Articles Teaching Sociology 38(3) 183–196 Race and Gender Ó American Sociological Association 2010 DOI: 10.1177/0092055X10370120 in the Classroom: The http://ts.sagepub.com Experiences of Women Faculty of Color with White Male Students

Chavella T. Pittman1

Abstract Research shows that an oppressive classroom environment impairs learning and academic performance for students with oppressed identities. Less research examines faculty perceptions of their classroom, but such research could reveal whether an oppressive environment impairs teaching effectiveness. Although the literature shows that women faculty of color spend a disproportionate amount of time teaching, researchers have not systematically examined their classroom experiences. My study relies on transcripts of 17 in-depth interviews with women faculty of color at a large, predominantly white research institution. Despite their legitimate authority as professors, these women describe gendered in their classroom interactions with students. Specifically, they depict white male students as challenging their authority, teaching competency, and scholarly expertise, as well as offering subtle and not so subtle threats to their persons and their careers.

Keywords race, gender, oppression, women faculty of color, higher education

In courses on social oppression, sociologists help classroom oppression and that such oppression their students examine racial/ethnic disparities in could undermine faculty teaching effectiveness health care, gendered wage differences, sexual and emotional well-being. orientation rights, religious persecution, and so This has troubling implications for both learn- forth. We use external, real-world examples to ing outcomes and faculty retention; reports in the illustrate structural, cultural, and interpersonal literature indicate that institutional faculty diver- social oppression, yet our classrooms undoubtedly sity increases positive learning outcomes for all reflect the oppression of society. For example, the students (e.g., Gurin et al. 2002; Milem 2003; oppressive classroom environment for women stu- Terenzini et al. 2001). To foster faculty diversity dents and students of color discussed by Freire and effectiveness, classroom environments should (1970) has been demonstrated by researchers such as Astin (1993); Chesler, Wilson, and Malani (1993); Hall and Sandler (1982); Hurtado 1Dominican University, River Forest, IL, USA et al. (1998); Rankin and Reason (2005); D. G. Corresponding Author: Smith, Wolf, and Morrison (1995); and Chavella T. Pittman, PhD Department of Sociology and Solorzano, Ceja, and Yosso (2000). Given this Criminology Dominican University 7900 W Division research, I hypothesized that faculty from op- Street River Forest, IL 60305 pressed groups could be equally vulnerable to Email:[email protected] 184 Teaching Sociology 38(3) be supportive of, or at the least not hostile to, fac- color due to their position at the intersection of ulty who are women or of color. Understanding race and gender in Collins’ (2000) matrix of dom- how faculty perceive the current classroom envi- ination. The resultant oppression should not be ronment could promote the retention of a diverse thought of as either additive or multiplicative faculty. Therefore, I use an intersectional oppres- (e.g., ‘‘doubled,’’ as asserted by B. Smith 1977). sion framework like that used by Collins (2000) to While manifestations of both forms of oppression explore faculty perceptions of classroom space, are clearly facets of their lives, the experiences of with a focus on the experiences of female faculty women faculty of color cannot be reduced to of color. either racism or alone. Spelman (1988: 122) expands upon this point:

THEORETICAL FRAMEWORK: It is highly misleading to say, without fur- OPPRESSION AND ther explanation, that Black women expe- rience one form of oppression, as Blacks (the same thing Black men experience) Oppression refers to both the system of obstacles and that they experience another form of and the individual acts that maintain the privilege oppression, as women (the same thing and authority of the dominant group (Bankston white women experience). While it is 2000; Jaggar and Young 2000; Johnson 2000; truethat...institutionsthataredescribed Roth 2005). While women faculty of color may as sexist affect both Black and white have discrete experiences of racial and gender women, they are affected in different discrimination, the resultant oppression is cumu- ways, depending upon the extent to which lative and widespread. Marilyn Frye (1983:4-5) they are affected by other forms of likens these key aspects of oppression to oppression. a birdcage: Following this insight, I examine how women fac- If you look very closely at just one wire ulty of color perceive their classroom experiences in the cage, you cannot see the other at the intersection of gender and race oppression. wires. . . . [Y]ou could look at that one As you will see, the women of color in my study wire . . . and be unable to see why a bird are acutely aware that (1) their classroom experi- wouldnotjustflyaroundthewireany ences are shaped by gendered racism and (2) their time it wanted to go somewhere. . . . There white male students, consciously or uncon- is no physical property of any one sciously, use their own position in the matrix of wire...thatwillrevealhowabirdcould domination at the intersection of white and male beinhibitedorharmedbyitexceptinthe privilege to undermine the authority of women most accidental way. It is only when you of color faculty. step back . . . and take a macroscopic view Whereas higher education literature often de- of the whole cage, that you can see why scribes structural inequality, I am interested in de- the bird does not go anywhere; and then tailing how structural inequality exhibits itself in you will see it in a moment. . . . It is perfectly interpersonal interactions. Given that teaching is obvious that the bird is surrounded by a net- a major part of the lives of women faculty of work of systematically related barriers, no color, we should know more about their classroom one of which would be the least hindrance experiences. However, very little research has to its flight, but which, by their relations to focused explicitly on their teaching experiences. each other, are as confining as the solid Thus, my study fills a gap by focusing on their ac- walls of a dungeon. counts of classroom interactions and giving voice to the narratives of women faculty of color who The small number of women faculty of color re- simultaneously experience their classrooms with cruited, retained, or promoted in higher education powerful institutional statuses and powerless soci- reflects the ‘‘cage’’—the cumulative and system- etal statuses. These women’s narratives provide atic effects of gender and race oppression. compelling evidence of sexist racism for women Gendered racism (or racist sexism) is a unique faculty of color in their interactions with white form of oppression experienced by women of male students. Pittman 185

RELEVANT LITERATURE teaching loads is a high level of stress (Thomas and Hollenshead 2001; Turner 2003) and increased The literature on women faculty of color establishes isolation (Agathangelou and Ling 2002). that they experience structural and interpersonal In addition to heavy teaching loads, women race and gender oppression in academe. The litera- of color are expected to conform to gendered role ture also illustrates that both gender and race affect expectations, like taking on many more ‘‘nurturing’’ how students evaluate them. Although sparse, the service responsibilities than male faculty (Carnegie few studies on the classroom experiences of specif- Foundation for the Advancement of Teaching ically black women faculty provide evidence of 1990; Thorne and Hochschild 1997). Department oppressive interactions with white students. chairs also expect women faculty of color to serve on a multitude of race-related committees Gender, Race, and Academe: (Aguirre 2000; Brayboy 2003; Medina and Luna Institutions 2000; Moses 1997; Turner 2001). Women, and women of color in particular, are under- represented in the number of full-time faculty in the Gender, Race, and Academe: United States. Black, Asian, Latina, and white Relationships with Colleagues women are, respectively, 2.33 percent (10,879), White women and women of color describe their aca- 2.34 percent (10,944), 1.20 percent (5,606), and demic environments as isolating (Hall and Sandler 28.9 percent (135,158) of full-time tenured or 1982; Hune 1998; Moses 1997; Nieves-Squires tenure-track faculty (467,325) in the United States 1991). Women faculty of color face exclusion based (Chronicle Almanac 2007–2008, 2008). The dis- on both race and gender; they are excluded from net- tribution of women faculty of color across types of works by white men based on race and gender, by institutions further reflects gender and race in- white women based on race, and by men of color equality; women faculty of color are most often based on gender (Agathangelou and Ling 2002; employed by two-year institutions, community col- Balderrama, Teixeira, and Valdez 2004; J. W. leges, and minority-serving institutions (Antonio Smith and Calasanti 2005; Meyers 2002; Thomas 2002; Gregory 2001; Turner 2003) and generally and Hollenshead 2001). hold the less powerful and less valued positions of While all women faculty experience sexism in the professoriate in U.S. colleges and universities their interactions with male colleagues, especially if (Bonner and Thomas 2001; Gregory 2001; Medina they express a feminist perspective (Ropers- and Luna 2000; Nieves-Squire 1991; Thomas and Huilman and Shackelford 2003), women of color Hollenshead 2001; Turner 2003). They are also con- report dealing with both gender and racial oppression centrated in the lower ranks as instructors, lecturers, in their peer interactions. Specifically, black women and assistant professors (Chronicle Almanac 2007– negotiate the mothering-yet-obedient ‘‘mammy’’ ste- 2008, 2008; Hamilton 2004). reotype (Moses 1997; TuSmith and Reddy 2002), Latinas deal with the presumption that they prefer to Gender, Race, and Academe: focus on home and family (Nieves-Squires 1991), and Asian and Asian American women grapple with Departments the of being passive (Hune 1998). The current literature on women faculty of color Women faculty of color must also contend with their also reveals patterns of racial and gender inequality white peers’ assumption that they are affirmative in their treatment within institutions of higher edu- action hires (Agathangelou et al. 2002; Balderrama cation (Aguirre 2000; Allen et al. 2002; Gregory et al. 2004; J. W. Smith and Calasanti 2005; Medina 2001). One manifestation of gendered racism is and Luna 2000; Moses 1997) and, thus, not legitimate that women faculty of color often have heavier scholars and teachers. teaching loads than male faculty or white female faculty (Allen et al. 2002; Johnson et al. 2005) Gender, Race, and Academe: because departments hire women faculty of color to teach full loads, often including new prepara- Classroom Experiences tions and large introductory courses (Martinez Most of the research on gender and/or race in the Aleman and Renn 2002). According to women fac- classroom has focused on course evaluations. ulty of color, one consequence of such heavy These studies illustrate that women faculty 186 Teaching Sociology 38(3)

(Boggs 1995; Miller and Chamberlin 2000; because black women have to negotiate ‘‘femaleness Ruzich 1995) and faculty of color (DiPietro and and Blackness’’— of the nurturing Faye 2005; D. L. Rubin 2001; Hamermesh and mammy or the black bitch. Kardia and Wright’s Parker 2005; Vargas 2002) receive more negative (2004) study also evidenced a distinctive experience evaluations than white male faculty. Student eval- of race and gender oppression. Their quantitative uations of faculty who are both women and racial analysis found that when women taught identity- group minorities are even less favorable than their related content, women faculty of color were twice evaluations of white women or men of color as likely as white women faculty to be challenged (Dukes and Victoria 1989; Fries and McNinch by students. 2003; Hamermesh and Parker 2005). Several stud- My research expands the work of Harlow (2003) ies report that students rate women of color fac- and McGowan (2000), which only included black ulty as less credible and less intelligent (D. L. women, by including women from various op- Rubin 2001; Hendrix 1998; Williams et al. pressed racial groups and revealing similar patterns 1999). My study extends this work on classroom in their experiences. My study moves beyond the dynamics by (1) exploring those dynamics from scope of past research by allowing faculty to the faculty perspective and (2) using a qualitative describe a broader range of their classroom experi- approach to provide a more in-depth perspective. ences in comparison to Harlow’s study, which was My study also contributes by increasing the narrowly focused on classroom emotion manage- body of research examining faculty oppressed by ment. I employ a larger sample of women faculty both race and gender, since most previous of color and gather more detailed qualitative data research has focused on either one or the other. to allow me to identify patterns in their experiences There are very few studies that examine how more fully than was possible in the Kardia and women faculty perceive their classroom experi- Wright (2004) study. ences. The women faculty in Heckert’s (1999) study felt that students failed to recognize their authority because of their gender. For example, RESEARCH QUESTION students did not address them as ‘‘Dr.,’’ although Despite the fact that women faculty of color spend they used ‘‘Dr.’’ when addressing male faculty. more time in the classroom than other faculty Additional studies illustrate that women faculty (Baez 1998; Creamer 1998; Gregory 2001; Moses frequently experience sexual harassment from 1997), we know very little about their experiences their male students (Martinez Aleman and Renn there, although the relevant literature suggests that 2002; McKinney 1990). As the women in women faculty of color will experience both race these studies were all—or nearly all (i.e., 90 and gender oppression in their classrooms, much percent)—white, it is difficult to know whether as they do elsewhere in higher education. My study women of color faculty have similar classroom aims to fill that gap by examining faculty percep- experiences. tions of the classroom environment; I ask, ‘‘What Thereisevenlesssystematicresearchfocusing types of experiences do women faculty of color on the perceptions women faculty of color have of have in their classroom interactions with students? their classroom experiences. There are, however, Do women faculty of color experience racial and two studies on black women’s classroom experien- gender oppression in their classroom interactions ces that reveal similar themes. For example, with students? If so, what does it look like?’’ McGowan (2000) revealed three patterns in the ac- counts of black women faculty regarding classroom interactions with white students: (1) critiques of METHOD teaching effectiveness, (2) challenges to faculty authority, and (3) lack of respect from students. Participants Similar patterns are found in Harlow’s (2003) The data I use are part of a larger sample (N 5 46), research on faculty emotion management in the collected by a team of researchers between 1999 undergraduate classroom, where black women fac- and 2004. Initial faculty members were identified ulty report that white students often question both by university awards as demonstrating excellence their competency and their authority. Harlow in teaching and/or diversity service to the university (2003:357) reports that this challenging occurs to community. Additional faculty were selected by a greater degree than in white women’s classrooms snowball sampling from this original group. The Pittman 187 data were drawn from a large, predominantly white Huberman 1994). The results that follow integrate yet relatively diverse (i.e., 66.3 percent white, 26.9 the findings in my notes and matrices1 on women percent students of color, 6.8 percent unspecified) faculty of color’s perceptions of race and gender Midwestern research institution. At this institution, oppression in their classroom interactions with white women constitute 19.4 percent (i.e., 400) of white male students. all full-time, tenured or track faculty. Women of color made up 6.5 percent (i.e., 157) of all full- time, tenured or tenure-track faculty (i.e., 2,400). RESULTS Thus, the female faculty of this institution was com- My data show that women faculty of color report prised of 33.7 percent women of color and 66.7 per- challenges almost exclusively from their white cent white women. Interviews of the participants male students; the faculty in my study rarely were structured, in-depth interviews as described described the behavior of students of color or female in the following. Of the total sample of 46 faculty students as challenging to them. Faculty of color interviewed, the principal investigator only granted described students of color as knowledgeable and me access to the transcripts of the 17 faculty who fit aware of racial bias, active participants in discus- the selection criteria for my study as women of sions, and so on. While there was some infrequent color. This group consisted of eight black women, mention of raced classroom dynamics between stu- three Latinas, and six Asian women. The small dents of color and white students, only two faculty number of women faculty of color at this institution members mentioned being challenged by students makes them easily identifiable. To protect their of color. It is important to note that women faculty identities, I present only aggregate descriptive of color were asked about their experiences with information (see appendix) instead of their individ- all students. It is illustrative of the way in which their ual departments and ranks. These women faculty of classroom experiences are shaped by gendered rac- color, with the exception of one, are all tenure-track ism that they report challenges almost exclusively academics. In accordance with national trends, they from white male students.2 are disproportionately concentrated at lower aca- Four major themes emerged in the narratives demic ranks—most are assistant and associate pro- women faculty of color gave of their classroom in- fessors. They represent the range of ages, teractions with white students, and white male stu- disciplines, and schools (e.g., social sciences, natu- dents in particular. Three of these themes echo ral sciences, humanities) found at the research site. observations in previous research (Harlow 2003; McGowan 2000). Like the participants in those Procedure studies, women faculty of color in my study report that white male students (1) challenged their My data focus on responses to interview questions authority, (2) questioned their teaching compe- about faculty’s diversity-related classroom experi- tency, and (3) disrespected their scholarly exper- ences. I used NVIVO to conduct a cross-case anal- tise. In addition, the women faculty of color in ysis (Miles and Huberman 1994) on the interview my study report that white male students engaged transcripts. I isolated the response to the same in behavior that was threatening and intimidating. question for each participant’s transcript and re- Intersectional oppression theory reveals that it is viewed these transcripts line by line (Coffey and not possible to separate the effects of race from Atkinson 1996; Denzin and Lincoln 2000; the effects of gender in the experiences women Silverman 1993) taking notes on the following: of color because they experience these identities (1) What are the salient points, issues, words, or simultaneously, as discussed in the work of phrases related to the women faculty of color’s ac- Collins (2000) and Spelman (1988). The findings counts of their classroom experiences with stu- that follow illustrate the gendered racism women dents? (2) Is there evidence of race and gender faculty of color described as experiencing in their oppression in their narrative accounts of class- classroom interactions with white male students. room experiences comparable to their experiences in nonclassroom contexts of higher education? I used these notes and the transcripts to develop case-ordered, then theme-ordered, descriptive Challenging Authority matrices (Creswell 1998; H. J. Rubin and Rubin Interviewers asked faculty if there were things 1995; Lincoln and Guba 1985; Miles and they could not get away with because of their 188 Teaching Sociology 38(3) race and gender identities. Cathy, a black woman, funny because it’s the kind of things you noted without hesitation that she perceived author- don’t even know how to express to other ity as an issue in her classroom: people. But you’re like, if I was a white male you wouldn’t dare write to me in Authority issues, although I think that I’m that tone. gaining more skills to deal with that. But, I think what’s hardest for me is still not These perceived challenges to authority from knowing what my options are as a profes- white men were common in the narratives women sional here, because I feel like the day faculty of color offered of their classroom interac- will come when whatever skills I have, tions with students. Some described white men as I’m in a situation where if I want help, addressing and approaching them inappropriately just what am I supposed to do? and as engaging in passive-aggressive nonverbal behaviors (e.g., rolling their eyes) in class. Kate In the previous quote, Cathy describes her efforts says: to develop skills to deal with her perception of not receiving the authority normally associated I think students are very, very careful not to with the title of ‘‘faculty.’’ Other participants reveal their source of domination . . . they also perceived challenges to their authority. The may not be aware that they’re feeling more awareness of gendered racism affected women comfortable attacking me because I’m, say, faculty of color on a daily basis. As Emily, Asian or immigrant or a woman. . . . I defi- a Latina, states, nitely feel I can’t empirically show it because students are not going to come to As a woman of color, I have to . . . be very care- youandsay,‘‘Hey,youknow...I’mbash- ful about how I behave in the ing you because you’re Asian or you’re classroom...because of the issues of a woman. I think women as a whole, in authority . . . I cannot be too friendly. . . . I women faculty, and women of color faculty can be sensitive as a human being, but I can’t [italics added], it seems to me . . . are easier open up totally. targets....It’sasocializationprocess...in a situation where there are male faculty and Emily does not refer only to her race or her gen- female faculty, a student may call male der, but to both identities—as a ‘‘woman of color’’ facultyDr.So-and-So...and...and, she perceives threats to her authority and, as yeah, and then we’re [women faculty of a result, is guarded about her classroom behavior. color]...wetrytonotbecalledby Participants described a range of behaviors that ourfirstname.Well,Igetalotof they viewed white students used, particularly the email, . . . ‘‘Hi,’’ . . . ‘‘My name is so- male students, to resist the authority of women and-so. [Kate], Dr. So-and-So suggested faculty of color. The gendered and raced aspects that I talk to you.’’ of this oppression are evident in that these faculty do not report white women or, for the most In this interaction, the white student refers to part, male students of color as challenging their a male faculty member as Dr., yet addresses authority. Alice, a black woman, describes the Kate by her first name. The inability to name following: the cause of their perceived oppression (i.e., Is it my race? Is it my gender? Is it both?) is but White males will open my door to my another source of stress for women faculty of office without knocking. . . . Why, again color. Nonetheless, Kate clearly feels that the only white males, choose to just open my combination of oppressed race and gender identi- door. No one else just opens up my door. ties make women of color more vulnerable to They’re snide, they’ll sit with their arms challenges to their authority. crossed and they doodle and they sit right Colleges and universities designate faculty as up in the front so that is definite passive- the legitimate authority in the classroom; thus, it aggressive behavior. The tone sometimes would be reasonable to expect students to respect in the e-mails they send, and it’s kind of their authority. However, the women faculty of Pittman 189 color in my study, like women in other profes- disappointed in himself, but . . . he wanted sional roles (Fox and Hesse-Biber 1984), do not to . . . blame me . . . [because] he didn’t under- believe they are given that authority. Instead, stand what was expected. women faculty of color report challenges to their classroom authority from white male students, stu- In this account, Jan perceives the white male stu- dents they perceive as asserting the authority of dent as criticizing her effectiveness as a teacher their dominant position in broader society (e.g., by (1) questioning the performance standards Hollander and Howard 2000; Jackman 1994; she sets for her students and (2) accusing her of Sidanius and Pratto 1999). failing to inform students of what those standards were. Similarly, Kimberly, an Asian American Questioning Teaching Competency woman, felt fearful and angry when an enraged The women faculty of color in my study reported white student accused her of not providing that white male students questioned their compe- a safe space for white students in her classroom. tency as professors. For example, Carin, a black This student and his white classmates then com- woman professor, told of accidentally referring plained to her department chair. Although she to Franklin Delano Roosevelt in class as does not identify the gender of the students Theodore Roosevelt, then immediately correcting involved, Kimberly attributes their decision to herself, and of the response this engendered report her to the chair to her intersectional identity from one white male student: as an Asian American woman. The fact that no same-race challenges were reported supports the This white guy sends me this long email conclusion that it was the women’s position at message saying . . . I have some teaching the intersection of two vectors of oppression— experience, too, as an undergraduate and race and gender—that provoked the incidents, one of the things I know is that if you rather than the influence of either identity on its make a mistake, then you’re supposed to own. spend time really correcting it in class, In these accounts, it can be interpreted that white and the fact that you didn’t do that really students—usually males—felt entitled to tell demonstrates to me that this is not a class women faculty of color what they should look for that I really need to be in. on exams, when and how they should manage stu- dent interactions in class, and how they should Although his teaching experience consisted of deal with misstatements. The women faculty of teaching two courses to sixth graders, Carin noted color viewed these white students as inappropri- his apparent assumption that ‘‘as a white male, ately questioning their teaching skill and experi- he’s automatically my peer.’’ Again, Carin does ence. The ubiquity of men in academe—what not speak of the student’s privilege ‘‘as a male’’ Connell and Messerschmidt (2005) refer to as heg- or ‘‘as a white person.’’ Rather, she points to the emonic masculinity—and men who are most often intersection of both identities as the source of white (Bonilla-Silva 2003) results in a normative his disrespect. Other women faculty of color image of college professors as white men. A non- described similar incidents. For example, Jan, an white woman professor violates this image of nor- Asian American woman, told this story: malcy. White male students may be interpreted as questioning the teaching competence of women They had taken a midterm exam, and . . . the faculty of color to reassert their dominance and majority of people did pretty badly . . . this restore the normative status quo. one student who was a white male, and very vocal in this class on minority literatures said ...hefelt that . . . I was expecting Disrespecting Scholarly Expertise too much on the essay. . . . And he felt Many women faculty of color reported their like I didn’t . . . make him aware of what assessment that white students, males in particu- I was asking for in the essay. . . . I think there lar, did not recognize or respect their expertise was a sense of him being a little bit . . . as scholars. This view of lack of respect for 190 Teaching Sociology 38(3) women faculty of color’s expertise was described Jan’s assessment, it appears that the white male in two interrelated ways. First, the respondents re- student’s perspective is that Blade Runner is real ported that white male students directly and scholarship while the minority story is not valu- overtly questioned their knowledge of mainstream able. In her account, the student explicitly ques- scholarship. Second, they reported that white male tions the raced and gendered course material, students did not recognize scholarly expertise on though Jan continues to say that she believes her issues of race and gender as ‘‘real’’ scholarship. race and gender identities were at play as well. As Beth, a black woman, describes: In another incident, Carin has a similar inter- pretation of the behavior of white male students: Now I can’t prove that these are racial events, OK. But I have some supposition There are certain things that will be auto- thattheymayberaciallymotivated...the matically presumed about other people occurrenceof...whitemales...much based on their race and their gender that more predominantly white males, are com- I’ll never be able to take for ing into my class and questioning my granted. . . . I don’t walk into a classroom expertise . . . whereas I don’t believe, and expecting that—especially my white stu- I can’t prove this, but I don’t believe that dents, and particularly my white male stu- they go into their chemistry class and chal- dents will automatically accept that I’m lenge their chemistry white male, . . . now a scholar in my area . . . my white colleagues that may be gender as well as race. can do that. Students come in expecting that, Because I just don’t think that they’d go to you know, ‘‘Oh, a black professor. I’m not some of their other classes and question or going to learn that much, and not going to challenge their professors in ways that I’ve learn that much about anything that’s been questioned or challenged. real.’’ . . . My white colleagues can teach about lettuce heads for like a whole semes- In this account, Beth attributes the fact that white ter, and that ain’t got nothing to do with males question her scholarly expertise to the com- what they’re supposed to be teaching, and bined effect of her race and gender. Her inability it’s automatically assumed that, really the to offer definitive proof of the cause of her oppres- knowledge is there, but this may just be sion poses an added burden. sort of an eccentric person. Jan reports an incident when a white male stu- dent implies that race scholarship is not ‘‘real’’ Here, Carin is arguing that many white male stu- scholarship: dents’ valuation of course material is mediated by the faculty member’s race and gender identity; ...awhitemalestudentwho anything white or male faculty teach is legitimate [was] . . . resistant, who . . . at the end of scholarship, whereas women faculty of color don’t the class, we watched Blade teach anything ‘‘real.’’ Thus, these women faculty Runner ...thewholeterm,he...[had of color perceive white male students as challeng- not]beenengaged....Andhesaid,‘‘Oh, ing not only the scholarship of race and gender in I really like what we’re studying.’’ . . . He which they specialize, but even their status as confessed . . . ‘‘I didn’t like that we were scholars, due to their oppressed identities as studying . . . [a minority story]. But this is women and people of color. Kimberly also recalls something I really like. And I’m glad that an incident of a white male challenging her schol- you included it in the class.’’ . . . I think arly expertise in class: what he was conveying to me was, this is real stuff, right? The other stuff is just There’salways...alwaysonemalestu- what you want me to know. dent, at least white male student that I have, at least one in the class who always Blade Runner has a violent, hyper-masculine plot wants to challenge me. . . . This term, there based in a white-dominated society while the was a [white male] student . . . that minority story focuses on an African American was . . . very resistant. . . . I think he didn’t community with female lead characters. From trust me enough to . . . go where I was Pittman 191

going to go. And so I realized that it Threatening and Intimidation wasn’t about maybe my knowledge, right? He wasn’t questioning the level of my Directness and aggressiveness are characteristics of knowledge....Hedidn’ttrustmeasaper- the behaviors described previously. This aggressive- son to guide him through. . . . He felt like ness is consistent with white male privilege. That is, maybe he knew more than I did. Or some- white men often use aggressiveness to assert their thing. But it wasn’t about the fact that I dominance over people of color and women didn’t know more than him, but, you (Hollander and Howard 2000; Jackman 1994; know, it was like he perceived me that Sidanius and Pratto 1999). In addition to this under- way. current of aggressiveness, these women’s accounts revealed an independent theme of feeling threatened or at risk. Women faculty of color described experi- As Kimberly describes, the challenges had noth- encing intimidating incidents in their interactions ing to do with her scholarly knowledge in an with white students in general and white male stu- objective manner. Instead, to her, it had every- dents in particular. These subtle or overt threats thing to do with the student’s perception that as were viewed as directed at both their persons and a white male, he knew more than a woman of their careers. When asked about experiencing strong color. As a result of the gender and race privilege emotions resulting from classroom incidents, associated with white men as the purveyors of women faculty of color almost exclusively refer to truth and knowledge, Kimberly reports that this interactions with white males. Several women fac- white male student did not trust her ability to ulty of color talked about low course evaluation rat- teach him. Both gender and race oppression are ings from race- and gender-privileged students and implicated in that none of the women faculty of expressed their fear of how these might affect their color’s accounts of this type of challenge departmental merit reviews. Their fear is validated involved white women or male students. by research demonstrating that women faculty of One of the main ways whites and men main- color do indeed receive lower course evaluations tain dominance over people of color and women from students compared to white faculty and male is through their control of hegemonic ideology faculty of color (Dukes and Gay 1989; Fries and and knowledge (e.g., Jackman 1994). That is, McNinch 2003; Hamermesh and Parker 2005). due to white males’ location in the social and In addition to concerns about their evaluations, power hierarchy, they usually have the power to participating women faculty of color also deem what is and what is not knowledge. described intimidating interactions with white Therefore, it is not surprising that white male stu- male students. For example, Jan recalls a white dents were perceived as frequently contesting the male student confronting her about his grade: ability of women faculty of color to have, create, and share knowledge. In line with this view on the It made me angry. But it also made me ner- importance of ideology and knowledge to domi- vous, that somebody could feel so ...I nance, these professors perceived that the intersec- mean . . . there was a kind of edge to him, tion of their race and gender identities resulted in like a kind of a threat almost like, you white male students’ devaluing their scholarly know, an edge to it that made me wonder. achievements and expertise. Despite the impor- tance of multicultural content to students’ experi- Alice, too, shared a threatening interaction in which ences, here we see that there are multilayered a white male student threw papers at her. And the challenges. Many of the faculty felt their white most overt account of feeling at risk or threatened male students rejected both the multicultural con- due to gendered racism also occurred in Alice’s tent they presented and their outsider identities, classroom. She described a white male student using each as an excuse to reject the validity of who dressed like a skinhead (i.e., shaved head and the other. That is, women faculty of color per- fatigues) and stated in class one day: ceived that white male students questioned their knowledge as scholars and/or the validity and sub- I know I’m a white male and I know stance of the multicultural content of their I’m privileged, I got that. . . . I don’t courses. mean to be offensive, but this is the 192 Teaching Sociology 38(3)

reality. . . . ‘‘Black people are only ten per- aggressive interactions, women faculty of color cent of this country and if they want some- described incidents in which they felt threatened thing they are going to have to fight and at risk in their interactions with white male because we’re not giving it up and the real- students. ity is because they are only ten percent of The women faculty of color represented in my the country, we would squash them.’’ study are of varying ages and different races, and they represent a range of academic disciplines and Alice continued with her assessment of this inci- ranks. Thus, I expected to find subtle differences dent. She made it clear that an environment in and complexities across their experiences. The which whites and men feel comfortable and will- findings, however, are consistent across black, ing to justify oppression is dangerous. This ‘‘cre- Asian American, and Latina faculty. Although ates a space for [the privileged] to engage in women faculty of color are concentrated in lower other behaviors and more oppressive behaviors ranks, the few senior faculty interviewed also because they feel they are legitimate.’’ The exis- report experiencing threats, challenges to author- tence of women of color as faculty challenges ity, and a lack of respect for their expertise from white men’s ownership of classroom space nor- white students. Women faculty of color from the mally governed by male and . humanities, social sciences, and natural sciences Dominant groups have historically used threats relay similar experiences with white students, par- of or actual violence as a major strategy for sub- ticularly white men. The participants in my study duing those with oppressed identities (Hollander are different from one another professionally and and Howard 2000; Jackman 1994; Sidanius and demographically, but what they have in common Pratto 1999). To grapple with the contested class- is crucial to their teaching experiences. When room space, the white male students could be we listen closely to what women faculty of color interpreted as engaging in very physically threat- tell us, we hear them describe similar incidents ening stances toward women faculty of color to of oppression by white men in the classroom. remind them of their subordinate race and gender The classroom interactions with white male stu- identities. This is the described classroom envi- dents, as described by women faculty of color, are ronment in which these women faculty of color congruent with gendered racism elsewhere in higher spend most of their time while teaching. education and U.S. society. The women in my study were acutely aware of their raced, sexed location in CONCLUSION the matrix of domination (Collins 2000). That is, as the previous quotes reveal, the faculty in my study Using a sociological lens to examine the space fac- were explicit that their experiences with students ulty and students share, we see that these women were shaped by their intersectional identity as faculty of color perceive their classroom environ- women of color. This awareness includes an acute ments as oppressive on the basis of race and gen- awareness that white male students are viewed as der. Instead of examining larger structures of the main classroom challengers to their authority, inequality in higher education, my study focuses competence, expertise, and safety. Most faculty on how structural inequality can be viewed as exist- would not normally expect to be harassed by stu- ing in interpersonal interactions between women dents. However, the women faculty of color inter- faculty of color and white students, particularly viewed for my study described interactions in white males. These women perceived that their which they felt devalued, challenged, and threatened race and gender identities engendered patterns of by white male students. As Cathy says, disregard and disrespect in their classrooms. Findings from in-depth analysis of narratives of I sense my own vulnerabilities. So, I mean, their teaching experiences reveal that gendered it’s like a policewoman, right? Or a woman racism is a common and pervasive facet of their soldier, right? Oh, you’re going to get classroom accounts. White male students were per- raped, you know? ceived as challenging the authority of women fac- ulty of color in passive-aggressive ways. Women This poignant quote encapsulates her view of faculty of color shared accounts in which white what it feels like to be a woman of color in higher male students openly questioned their competence education—to have an esteemed status (e.g., PhD as teachers and their expertise as scholars. In more or professorship) but not the safety and authority Pittman 193 that should come with it. That is, Cathy notes that Appendix. Aggregate Descriptive Data on being a professor should protect her from abuse Subjects from her white male students—yet she knows that this role cannot and does not protect her Racial/ from the consequences of their gender and race ethnic privilege (i.e., being assaulted—raped; DeSouza group Field Pseudonym Age range and Fansler 2003; Messner 2000). Black Social Alice 30 to 39 A negative racial and gender environment, lack sciences of institutional support, and race and gender ster- Social Beth 30 to 39 eotyping have been shown to have harmful effects sciences on the retention, achievement, and well-being of Social Carin 30 to 39 women students and students of color (Brainard, sciences Laurich-McIntyre, and Carlin 1995; Hurtado and Social Daria 40 to 49 Ponjuan 2005; Rovai, Gallien, and Wighting sciences 2005). Faculty, staff, and administrators have Social Darcy 40 to 49 used this literature to argue for and develop strat- sciences egies and policies to reduce the negative and dif- Humanities Briana 30 to 39 ferential experiences women students and students Humanities Cathy of color have in institutions of higher education. Natural Ann 40 to 59 We may well wonder whether the similarly sciences oppressive experiences of women faculty of color Latina Social Emily 40 to 49 in higher education can account for their under- sciences representation and qualified success. Natural Ericka 40 to 49 A limitation of my study is that it does not sciences have comparison groups. As such, it is not clear Humanities Gina 40 to 49 Asian Natural Greta 30 to 39 if the experiences of women faculty of color are sciences the same for all women or men of color faculty. Natural Heather Information not Parallel to retention research for students of color, sciences available institutions of higher education should conduct Natural Ingrid 50 to 59 future research to better understand the teaching sciences experiences of women faculty of color—specifi- Social Kate 40 to 59 cally, their day-to-day experiences of oppression sciences in the classroom. Until additional knowledge and Social Kimberly Information not strategies are developed to eliminate race and gen- sciences available der oppression in the classroom, universities must Humanities Jan 30 to 39 take action to acknowledge it and protect women faculty of color from the ramifications of this dif- challenging the physical safety and intellectual ficult environment. These steps are necessary to authority of women in my study. facilitate the equal participation and success of women faculty of color in academe and to support the overarching goals of institutions of higher education. 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