all people in my racial group look alike. 43. Someone objectified one of my physical features because of my race. 44. An employer or co-worker treated me differently than White co-workers. 45. Someone assumed that I speak similar languages to other people in my race.
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APPENDIX D
Multidimensional Scale of Perceived Social Support (Zimet, Dahlem, Zimet & Farley, 1988) Instructions: We are interested in how you feel about the following statements. Read each statement carefully. Indicate how you feel about each statement.
Circle the “1” if you Very Strongly Disagree Circle the “2” if you Strongly Disagree Circle the “3” if you Mildly Disagree Circle the “4” if you are Neutral Circle the “5” if you Mildly Agree Circle the “6” if you Strongly Agree Circle the “7” if you Very Strongly Agree
1. There is a special person who is around when I am in need. 1 2 3 4 5 6 7 SO
2. There is a special person with whom I can share my joys and sorrows. 1 2 3 4 5 6 7 SO 3. My family really tries to help me. 1 2 3 4 5 6 7 FAM 4. I get the emotional help and support I need from my family. 1 2 3 4 5 6 7 FAM 5. I have a special person who is a real source of comfort to me. 1 2 3 4 5 6 7 SO
6. My friends really try to help me. 1 2 3 4 5 6 7 FRI
7. I can count on my friends when things go wrong. 1 2 3 4 5 6 7 FRI 8. I can talk about my problems with my family. 1 2 3 4 5 6 7 FAM 9. I have friends with whom I can share my joys and sorrows. 1 2 3 4 5 6 7 FRI 10. There is a special person in my life who cares about my feelings. 1 2 3 4 5 6 7 SO 11. My family is willing to help me make decisions. 1 2 3 4 5 6 7 FAM 12. I can talk about my problems with my friends. 1 2 3 4 5 6 7 FRI The items tended to divide into factor groups relating to the family (Fam), friends (Fri) or significant other (SO).
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APPENDIX E
Rosenberg Self-Esteem Scale
Instructions Below is a list of statements dealing with your general feelings about yourself. Please indicate how strongly you agree or disagree with each statement.
1. On the whole, I am satisfied with myself. Strongly Agree Agree Disagree Strongly Disagree
2. At times I think I am no good at all. Strongly Agree Agree Disagree Strongly Disagree
3. I feel that I have a number of good qualities. Strongly Agree Agree Disagree Strongly Disagree
4. I am able to do things as well as most other people. Strongly Agree Agree Disagree Strongly Disagree
5. I feel I do not have much to be proud of. Strongly Agree Agree Disagree Strongly Disagree
6. I certainly feel useless at times. Strongly Agree Agree Disagree Strongly Disagree
7. I feel that I'm a person of worth, at least on an equal plane with others. Strongly Agree Agree Disagree Strongly Disagree
8. I wish I could have more respect for myself. Strongly Agree Agree Disagree Strongly Disagree
9. All in all, I am inclined to feel that I am a failure. Strongly Agree Agree Disagree Strongly Disagree
10. I take a positive attitude toward myself. Strongly Agree Agree Disagree Strongly Disagree
Scoring:
Items 2, 5, 6, 8, 9 are reverse scored. Give “Strongly Disagree” 1 point, “Disagree” 2 points, “Agree” 3 points, and “Strongly Agree” 4 points. Sum scores for all ten items. Keep scores on a continuous scale. Higher scores indicate higher self-esteem
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APPENDIX F
INFORMED CONSENT
College of Health Professions School of Counseling Clinic for Individual and Family Counseling
Institutional Review Board
Informed Consent Document
Required Elements for Consent Document
Title of Study: The Relationship Between Racial Microaggressions, Social Supports, and the Self-Esteem of African American Women Enrolled in Predominately White Institutions
Introduction: You are invited to participate in a research project being conducted by Tanya Middleton, a doctoral student enrolled in the Counselor Educator and Supervision Program, at The University of Akron. I am conducting research for a qualitative study for completion of my Dissertation at The University of Akron. You have been invited to participate in this research project because you meet the research study recommendations required to participate in this research. Those recommendations include, being an African American woman between the ages of 18 and older and currently enrolled in a Predominately White Institution.
Purpose: The purpose of the study is to explore the relationship between racial microaggressions, social support and self- esteem among African American women enrolled in predominately White institutions. These variables have not been addressed concurrently with respect to African American women and it is essential for counselors and those within the mental health field to better understand the immediate impact of racial microaggressions throughout an integral developmental period for a marginalized group. Results of this study may shed light on if and to what degree racial microaggressions and social support impact African American women’s self-esteem while enrolled. This study can also assist counselors with methods that may minimize the impact racial microaggressions and consequent lowered self-esteem levels while addressing inclusionary efforts within these environments.
Procedures: Participants will be asked to complete an online survey in efforts to identify if their level of self-esteem is predicted by perceived racial microaggressions and/or social support. This survey will be hosted by Qualtrics and will take approximately 20 minutes to complete via online.
Exclusion:
Any adult man or woman who do not identify as African American and are not enrolled in a Predominately White Institution.
Any woman not identifying as African American or falling outside of the age bracket of 18 and older.
Also, should a woman deny ever experiencing racial microaggressions as this may alter the purpose of the study being a mediating factor of level of self-esteem.
Risks and Discomforts:
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There are no major risks with participation in this study, however you may experience discomfort related to engaging in the interview process. This survey could trigger an adverse emotional experience. You could be triggered by responding to question about your experiences with racial microaggressions, social support, and self- esteem while enrolled in a Predominately White Institution. At this time, there are no legal, economic, social, or physical risks that have been identified for this study.
Following administration of this survey, you may choose to consult a professional for further assistance if deemed necessary.
Benefits: You, the participant, will receive no direct benefit from your participants in this study, but your participation may help us better understand …
Alternatives: None
Payments to Participants: None
Audio and Video Taping: None
Right to refuse or withdraw: Participation in this research study is voluntary. You have the right at any point during the study to discontinue participation and withdraw or refuse to participate. Your withdrawal or refusal will involve no penalty or loss of benefits to which you are otherwise already entitled.
Anonymous and Confidential Data Collection: Data collection will be anonymous and confidential. No identifying information will be collected. All collected data will be kept in a secure location, and only the researchers will have access to the data. Participants will not be individually identified in any publication or presentation of the research results. Only aggregate data will be used.
Confidentiality of records: Data will be collected and randomly assigned a computer-generated number to ensure confidentiality. Participants will be asked not to use any identifying information regarding themselves before the interview. Researchers will use Qualtrics to collect survey data. Results will be permanently deleted upon completion of research project. There will be no links to participant email addresses, IP addresses or any other identifiable data. Only researchers will have access to data and results.
Who to contact with questions: If you have any questions about this study, you may call Tanya Middleton or Dr. Delila Owens at 330-972-8635. This project has been reviewed and approved by The University of Akron Institutional Review Board. If you have any questions about your rights as a research participant, you may call the IRB at (330) 972-7666.
Acceptance:
I have read the information provided above and all of my questions have been answered. I voluntarily agree to participate in this study. I will receive a copy of this consent form for my information.
Agree I do not agree
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