MA THESIS “I am a song, I am a nation”: A historical comparative analysis of the politics of music concerning the national identity of rebetiko.

Anthony Jean Yves Gayraud

GKMV17023 Dr. Christian Wicke 25 June 2018 Gayraud 1

UTRECHT UNIVERSITY MASTER: HISTORY OF POLITICS AND SOCIETY

COURSE: 2017-2018 3 MA-Thesis Geschiedenis van Politiek en Maatschappij

(GKMV17023)

Title: “I am a song, I am a nation”: A historical comparative analysis of the politics of music concerning the national identity of rebetiko.

Author-Student: Anthony Jean Yves Gayraud

ID: 6217648

E-mail: [email protected]

Submission date: 25/06/2018

Deadline: 25/06/2018

Teacher: Dr. Christian Wicke

Word Count: 14.375

Page Numbers: 12

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TABLE OF CONTENT

Summary………………………………………………………………….………….p.3 1. INTRODUCTION…………………..……………………….……………………p.4 1.1 Research Question…….…………………………………………………p.4 1.2 Sources and Structure of Paper.………………………………………….p.5 1.3 Nationalism……..………………………………………………………..p.7 2. THEORETICAL APPROACH…………………………………………………. p.10 2.1 Music and Nationalism…………...…………………………………….p.10 2.2 Greek Culture and Greek Nationalism…..…………………………...…p.13 3. FIRST STEPS OF REBETIKO………………………………………………….p.16 3.1 Greek Music in the Beginning of the 20th Century……..………………p.16 3.2 Greeks from Anatolia……..…………………………………………….p.17 3.3 The Emergence of Rebetiko………..…………………………………...p.18 3.4 Rebetiko Community – Rebetiko Identity...... …...p.20 4. REBETIKO AND DICTATORSHIP..…………………………………………..p.24 4.1 The Censorship under Metaxas……...... …...…………....………….p.24 4.2 The Communist Debate and the Censorship under the Junta Regime…p.28 5 REBETIKO AND DEMOCRACY…………….…………………………………p.37 5. 1 Rebetiko in the Post-Junta Era...………….……………………………p.37 5. 2 Cultural Policies under PASOK Government…….……………………p.40 6 CONCLUSION….………………………………………………………………..p.45 7 APPENDICES…...………………………………………………………….……p.47 Bibliography………………………………………………………………………..p.51

TABLE OF FIGURES AND TABLES

1. Figure 1: The lyric sheet of “Fiye, aponi, kakia”...... p.27 2. Figure 2: December 1972 censorship approval for the song “Xasapiko”...... p.32 3. Table 1: Degree of implementation of PASOK’s manifesto pledges...... p.42 4. Table 2: Methods of pledge implementation in each relevant ministry...... p.43

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Summary

This paper examines the role of politics in the relation between music and nationalism. It focuses on the case of Greek music genre ‘rebetiko’. Policies concerning the use or reproduction of rebetiko music, both by authoritarian and democratic regimes, are investigated under the light of theories of nationalism.

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1. INTRODUCTION

On February 4, 2018, ten thousand protesters marched in the streets of Athens during a rally concerning the ongoing political debates about the name of Macedonia1. During that rally, Mikis Theodorakis, 92, the acclaimed composer of Zorba the Greek made a speech about the importance of the name Macedonia. His music was replayed from big speakerphones during the whole event and his songs were chanted by masses like a common national anthem. That event suggest a kind of national importance to be found in his songs, lyrics and melodies, something Greeks consider “Greek”. When rallies such as this one, concerning issues of national identity, make use of music, it makes us wonder about the importance of the specific musical genre that is being broadcasted to all those gathered. Such use of songs underlines a relation between music and politics. This paper will explore the relation between music and nationalism from a comparative historical perspective focusing on the musical genre called rebetiko.

1.1 Research Question My research question in the spectrum of the broader historical academic research field is this: In what way is music being used to determine national identity by democratic and non- democratic regimes? My claim is that within the social strata, cultural identity evolves unpredictably and in such a way that it poses a threat to political structures, which in turn, in their attempt to control and stabilize social movement and mobilization exercise their state’s legislative power to sculpt models of symbolical meaning that convey a specific cultural nationalism through the calculated use of mass media diffusion and public entertainment. In other words, I plan to explore if music was used as a tool to impose cultural policies so that political regimes may have control over what defines one’s national identity and what not. By comparing the cases of both democratic and non-democratic states, my purpose is to illuminate the role that music plays on matters of national identity and the circumstances under which music can either pose a threat or serve as a tool to different political regimes. In order to investigate this issue from a more case-specific and comparative point of view the following question takes my research one step further: To what extent did the policies, concerning musical expression and made by different political institutions,

1 http://www.bbc.com/news/world-europe-42937889 (10/6/2018). Gayraud 5 constructed public semiology in order to convey and sometimes impose to the public their own idea of national identity? I will address the case of musical genre rebetiko by comparing cultural policies that involved its use. I will examine cultural policies that were implemented firstly, by the two authoritarian nationalistic regimes of the 20th Century in Greece, one being the dictatorship of Ioannis Metaxas from 1936 to 1941 and the other being the Junta regime from 1967 to 1974 and secondly, by the democratic government of PASOK from the 80s to the mid-90s. The goal of this comparison is to determine the political mechanisms that are cultural policies drafted either by authoritarian or democratic regimes in regards to the case of music. The use or censorship of rebetiko is of great significance in my research seeing that in the Greek social context, rebetiko’s journey evolved from a banned genre to a publicly acclaimed Greek traditional music. Therefore, I explore the process of rebetiko getting banned during dictatorships and being transformed into a celebrated and traditionalized genre after democracy was restored. Why did I choose Greek rebetiko to examine the relation between music and politics? I hope that the history of rebetiko will shed some light into the interlinked nature of music and nationalism because it is a genre imbedded in today’s Greek music culture. I also chose this subject for its originality. Not a lot of research has been made about the political extensions of rebetiko culture. I could have used the case of national anthems as well, but anthems have been a subject researched thoroughly by many scholars and they cannot be used to explore the impact of music in relation with everyday life. Anthems are recognized musical pieces and their existence justify their role. They represent the nation. But rebetiko was not created to symbolize a “pure” or “not pure” Greek national identity. To sum up, I intent to explore rebetiko’s interesting journey, from anonymity, sub- culture, and prohibition to recognition, popularity and “traditionalization”. My aim is to show what this journey has to tell about the way nationalism is handled by political entities through cultural policies made in the sphere of the art of music.

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1.2 Sources and structure of paper The data I have chosen as primary sources are newspapers, songs, and official state documents. I explore the role of institutional policies and reforms implemented by governments focused on the art of music and more specifically rebetiko. Songs are an important part of my research, including their melody, their lyrics, their performance, their culture, and their composers. Concerning secondary sources about rebetiko, I turn to long time researchers of rebetiko, Gail Holst-Warhaft, Stathis Gauntlett and Ole L. Smith, but also to newer ones like Dafni Tragaki and Yona Stamatis. My paper is divided into six Chapters. In the first chapter, I introduce the subject of my research. In the second describe my theoretical framework concerning nationalism, cultural nationalism and music. I specifically focus on Greek nationalism and Greek music. I continue in the third Chapter by narrating the history of rebetiko and provide historical data to supplement the origins and emergence of the genre. I analyze rebetiko culture in the beginning of the 20th Century focusing on its compositions made in the Piraeus area, where the genre musical composition took its first steps towards popularization. In the fourth chapter I focus on dictatorships. Firstly, I focus on the regime of Metaxas from 1936 to 1941. I present documents contesting the possibility that rebetiko was banned by the regime as an “un-pure” Greek music genre. I follow a causal ordering from cause to effect, and narrate the events that took place, through primary sources (newspapers, laws, songs, censorship documents). I also refer to material concerning the policies that were implemented and the immigrant’s influence in regard to the efforts of Metaxas’s regime to make Greece a proud and important nation that could stand next to countries such as Germany and Italy. Secondly, I analyze the case of the Junta dictatorship from 1967 to 1974. I talk about how the rebetiko was associated with the left and had to be persecuted. Furthermore, I refer to one important figure, Mikis Theoodorakis, who made rebetiko a genre associated with the communist party of Greece but also imbued it with Western orchestration. During that period, rebetiko changed in musical tonality, lyrics, and performativity. I analyze the fluctuation of the dynamics between the nationalist agenda of the Junta and the presence of rebetiko. I try to demonstrate how rebetiko acquired a new status in relation to its persecution by these authoritarian regimes. In the fifth chapter I explore if rebetiko was used or not by the PASOK government, during the 80s, as a cultural tool to formulate a Greek national identity, and what does that imply on how to perceive the role of music within the democratic political spectrum. I also Gayraud 7 examine the evolution of rebetiko and its integration into Greek traditional music. I close with a conclusion, the sixth chapter, which is a reflection of my examination of how these specific 20th century political bodies acted vis-à-vis the cultural processes of rebetiko in relation to nationalism.

1.3 Nationalism The debate concerning the definition of nationalism has taken multiple turns over the last years. Historians adopt new terminologies, new definitions, and mold different facts and figures to construct their argument. Many attempts by scholars have been made to find an underlying pattern that encapsulates and presupposes all social, political and economic elements of nationalism. Benedict Anderson has even argued that a plausible theory on nationalism, nation, or nationality is “conspicuously meagre”. 2 As far as my research is concerned, I chose to approach nationalism from more than one theoretic perspective. I realize that many of the following theorists have conflicting views on nationalism, but in order to do a theoretical overview of the elements of my research I employ a multifaceted analysis. Mainly, I approach nationalism through the prism of the reformulation of the ethnosymbolist position by John Hutchinson. Hutchinson’s model of nationalism conceives the character of the nation as contingently related to the state and recognizes that the power of the states to regulate populations is limited and fluctuating; “nations are treated not as unitary or homogeneous wholes, but as zones of conflicts”.3 Hutchinson has said that the rise of nationalism is almost always accompanied by struggles of legitimacy with traditional power holders. According to Hutchinson, “nationalism is an episodic movement, provoked by periodic incapacities of states to protect the nation throughout the modern period. This suggests that far from being “passive” outgrowths of modern forces, nations are dynamic entities that structure our response to the multiple and unpredictable processes we encounter”.4 Hutchinson has notably argued that “the internal cultural revolutions required before nationalists are able to overcome established identities, including ethnic traditions”5 Trying to find a middle ground between the longue duree perspective of ethnosymbologists such as

2 Benedict Anderson, Imagined communities: reflections on the origin and spread of nationalism (London and New York: Verso, 1991), 3. 3 John Hutchinson, Nations as zones of conflict (London: Sage, 2005), 4. 4 Ibid, 4-5. 5 Ibid, 4. Gayraud 8

John A. Armstrong and Anthony D. Smith6 and the “post-modernist” framework of scholars like Ozkirimli and Yuval-Davis, Hutchinson has approached the matter of the enduring character of modern nations while acknowledging the role of plurality and conflict in the formation of nations. “There may be many alternative pasts available to nationalists”7 Hutchinson has said, countering the ethnosymbolist argument of continuity with ancient (ethnic) communities8. Hutchinson has also noted, “nationalists must speak to their constituents in languages they understand”9. Under the light of Hutchinson theories, I intent to analyze the strategies used by both democratic and non-democratic political bodies when addressing their “target population” on national issues and in the cultural field. Which “past” did they choose to forget or not? Which “present” did they choose to erase or not? What did the music of rebetiko represented for them? This ever-changing – in essence – dynamic of nationalism proposed by Hutchinson presupposes that political nationalist narratives tend to get more fervent under specific circumstances. Political bodies or certain elites gain power and/or are overthrown by counter- elites creating a constant “argument” between modernizers and traditionalists. By tracking the political role vis-à-vis the use of rebetiko I also inevitably track the constant presence of rebetiko under different political regimes. In order to do so, I have to take into account the possibility of an ideological habit in Greek society which cannot be explained solely by analyzing the nation-building processes from the side of political legitimacy over nationalism. Turning to Michael Bilig’s theory on nationalism, I consider the possible presence of “banal nationalism” when investigating the case of rebetiko, specifically when addressing the reproduction of nationalism from the non-elite population. According to Bilig “the metonymic image of banal nationalism is not a flag which is being consciously waved with fervent passion: it is the flag hanging unnoticed on the public building”.10 Bilig has suggested that the symbols of nationhood become part of our daily lives and “become absorbed into the environment of the established homeland”.11 Individuals, Bilig has

6 Anthony D. Smith defines a nation as a named human population sharing a historic territory, common myths and historical memories, sharing a mass public culture, a common economy and common legal rights and duties for all members. See: Anthony D. Smith, “Nations in History,” in Understanding Nationalism, eds. M. Guibernau and J. Hutchinson (Cambridge: Polity, 2001), 19. 7 John Hutchinson, “In Defence of Transhistorical Ethnosymbolism: A Reply To My Critics,” Nations and Nationalism 14, no.1 (May 2008): 25, https://doi.org/10.1111/j.1469-8129.2008.00306.x. 8 Hutchinson, Nations as zones of conflict, 9. 9 Hutchinson, “In Defence of Transhistorical Ethnosymbolism: a reply to my critics,” 25. 10 Michael Bilig, Banal Nationalism (London: Sage, 1995), 8. 11 Ibid, 41. Gayraud 9 said, “have to identify the identity of their nation”12 and that they are continually reminded of it through “routinely familiar habits of language”.13 Rebetiko’s thematic components like the content of its lyrics, especially in the beginning, resonated with common everyday events, with simple activities and banal practices which ordinary people could associate with. Was this an element of rebetiko that captured the attention of politicians as to how they would use it? According to Bilig, politicians are important not because they are figures of great influence, but because they are familiar figures.14 Bilig also considered that the influencing power that comes with the use of small, banal words such as “we”, “people” or “here”15, which are regularly used by politicians, lies not in the fact that they, the politicians, use them, but in the fact that the individuals of a community interpret them in a certain way.16 Due to the emergence of television and the electronic age, Bilig has argued, while politicians were once remote figures seen by only a tiny fraction of the public, today, they can reach the status of celebrities.17 The means for the reproduction of nationalism have changed and this could be attested in the rebetiko case, in the way the PASOK administration, during the 80s, popularized rebetiko through the promulgation of new centers of entertainment. As far as artists are, I turn to what Hutchinson and David Aberbach have suggested, that artists themselves are of equal if not greater importance compared with political figures as they are themselves symbols of the nation’s creative power embodying the nation’s distinctiveness speaking from its heart and conscience.18 This last claim made by Hutchinson and Aberbach, although sounding romantic in its formulation, outlines that the words of artists, when popularized, could have a stronger influence than the words of a political figure in the creation of national identity. From that perspective, it is useful to explore the way political actors, being aware of the influencing power of popularized and mediatized culture made by artists, use that culture to voice and express their own nationalist ideals.

12 Ibid, 68. 13 Ibid, 93. 14 Ibid, 96. 15 Ibid, 94. 16 Ibid, 96. 17 Ibid, 96. 18 John Hutchinson, David Aberbach, “The Artist as Nation-Builder: William Butler Yeats And Chaim Nachman Bialik,” Nations and Nationalisms 5, no.4 (1999): 502, https://doi.org/10.1111/j.1354-5078.1999.00501.x. Gayraud 10

2. THEORETICAL APPROACH

2.1 Music and Nationalism Having covered the theoretical frame of nationalism, I shall pass on the theoretical frame on which I explore the case of the music of rebetiko and approach the following question: How to determine the characteristics in the music of rebetiko that make politicians either adopt or reject it in their respective narrative? Hutchinson and Bilig’s theories, although useful to outline the relation between nationalism and culture, do not offer any insightful theoretic tools explicitly for the relation of music and nationalism. My point of departure to explore the theoretical dimensions between music and nationalism is Benedict Anderson’s mention of the role of newspapers. Nationalism, according to Anderson, is a cultural artefact of a particular kind that commands profound emotional legitimacy.19 Anderson has referred to nationality or “nation- ness” as cultural artefacts that are created under various discrete historical forces and transplanted to a variety of social terrain.20 Anderson expands his definition of nationalism to that of an “imagined” community in which people go about their everyday life believing that their fellow citizens have the same concept about their nation as a collective body. Newspapers, Anderson has explained, reassure the reader that the imagined world is visibly rooted in everyday life.21 For the reader, news are happening simultaneously while he reads about them. In other words, newspapers construct a simultaneous image in our imagination of what a nation looks like in the present day. There is a connection to be made at this point between the construction of an image through newspapers and the construction of an image through popular music. Because of the distribution and sale of music records, popular music gets heard and reproduced by people just as much as newspapers get read by people. The simultaneity, described by Anderson, of buying and reading a newspaper can also occur when buying, listening or even performing a popular piece of music. The meaning making of popular music is a matter of both personal and collective memory.22 In the same line of reasoning George Revill’s research on musical meaning and the socialization of music sheds some light on the way the sounding properties of music draw

19 Anderson, Imagined communities, 4. 20 Ibid, 4. 21 Ibid, 35. 22 For more information about the role of music to the construction of personal and collective cultural memory see: Van Dijck, José, “Record and hold: Popular music between personal and collective memory,” Critical Studies in Media Communication 23, no.5 (December, 2006): 357-374, https://doi.org/10.1080/07393180601046121. Gayraud 11 meaning from everyday social practices. Revill’s research can be essential, when investigating how the lyrics of rebetiko but also its instruments and melodies were considered “foreign” or “not foreign” by different political regimes. Revill has argued that the sonic properties of sound “are fundamental to the cultural politics of individual subjectivity, group identity, nation, and citizen”.23 So, what defines a melody as “Greek” or “no Greek? For Revill, “sounds take on meaning from their performative location as the practices of making music engage and enroll social, economic, and political practices into active networks with cultural meaning”.24 When one asks non-Greek people what music from Greece sounds like, they all hum the melody of Zorba. In their imagination, Zorba has become a piece of melody that symbolizes the nation of Greece. But is the melody of Zorba “Greek”? Of course there is no definite answer. I shall note at this point the difficulty of addressing the processes of such phenomena when it comes to music. As Revill has written, “because the semiotic properties of sound are not evidently grounded in formal symbolic systems easily connected to natural language,25 music is almost uniquely polysemic”.26 This polysemy poses multiple obstructions in the interpretation of which properties of music have or have not national attributes. Nevertheless, it can be possible to distinguish an associative path, a certain tendency of the people to favor one music over the other by considering it their own. As Jose van Dijck has mentioned, “shared listening, exchanging (recorded) songs, and talking about music create a sense of belonging, and connect a person’s sense of self to a larger community and generation”.27 Following Anderson’s theory, I consider this belonging, an “imagined” belonging and this larger community an “imagined community”. I employ the argument of the temporality of a work of art, presented both by Anderson, in relation to novels, and by Martin Stokes, in relation to music. Anderson has pointed out that while reading a novel or a paper which are technical means of “re-presenting” the kind of imagined community that is the nation, there is an experience of both the future and the past in a simultaneous present.28 A novel is a literary

23 George Revill, “Music and the Politics of Sound: Nationalism, Citizenship, and Auditory Spaces,” Environment and Planning D: Society and Space 18, no.5 (October, 2000): 598, https://doi.org/10.1068/d224t. 24 Revill, “Music and the Politics of Sound,” 608. 25 For the treating of music as a form of language see: Jackendoff Ray, “Parallels and Nonparallels between Language and Music,” Music Perception: An Interdisciplinary Journal 26, no.3 (February 2009): 195-204, https://doi.org/10.1525/mp.2009.26.3.195. 26 Revill, “Music and the Politics of Sound,” 606. 27 José Van Dijck, “Record and hold: Popular music between personal and collective memory,” Critical Studies in Media Communication 23, no.5 (December, 2006): 357, https://doi.org/10.1080/07393180601046121. 28 Anderson, Imagined communities, 24-25. Gayraud 12 work of art in a parallel way in which a song is a musical work art. The temporalities that Anderson sees in a novel, Martin Stokes sees in music by arguing that they “constitute a form of engagement with experiences of time and space”29. Through the correlation of these two points of view, Anderson’s and Stokes’ I suggest that music possibly provides the citizens with the necessary tools to “re-present” a certain kind of imagined community. As Stokes has noted, the experience of a song can convey routines and itineraries of everyday life and can be itself a routine of everyday life rendering music not simply something that happens “in” a social context but a fundamental process of sociality itself.30 It is almost like a conversation. I understand that looking at the impact of music through this prism, can be quite new and unorthodox in historical research. Nevertheless, I am inclined to consider such a theoretic framework and I suggest that such an approach is useful to gain insight into the mechanisms of social behavior and the process of creating musical meaning. Many historians, according to Stokes, hesitate referring to musicians as historical sources due to the following paradox: nation-states articulate and construct traditions that rely on the repetitiveness of national symbols that become “clustered” into society as such, creating homogeneity and self-referential semiotic closure. Although songs can be repetitive, capable of becoming national symbols, their temporality is never the same, never fixed, resulting in the creation of contradictions, and risking to fail the distinction between history31 and memory.32, It is hard for one to be scientifically objective when music is perceived primarily in a subjective way, but, as George Revill suggests, “musical embodiment as a process of socialization raises issues for the relationship between music and subjectivity”, and the auditory spaces in which music is reproduced are essential in the formation of musical meaning and social communication. 33 Revill has explored how the sonic properties of sound can give national music a particular form of cultural authority and how sound itself is valuable in expressing the ideals of a nation, making the composer a servant of the people, an artistic leader, thus playing a distinctive part in cultural politics.34

29 Martin Stokes, “Voices and Places: History, Repetition and the Musical Imagination,” The Journal of the Royal Anthropological Institute 3, no. 4 (December, 1997): 673, https://doi.org/10.2307/3034033. 30 Stokes, “Voices and Places,” 674. 31 See also: Nora, Pierre, “Between Memory and History: Les Lieux De Mémoire,” Representations, no. 26 (1989): 7-24, https://doi.org/10.2307/2928520. 32 Stokes, “Voices and Places,” 675-676. 33 Revill, “Music and the Politics of Sound,” 604. 34 Ibid, 605. Gayraud 13

2.2 Greek Culture and Greek Nationalism In my attempt to present nationalism in relation to the culture of Greece and try to understand the dynamics of Greek cultural nationalism in the 20th century I needed to ponder on how exactly does nationalism relates to the cultural characteristic of a nation? According to Hutchinson, conflict is imbedded into cultural nationalism and is usually expressed in the rejection of traditionalism. In my research, what I am interested in, are the mechanisms behind the role of the state to either preserve a certain traditionalism or reject it. I suggest that these mechanisms could be found in the process of the decision-making of the state vis-à-vis the work of artists. More specifically I attempt to find the strategies engaged by different Greek states concerning the culture of rebetiko in Greece through the cultural policies they implemented. But how exactly does Greek nationalism could be defined? Historians have sought to explain the first steps of Modern Greek nationalism. Stephen G. Xydis suggests that the first signs of conceptualization of the identity of the Modern Greek nationality can be traced in the writings of Georgios Gemistos in the first half of the 15th century. Gemistos, a Greek philosopher of the late Byzantine era was one of the first intellectuals to express a new kind of Greek ethnic awareness in his texts.35 During the 18th and 19th century came the Neohellenic Enlightenment which its nation-building project, supported and cultivated mainly by the diasporic Greek intelligentsia and the emerging mercantile middle class who shared an interest in the modernization of Greek society.36 Some of the goals of the Neohellenic Enlightenment was the construction of a cultural continuity from classical Hellenism to the Greeks of the 19th century and the restoration of the country from its backwardness to its former classical greatness.37 The movement sought to instruct Greek people in the ways of the modern West with full recognition of its “natural” role as part of Europe.38 Umut Ozkirimli and Spyros Sofos have argued that, during and after the years of the Greek War of Independence in the 1820s, the repression of ‘oriental’ elements from the culture produced a binary oppositional logic whose effects, “have left their mark throughout the history of modern Greece, including the debate on the definition of the Greek nation and of Greekness.39

35 Stephen G. Xydis, “Medieval origins of Modern Greek nationalities,” Balkan Studies 9, no.1 (1967): 6. 36 Umut Ozkirimli and Spyros Sofos, Tormented by History (London: Hurst & Co, 2008), 24. 37 Ibid, 24. 38 Ibid, 24. 39 Ibid, 25. Gayraud 14

The linkage of the official nationalism of the modern Greek-state with the Byzantine Empire, as well as with Ancient Greece, was of the utmost importance for the later development of Greek National identity. The dynamics of this historical linkage have shifted through the years. In the early post-independence years Greek nationalism was still an elusive concept.40 Through the promulgation of certain ideals envisioned by politicians in the second half of the 19th century Greek nationalism was able to acquire a more precise status. One such politician was Ioannis Kolettis, who served twice as a prime minister of Greece and played a significant role in the Greek affairs during and after the Greek War of Independence. Kolettis made a speech in the National Assembly on 14 January 1844 introducing the notion of the “Great Idea”. The “Great Idea” was a set of Greek national ideals that stood as incentives for the realization of a political program that would ensure the cultural and political unity of Greek people from mainland Greece to the Greek East.41 At the turn of the 19th Century Greece was a nation that needed to re-invent itself, and to concretize its national identity. People that felt Greek, were dispersed in the East Mediterranean region and the Modern Greek state-nation was making political efforts to bring together all the Greeks under one centralized democratic governance. During this process of unification, cultural symbols and historical ideals like the “Great Idea” were created so that Greek society could relate to them. It is assumable that the political instability following the events of the Greek War of Independence weakened the national identity of the Modern Greek state-nation and in that fragile position politicians took it upon them to redefine the “Greek-ness” of Greece, by creating “traditionalized” narratives. For example, Eleytherios Venizelos, a leader of the Liberal Party who was elected eight times as Greek prime minister, in intermitted periods between 1910 and 1933, sought to maintain previously proposed concepts of nationhood, bringing forth and putting in motion the political concept of the aforementioned Great Idea by politicians like Ion Dragoumis and Ioannis Kolettis.42 Metaxas’ dictatorship (1936-40) engaged in a political program with the intention of shaping public life and communication through cultural policies of education, religion, and art. 43

40 Ibid, 25. 41 Paschalis M. Kitromilides, “On the intellectual content of Greek nationalism: Paparrigopoulos, Byzantium and the Great Idea,” in Byzantium and the Modern Greek Identity, eds. David Ricks and Paul Magdalino, (Hampshire: Ashgate, 1998), 5-6. 42 See also: Mark Mazower, “The Messiah and the Bourgeoisie: Venizelos and Politics in Greece, 1909- 1912,” The Historical Journal 35, no.4 (December 1992): 885-904, https://www.jstor.org/stable/2639443. 43 Diana Mishkova, Balázs Trencsényi, Marja Jalava, eds., “'Regimes of Historicity' in Southeastern and Northern Europe, 1890-1945: Discourses of Identity and Temporality (London and New York: Palgrave Macmillan UK, 2014), 284, https://doi.org/10.1057/9781137362476. Gayraud 15

The tumultuous 20th Century saw many different “versions” of what it means to be Greek in the process of constructing the idea of Greece and Greek “nationhood”. Greek culture balanced between trying to leap forward with modernist tensions leaving the attachments of the past behind or be more conservative by finding the ancient Greek traditions now transmitted to the Western world since the Renaissance. Ozkirimli and Sofos have noted that “with the prevalence of an overarching classicist obsession, modern Greek society was to invest vast amounts of energy and effort to establish beyond doubt its inextricable links with a past ‘only temporarily forgotten” and that historiography, folklore, literature, the educational system and a host of other scientific institutions were developed in the service of this objective.44

44 Ozkirimli and Spyros, Tormented by History, 81. Gayraud 16

3. FIRST STEPS OF REBETIKO

3.1 Greek Music in the Beginning of the 20th century Greek music evolved under these nation building processes, passing through various stages. The general belief for the people living in Greece, in the 19th and 20th centuries was that Greek music lagged behind the Western music evolution and the only candidates for the creation of national music accepted by the wider public were musicians that had a Western musical education.45 Folklore music in the beginning of the 20th Century through the promotion and performance of folk dances sought to regain the once “glorious” status of Ancient Greek and Orthodox Christian music and was considered as a genuine expression of the Hellenic culture and civilization, an essential element in fostering national identity.46 In more rural areas “folk” song was seen as more traditional (dhimotiko tragoudi) and was considered by the wider Greek public to have a more “national” legitimacy because of its long lasting unaffected aesthetics in comparison with urban folk song (rebetiko-laiko tragoudi) which was a more urban musical style47. The constant movement of population during the 20th Century has made it hard to find a consistent type of music that could be considered as typically Greek. The attempts of purification of Greek folklore music in the 19th Century of its Oriental elements “creating European stereotypes of the true, classical Greek nation”48 failed in the face of the refugee influx of the 1920s when the previously confided Ottoman café music, began to gain cultural ground. As I will explore, cultural pluralism in Greek urban centers rose drastically during that time. In the next chapter I will discuss the many definitions of rebetiko, its origins and its co-existence and interaction with Greek politics especially in the sector of cultural policies. More specifically, I will analyze certain cultural strategies engaged by authoritarian regimes, their approach on nationalism, and their institutional attitude towards the consideration, interpretation and popularization of Greek music.

45 Diana Mishkova, Balázs Trencsényi, and Marja Jalava, 'Regimes of Historicity' in Southeastern and Northern Europe, 1890-1945, 286-287. 46 Ibid, 284. 47 Daphne Dragaki, “Humanizing the Masses: Enlightened Intellectuals and the Music of the People,” in The Mediterranean in Music: Critical Perspectives, Common Concerns, Cultural Differences, eds. David Cooper and Kevin Dawe (Lanham, MD: Scarecrow Press, 2005), 50. 48 Risto Pekka Pennanen, “The Nationalization of Ottoman Popular Music in Greece,” Ethnomusicology 48, no.1 (Winter, 2004): 12, http://www.jstor.org/stable/30046238. Gayraud 17

3.2 Greeks from Anatolia After the aftermath of First World War and the catastrophe of Asia Minor in 1922 Greece received over a million refugees.49 Turkish army forces entered into Smyrna and the population fled across the Aegean to find shelter and a new home.50 The disaster followed a blending of different cultures especially in the urban areas. The natives treated the refugees as a different nation, even though the latter had been granted full citizenship rights and the Greek nationality proving that the differentiation was not a result of state rhetoric but rather of everyday cultural interaction, with pejorative names, like “Turkish seed” being given by the natives to the Greeks of Asia Minor.51 Due to the influx of refugees the urban environment of Athens and Piraeus changed in order to integrate all the Greeks from Anatolia. A process of cultural nation-building occurred stimulated by these geopolitical changes. When Greek refugees from Anatolia brought Ottoman sounding properties of their own musical culture in mainland Greece during the 1920s, it was not the first time that Ottoman music had made contact with Greek culture. As Risto Pekka Penannen points out, there had been music cafes called café aman52 in Piraeus and Athens since the beginning of the 20th Century with Ottoman-Greek and Armenian musicians and dancers from Constantinople performing in them.53 The music performers that arrived from the urban centers of Anatolia after 1922 came from a long-established tradition of musical innovation eager to blend Greek language with eastern modality and rhythms, and had a training in Turkish classical music that broaden their musical framework of composition.54 What they encountered in Greece was old “folk” songs (dhimotika tragoudia), tunes about the 1821 revolution that bare little relevance to urban life.55 The meddling of musical cultures was inevitable and generated a new wave of Greek music that was present throughout the 20th Century. Rebetiko is one of the many musical styles that emerged from that crossing of cultures.

49 Elisabeth Kontogiorgi, “Economic Consequences following Refugee Settlement in Greek Macedonia, 1923- 1932,” in Crossing the Aegean: An Appraisal of the 1923 Compulsory Population Exchange between Greece and Turkey, ed. Renée Hirschon (New York: Berghahn Books, 2003), 63. 50 Dimitri Pentzopoulos, Balkan exchange of Minorities (London: Hurst & Co., [1962] 2002), 46-48. 51 Anna Koumandaraki, “The Evolution of Greek National Identity,” Studies in Ethnicity and Nationalism 2, no.2 (2002): 44, https://doi.org/10.1111/j.1754-9469.2002.tb00026.x. 52 “Café Aman” were cafés in which two or three singers sang improvised songs on the spot in the manner of dialogue. In “Café Aman” one could food and drink beverages, and also smoke hookah. The songs performed in “Café Aman” were called “amanedes”. 53 Risto Pekka Pennanen, “The Nationalization of Ottoman Popular Music in Greece,” 6. 54 Nicholas G. Pappas, “Concepts of Greekness: The Recorder Music of Anatolian Greeks after 1922,” Journal of Modern Greek Studies 17, no.2 (October 1999): 354, https://doi.org/10.1353/mgs.1999.0031. 55 Ibid, 354. Gayraud 18

3.3 The Emergence of Rebetiko In 1923, following the decision at the Lausanne Conference to arrange the exchange of minorities between Greece and Turkey, the number of uprooted ethnic Greeks augmented to more than one million representing one fourth of its population at the time.56 This cultural shifting in mainland Greece was really important for the further shaping of musical genres and the politics around these new cultural environments. The urban spaces of Greece, especially in Athens, were reorganized in order to assimilate all the refugee families from Anatolia. A Refugee Settlement Commission was set up under the aegis of the League of Nations, and between 1923 and 1929, together with the Greek Government, 27,000 houses were provided in 125 urban refugee quarters throughout the country. 57 In order to integrate the great number of people, the land left behind due to the departure of Turkish minorities in Greece was to be used by the Greeks that emigrated from Anatolia.58 The immigrants suffered many losses on their way to Greece and their installation was not well received by the locals. Slums were created around the cities and an underworld subculture was quickly developed in the suburbs of urban centers. Most of them found themselves in a situation of poverty and had to affront the reject of the local population who treated them as strangers or as Turks (τουρκόσποροι, seeds of Turks) as they spoke a different dialect of Greek and their traditions, culture and way of life were different from the Greeks living in mainland Greece.59 Some of them came from rich and prosperous families but upon their arrival they were alienated from the local middle and upper class and found themselves together with the poor and underground urban population of the Greek cities. In addition, those who originated from a middle class were traders, bankers, lawyers and teachers and had living standards comparable with the middle and high class of European cities. All this pain and suffering that occurred should not go unnoticed by the process of understanding the formation of rebetiko culture. It is amongst the refugees’ population – where many musicians were recognized composers or orchestra conductors and had experienced how the recording industry worked – that rebetiko originated, during these tumultuous times of social and political changes in the beginning of the 20th Century. The term “rebetiko” has been used by historians in reference to

56 Dimitri Pentzopoulos, Balkan exchange of Minorities, 18. 57 Renée Hirschon and S. Thakurdesai, “Housing and cultural priorities: The Asia Minor Greek refugees of 1922,” Disasters 2, no.4 (December 1978): 247, https://doi.org/10.1111/j.1467-7717.1978.tb00103.x. 58 John A. Petropulos, “The Compulsory Exchange of Populations: Greek-Turkish Peacemaking, 1922–1930,” Byzantine and Modern Greek Studies 2 (1976): 141, https://doi.org/10.1179/030701376790206199. 59 Gökçe Bayındır Goularas and Dionysis Goularas, “The impact of migration on music: The case of Rebetiko,” European Journal of Research on Social Sciences 1, no.2 (2014): 9. Gayraud 19 a broad spectrum of music styles and its exact definition remains a subject discussed by many scholars even today. Problems surrounding the definition of the term are related to rebetiko’s cultural values, social context, chronology and folkloric status. As Stathis Gauntlet points out, the “definitions [of rebetiko] are frequently founded on the alleged etymology: rebetis < *rebet (Turkish) meaning 'outlaw' [and this etymology] is in reality an unresolved issue, and usage of the word is ambiguous”; this is but one of several linguistic, social and historical factors which affect usage of the term and perception of the genre, and undermine the definitions critics adopt”60. The earliest known usage of the word rebetiko to define specifically this music genre occurred on the labels of gramophone records pressed in America and England during the second and third decades of the 20th century.61 What Ole l. Smith suggests is that the term rebetiko was imported to Greece via American recording that had a strong influence on the Greek music industry.62 Because of the semantic complexity of the term, an etymological analysis of ‘rebetiko’ would not suffice at present to provide an understanding of rebetiko musical culture. My aim here is first to contextualize the social environment in which rebetiko occurred and then continue with exploring the definition of rebetiko identity. Having said that, certain aspects of rebetiko can be left aside, as its historiography spans throughout the 20th century and it would be impossible to present all the fact in just one paper. So, considering the various debates and gray zones that exist in academic debates about rebetiko, the definition I would suggest for the sake of this research is the following: Rebetiko is a folk urban Greek music genre developed in subcultural spaces of metropolitan areas with music roots in both sides of the Aegean Sea and in particular in big cities like Istanbul, Athens, Piraeus, Izmir, and Thessaloniki. Rebetiko is usually distinguished in two main styles. The first is an oriental style called Smyrneiko, meaning from Smyrna (Izmir), having as main instruments the canoun, the lyra, and the oud. In the first two decades of the 20th century the emotional style of Smyrneiko became popular and new cafes sprang up where musicians from Smyrna played and sang the new style, the most famous of them being the café “Microasia”, on Piraeus Street, which was to become the headquarters of the first association of popular musicians in Greece – the Association of Athenians and Piraeus

60 Stathis Gauntlett, “Rebetiko Tragoudi as a Generic Term,” Byzantine and Modern Greek Studies 8, no.1 (1982): 81, https://doi.org/10.1179/030701382790206642. 61 Ibid, 83. 62 Ole L Smith, “The Chronology of Rebetiko - A Reconsideration of the Evidence,” Byzantine and Modern Greek Studies 15, no.1 (1991): 323-324, http://dx.doi.org/10.1179/byz.1991.15.1.318. Gayraud 20

Musicians, formed under the initiative of Smyrna refugee, Emmanuel Chrissafakis.63 The second style of rebetiko was called Peiraiotiko, meaning from Piraeus, and its main instruments were the bouzouki, the guitar, and the Greek tzoura and baglama. It was not played in cafes, like Smyrneiko did, but in hashish smoking places called “tekedes”64 (plural). The Peiraiotiko was part of a subculture that developed around the city port of Piraeus. This second style is the one I will focus on as it provided the individuals of the time with an abundance of brand new social characteristics, previously only known to the Greek social strata of urban areas in mainland Greece that frequented the Ottoman music cafes. So, at their very beginning, both Smyrneiko and Peiraiotiko style were regarded as “non-Greek” by the local Greek population, even though they both used Greek lyrics. As of now, whenever I will refer to the term “rebetiko” I would mean the Peiraiotiko style of it. I do this based on the fact that the majority of scholars and Greek society today use it also in that way.

3.4 Rebetiko Community – Rebetiko identity Rebetiko was characterized by defiance and a negative attitude towards the police, and was seen as the only remedy against poverty65. The performers as well as the audience of the tekedes were frequently attacked and jailed by policeman. These illegal activities are expressed in many of the songs performed by the musicians like for example this one: (Translation) Tell me, do tell me, Where is hashish sold? Dervishes sell it In the Upper Districts66

63 Gail Holst-Warhaft, Road to rembetika: music of a Greek sub-culture: songs of love, sorrow and hashish (Evia, Greece: Denise Harvey, [1977] 2014), 26. 64 Tekes (singular) was a hashish-den, where the common practice of hashish smoking was performed. Tekes represented the space where the practices of preparing the hookah—and in more extreme cases the consumption of heroin and cocaine—were connected to the pleasure of playing the bouzouki or the baghlamas instruments. In Turkish towns, hashish was both legal and commonly used. In Greece, laws against the smoking and sale of hashish were promulgated in 1890, but not strictly enforced for at least another thirty years. For more information see: Stefanis C., C. Ballas, and D. Madianou, “Sociocultural and epidemiological aspects of hashish use in Greece,” in Cannabis and culture, ed. Rubin Vera (The Hague: Mouton Publishers, 1975), 303-326. 65 By those who heard it, not compose it. At first, those who compose it were also poor, but when the genre became popular, they started to make money from their performances. For more information on Rebetiko sales see: Nicholas G. Pappas, “Concepts of Greekness: The recorded music of Anatolian Greeks after 1922,” Journal of Modern Greek Studies 17 no.2 (1999): 355-356, https://doi.org/10.1353/mgs.1999.0031. 66 (De mou Lete, to Hassisi pou Poulietai, ‘Tell me, Where is Hashish Sold’. Singer, Lefteris Menemenlis. Recorded in 1928 or 1929, Polydor 45114). Gayraud 21

And also this one: (Translation) I couldn’t escape On my way back from Proussa Betrayed by thugs They caught me on the boat

Sewn in my coat Were two bags of grass My hollow heels Were full of heroin67

These lyrics demonstrate what kind of individuals the “tekedes” attracted and the drug related conflicts, among other themes, that preoccupied their community. The rebetiko community was distinct from the overall national “community” of that time and its people were part of a sub-culture. Under these underworld circumstances, the term “mangas” was employed to describe the protagonists of rebetiko community. Being a word that described a certain identity and was frequently used, the term “mangas” defined the individuals that were highly respected by others in their circle and appreciated for their courage and wit. Dafni Dragaki describes the significance of the term in the following way: “Mangas represents the dominant male persona described in rebetiko lyrics, the legendary outlaw who embodies the ideal rebetiko ‘way-of-being’ in the world. […] It is a generic term used to describe rebetiko musicians, as well as male agents68 of rebetiko culture in general, [that had] a particular behavioral system, ideology, music (the rebetiko song), dress code, along with other special attributes”.69 A “mangas” was not necessary an egoist or a dangerous person. He had multiple concerns that extended outside his own everyday life. One of the most well-known composers and performers of rebetiko during the 1930s, Markos Vamvakaris, was one of the first that displayed the mangas persona under a more positive light by using various themes in his songs besides violence and drugs, like inequality

67 (Iroini kai Mavraki, ‘Heroin and Sweet Hash’. Composed by Sotiris Gavalas. Singer, Stellakis Perpiniadhis. Recorded in 1935, Columbia DG 6126/CG 1103). 68 Women did not have such a heroic status. For the role of women in rebetiko see: Holst-Warhaft, Gail, “The Female Dervish and Other Shady Ladies of the Rebetika,” in Music and Gender: Perspectives from the Mediterranean, ed. Tulia Magrini (Chicago and London: The University of Chicago Press, 2003), 169-194. 69 Dafni Tragaki, Rebetiko Worlds, (Newcastle: Cambridge Scholars, 2007), 26. Gayraud 22 between social classes and love affairs with women. This was a new attitude in rebetiko circles as the performers started to shift their composing away from their previously overt oriental musical framework, the common Turkish argot, and the frequent extolling of the virtues of hashish. Consequently, in the mid-thirties, Vamvakaris’ songs gained high popularity, among a wider Greek public in the urban centers of Greece, especially Athens and Thessaloniki, and gave a sort of widespread popularity to the “renewed” and more “innocent” identity of the rebetiko community and its “mangas”. During the mid-30s rebetiko was so popular that it started being performed in more and more high society happenings and galas. Vambakaris described this process in one of his songs called “Bouzouki, joy of the world”: (Translation) Bouzouki joy of the world, which entertained the manges (plural) Even the rich play a big trick on you now. They put you on their carpets, and in their smart front rooms, Higher than the violin, my friend, two steps further on. You went up in a lift, into their blocks of flats; And you played and they enjoyed you, those spoilt children of society. Now you‘ll go even higher, as high as the planet Mars, Even to the great Apollo, and he’ll enjoy you too.70

This song is a testimony to the popularization of rebetiko during the 30s and 40s. Many records were recorded during these two decades and the performers became popular figures of the Greek music industry. The rising popularity of rebetiko is a fact that contradicts the anti-bourgeois discourse associated with some rebetiko songs. Stathis Gauntlett reconsiders this notion about rebetiko and the “romantic construction of the genre as anti-art” and argues that throughout its documented evolution rebetiko has also been a marketing construct created by the American music industry and used as a marketing product targeting both Greek and Greek-American audiences.71 The creation of such a market was probably looked at negatively from the nationalist regime of Metaxas. Gauntlett’s research shows indeed the increased records sales in America during that period. Gauntlett in more recent

70 (Bouzouki Glenti tou Ntounia, ‘Bouzouki, Joy of the world’. Composed by Markos Vamvakaris. Singer, Markos Vamvakaris. Recorded in 1947, Odeon GA 7400/GO 3815). 71 Stathis Gauntlett, “Mammon and the Greek Oriental Muse. Rebetika as a Marketing Construct,” Greek Research in Australia: Proceedings of the Biennial International Conference of Greek Studies, Flinders University April 2003, eds. E. Close, M. Tsianikas and G. Frazis (2005): 180, http://hdl.handle.net/2328/8147. Gayraud 23 years interviewed many veteran musicians of rebetiko in the early 1970s as they testified indeed that many of them were advertising themselves, extolling their artistry, and asserting their popularity after having been “inscribed in the world of money” for many years.72 In the mid-thirties, prior to the dictatorship of Metaxas, the industrial usage of rebetiko made the genre more and more universally accepted by the wider public. The rebetiko culture underwent many stylistic and thematic changes. It did not take much time for the Greek population to notice and be interested by the ideologies and messages of rebetiko. But the effects, reception and popularity of rebetiko were to be felt and represented on a much bigger scale in the press than by the world of marketing. Journalistic attestation to the ascendancy of rebetiko can be found in the eve of the imposition of censorship by the regime of Ioannis Metaxas in the Athenian newspaper Ethnos (25 October, 1937) in which D. Evangelidis reports that more than 80% of the successful records are either of tango music or rebetikο. To understand the heated debate that arose after the surfacing of rebetiko in Greek popular culture and its implications it had on Greek political thought, the next article is an essential one. In Athenian newspaper Eleftheron Vima (7 October, 1938) in an article by Sophia Spanouli, the journalist praised the Metaxas regime’s ban on the recording of “amanedes”73, denounced rebetiko songs as “threnodies” imported illegally from Turkey, and called for a similar prohibition to be applied to “rebetika”.74

72 Ibid, 181. 73 Amanes is a musical root of rebetiko stemming from Ottoman-style music. Amanedes (plural) were performed in Ottoman cafes or “Café Aman”. They were also performed by refugees in Greece after the Asia Minor Crisis. Turkish or Greek, the lyrics were usually improvised on the spot. 74 Stathis Gauntlett, “Mammon and the Greek Oriental Muse. Rebetika as a Marketing Construct,” 186. Gayraud 24

4. REBETIKO AND DICTATORSHIP

4.1 The Censorship under Metaxas By the late 30s rebetiko had become a political concern. The politics of shaping a ‘national’ musical profile gained ground and were reinforced by administrative and legislative mechanisms initiated by the Fourth of August Regime under the leadership of Metaxas. Investigating the cultural policies of this period I realized there is a lack of available documents that could shed light on the music policy of the Metaxas dictatorship. On the 4th of August 1936, with the acknowledgment of George II of Greece75 Metaxas suspended all constitutional rights and dissolved Parliament. On the 5th of August following the event of a general strike declared by the Greek General Confederation of Labour, Metaxas who had been appointed prime minister by George II of Greece, declared, in April 1936, martial law and imposed a press censorship.76 In June 1937, Metaxas made public that his goal was to create the “Third Greek Civilization”77 what he called the continuation of the two previous Greek Civilizations, that of the ancient Greece, with its great intellectuality, and that of the Byzantium with its deep religiosity and powerful state. This narrative seems to be in alignment with the nation- building goals of the Hellenic Enlightenment. Once the regime took hold of the power all foreign influences were to be cleared. State control over music was regulated by the newly founded office of Press and Tourism through Emergency Law No.43 and covered the record industry, radio broadcasts, printed sheet music, and musical compositions (including lyrics) performed publicly. So, by 1938, the generic name rebetiko had totally disappeared from the catalogues.78 In 1939, the Mandatory law No. 1619/1939, Art.21 stated that any music composition that contradicted or falsified the “authentic spirit of Greek tradition” could be subject to prohibition.79 The regime promoted folkloristic music and through the State Radio

75 George II of Greece reigned as King of Greece from 1922 to 1924 and from 1935 to 1947. 76 Jon V Kofas, Authoritarianism in Greece: the Metaxas regime (Michigan: East European Monographs, 1983), 98. 77 An initiative very similar to that of Ioannis Kolettis who had proposed a couple of decades before a “national plan” called the “Great Idea”. 78 Risto Pekka Pennanen, “Greek Music Policy Under the Dictatorship of General Ioannis Metaxas (1936– 1941),” Grapta Poikila I (2003): 105, 113, http://www.academia.edu/6249434/Greek_Music_Policy_under_the_Dictatorship_of_General_Ioannis_Metaxas _1936_1941_. 79 Mandatory law No. 1619/ 1939, Art. 21: Before any recording activities an application for record permission is to be submitted to the Directorate for Enlightenment of the Populous in the Ministry, supported by copies of the verses and the music sheets of the song to be recorded. The application is forwarded to the relevant committee composed of the Director for Enlightenment, an official from Inland Press Department, Gayraud 25 it broadcasted music it had carefully selected regularly80. These were old Greek tunes that praised the Greek War of Independence of 1821 and had a traditional-folk sounding appealing to audiences of rural areas rather than the new “foreign” sounds of rebetiko that appealed to a more urban underground and specific, as I described earlier, audience. This distinction between people in urban centers and people in rural areas had been widening since the Smyrna crisis of 1922. Notably, Metaxas had declared that people in the countryside were guardians of the national heritage.81 Folkloristic music, mostly popular in rural areas, probably characterized for the regime a pure national identity connected with the bucolic geographic scenery of Greece. Gail Holst-Warhaft mentions that: The regional folk music of Greece, much of which was itself of hybrid origin, was generally defined by association with a particular landscape. The deracinated, urban rebetika, with their foreign derived slang, their shady milieu and anti-authoritarian lyrics were a thorn in the side of nationalists, but for the same reason they were attractive to modernist writers and intellectuals who opposed narrow nationalism, and to working class urban Greeks, many of whom were sympathetic to the Greek Communist Party‘s campaign for a more equal distribution of resources.82 The majority of the regime’s opposition were communists and were targeted by the dictatorship as enemies of the state among other groups coming from mostly subcultural environments. Members of the subculture urban environment that were exiled to the Cycladic islands as undesirable included persecuted communists as well as non-communists like for example rebetiko musicians Anestos Delias and Mihalis Yenitsaris.83 Songs and performances

an official from the Enlightenment Department and two artists experienced in popular and folk music. […] The committee has to produce a judgment and to this purpose it may ask for performance of the song by the artist, musical director and instruments planned to appear on the record. The committee may prohibit the recording altogether or ask for modification of either the verses or the music of the piece, in order to give the permission, in case the submitted elements are contradictory, fully or partly, to the moral of virtue or decency, corrupt the artistic sense of the People or falsify the authentic spirit of Greek tradition… (Nikos Politis, Hydra Rebetiko Conference, 13-17 October 2005, 4-5) 80 Lisbet Torp, “'It's All Greek to Me': The Invention of Pan-Hellenic Dances––And Other National Stories,” in Telling Reality: Folklore Studies in Memory of Bengt Holbek, eds. Michael Chesnutt and Bengt Holbek (Copenhagen: University of Copenhagen, 1993), 290. 81 Constantine Sarandis, “The Ideology and Character of the Metaxas Regime,” in The Metaxas Dictatorship: Aspects of Greece 1936–1940, eds. Robin Higham, and Thanos Veremis (Athens: The Hellenic Foundation for Defense and Foreign Policy (ELIAMEP): The Speros Basil Vryonis Center for the Study of Hellenism, 1993), 145-150. 82 Gail Holst-Warhaft, "The Tame Sow and the Wild Boar Hybridization and the Rebetika," in Songs of the Minotaur: Hybridity and Popular Music in the Era of Globalization: a Comparative Analysis of Rebetika, Tango, Rai, Flamenco, Sardana, and English Urban Folk, ed. Susana Asensio Llamas (Münster: LIT Verlag Münster, 2002), 31. 83 Risto Pekka Pennanen, "Greek music policy under the dictatorship of General Ioannis Metaxas (1936–1941)," 112. Gayraud 26 that did not comply with the regime’s strict law were disapproved and institutionally banned. Risto Pekka Pennamen has done, in my opinion, one of the most thorough researches on that period and the documents he has found are essential in understanding the procedure of censorship against songs that did not fill the regime’s criteria. In order to get a more insightful view on the matter, here is an example of an official document I found.

Gayraud 27

Fig.1: The lyric sheet of “Fiye, aponi, kakia”

As demonstrated by this document84 (Fig. 1), several parts of the lyrics have been censored and replaced with other lyrics, more suitable to the regime’s criteria. This document offers a sufficiently clear picture of the measures taken by a political entity with an authoritarian state to suppress the content of a musical composition, with the aim of imposing a national culture that is both politically and socially acceptable and thus adequate and in line with its own preconceived notions of nationality. This institutional mechanism was placed at

84 Document PA 567 (Fig.1) reveals that in early 1938 it took roughly a week for the censor at the office of Press and Tourism to treat the song text “Fiye, aponi, kakia”. The lyrics sheet arrived at the office on the 30th of March and the text was approved on the 7th of April and given the censorship number 612. However, it had to wait for a long time before being recorded […] on 17 August 1939. Gayraud 28 the very forefront of state governance and sought to propagate cultural norms of national identity.

4.2 The Communist Debate and the Censorship under the Junta regime. During the German occupation of World War Two, censorship measures continued as rebetiko began to change one more time its sound and function, attracting many individuals of the communist party that had joined the Greek resistance forces. Even more than pre-Metaxas era, rebetiko gained popularity partly due to the fact that it had been always connected with the lower strata of urban areas. Kostas Tachtsis, proposes that the suffering of the masses during German Occupation brought people of different economic sectors of society under similar difficulties thus leveling to some extent social distinctions, and paving the road for a publicly wider reception and interpretation of rebetiko.85 During German occupation prices went up, and a lot of people found themselves in miserable conditions. For example, the price of bread - the official price - had risen from 70 drachmas to 2350, soap from 65 to 3100, and dried beans from 90 to 2900.86 After the German occupation, the influence and popularity of rebetiko was evident and many new performers surfaced taking advantage of its prosperity like Vassilis Tsitsanis. Rebetiko songs became more “Europeanized” distancing themselves from the Ottoman music styles and the melodic patterns of the East. More importantly, no more hashish songs were composed as they had virtually disappeared from the repertoire along with jail and drug- smuggling songs.87 This was partly because most of the underground composers that used such themes, had died during the occupation, like Anestis Delias88 and a new generation of rebetiko composers surfaced with the most important of them being Vassilis Tsitsanis who was not from the usual mangas background.89 The music or rebetiko had become smoother and melodic, and the lyrics addressed more acceptable matters. Once again, these changes sparked new political discussions, around the identity of rebetiko and the identity of its audience. Intellectual circles within the Greek communist party felt the need to engage in a

85 There were no more hungry and satisfied, there were no masters and slaves, everyone was a slave, everyone was hungry, all felt the need to bewail their fate… All the houses suddenly became hashish dens, not literally of course, but in character. Everywhere the spirit of lawlessness prevailed, of constant fear, misery and death. (Tachtsis as quoted by Holst 1977, 202-211). 86 Mark Mazower, Inside Hitler's Greece: the experience of occupation, 1941-44 (Yale: Yale University Press, 2001), 65. 87 Gail Holst-Warhaft, Road to rembetika: music of a Greek sub-culture: songs of love, sorrow and hashish, 55. 88 Ibid. 38. 89 Ibid. 54. Gayraud 29 heated debate about whether or not rebetiko represented the ideological lines of Marxist thought. The communists were interested in the potential of a national-popular culture and took it upon them to determine the political and national affiliations of rebetiko. The debate was intensively discussed through the press.90 I found many articles displaying this Left-wing political disagreement towards rebetiko and I will present two of them both published in the official and widely read Greek Communist newspaper Rizospastis. The first criticized rebetiko (Appendix A)91 mentioning the negative effects of hashish irrevocably linked with rebetiko songs, and the second suggested a more open approach (Appendix B)92 expressing the need to be less judgmental in the appraisal of what can be considered as popular music. This debate continued for many years during the 50s and 60s. It was a very transformative period for rebetiko, but this time, it was not the genre itself that underwent changes but the audience that claimed it as their own. This could have been be a process of “self-making” nationalism form the part of each individual. According to ethnologist Anthony P. Cohen nationalism can be so persuasive because its personal character.93 Cohen has also said that nationalism, as a political posture, leave individuals with the sense of having the right to their own space for constructing their personal national identities it is also contriving to define or confine that space to maintain coherence of a plausible collective nationalism.94 On one hand the official Left ideology disapproved of rebetiko because it associated it with the fatalism of the lumpen-proletariat and the underworld. On the other hand, well- known composers such as Mikis Theodorakis and Manos Hadjidakis saw in rebetiko the voice of the underprivileged and exploited. Hadjidakis became the first classically educated Greek composers to acknowledge rebetiko bringing forth its spiritual attributes95 and Mikis Theodorakis mixed the sound of it with western instrument and recorded “Epitaphios” in 1961, with lyrics from acknowledged communist poet Giannis Ritsos.96 Stathis Damianakos,

90 Christina Alexopoulos, “Représentations du rébétiko chez les élites intellectuelles de gauche entre la guerre civile et la dictature des colonels,” Cahiers balkaniques Hors-série | 2015 : Les élites grecques modernes, XVIIIe-XXe siècles : identités, modes d’action, représentations (2015) : 4, https://journals.openedition.org/ceb/5457. 91 Rizospastis 15/12/1946 (see Appendix A) 92 Rizospastis 23/2/1947 (see Appendix B) 93 Anthony P. Cohen, “Personal Nationalism: A Scottish View of Some Rites, Rights, and Wrongs,” American Ethnologist 23, no.4 (1996): 812, https://doi.org/10.1525/ae.1996.23.4.02a00070. 94 Ibid, 812. 95 Andreas Andreopoulos, “Imago Poetae: The Aesthetics of Manos Hadjidakis,” Journal of Modern Greek Studies 19, no.2 (October 2001): 256-257. https://doi.org/10.1353/mgs.2001.0014. 96 Gail Holst-Warhaft, “Politics and popular music in modern Greece,” Journal of Political and Military Sociology 30, no.2 (Winter 2002): 297, 314-315, http://connection.ebscohost.com/c/articles/8797513/politics- popular-music-modern-greece. Gayraud 30 a Greek scholar living in Paris, who took part in the rebetiko debate believed that the evolution of rebetiko reflected “the history of the Greek proletariat in a society on the way towards capitalist integration” and captured the cry of pain and despair of a great part of the low social strata driven to marginal existence by the invasion of capitalism.97 Other scholar such as Elias Petropoulos claimed that the genre had altogether seize to exist and disappeared in the beginning of the fifties.98 Could that debate within the Greek Left intellectuals have been an attempt to adopt in its nationalistic semiology the culture of rebetiko? According to Michael Freeden, it is possible that such political ideologies form alliances with nationalism, in this case forming a sort of communist nationalism through the reference of rebetiko. Freeden supposes that if the notion of nationhood is a ubiquitous phenomenon this doesn’t rule out its being located in many ideologies, somewhere in the margins of significance, rather than as a central constituting principle.99 It is reasonable to assume that Greek communism had begun a process of personalization of the attributes of rebetiko, claiming the genre as something “aligned” to their ideologies. Just before the Junta dictatorship (1967-1974), rebetiko had changed its melodies and themes, but its audience was that which had underwent the biggest transformation. From being the music of the underworld rebetiko ascended to a more popular status and slowly but gradually became associated with Left ideologies. The military dictatorship that took control of Greece in April 1967 interrupted the debate of Left and the ongoing popularization of rebetiko. A few months after the coup d’état, on the 1st of June of the same year, the music of Mikis Theodorakis was banned by an official state decree100 signed by military chief of staff Odysseas Aggelis. Theodorakis was placed under house arrest in 1968 and imprisoned a few months later in the prisons of Oropos until 1970 when under international pressure he was

97 Stathis Damianakos, Processes of social transformation in rural Greece (Athens: EKKE, 1987), 164. (In Greek). 98 About chronology of rebetiko see: Stathis Gauntlett, “Rebetiko Tragoudi as a Generic Term,” Byzantine and Modern Greek Studies 8, no.1 (1982): 80, https://doi.org/10.1179/030701382790206642. 99 Michael Freeden, “Is Nationalism a Distinct Ideology?,” Political Studies 46, no.4 (February 2002): 759, https://doi.org/10.1111/1467-9248.00165. 100 Decree n.13/1-6-1967 (in Greek): 1) Απεφασίσαμεν και διατάσσομεν τα ακόλουθα, ισχύοντα δια ολόκληρον την επικράτειαν: Απαγορεύεται: α) η ανατύπωσις ή η εκτέλεσις της μουσικής και των ασμάτων του κομμουνιστού συνθέτου Μίκη Θεοδωράκη, τέως αρχηγού της νυν διαλυθείσης κομμουνιστικής οργανώσεως «Νεολαία Λαμπράκη», δεδομένου ότι η εν λόγω μουσική εξυπηρετεί τον κομμουνισμόν β) το άδειν άπαντα τα άσματα, τα χρησιμοποιούμενα υπό της κινήσεως της κομμουνιστικής νεολαίας, διαλυθείσης δυνάμει της παραγράφου 8 του διατάγματος της 6ης Μαΐου 1967, δοθέντος ότι τα εν λόγω άσματα υποκινούν πάθη και διενέξεις εις τους κόλπους του pληθυσμού 2) Οι παραβαίνοντες την ως άνω διαταγήν πολίται θα πρέπει να παραπέμπονται αμέσως ενώπιον στρατοδικείων και θα δικάζωνται συμφώνως προς τας διατάξεις της εκτάκτου νομοθεσίας. (Source: Γενικά Αρχεία του Κράτους - Κεντρική Υπηρεσία, Αρχείο Γενικής Γραμματείας Τύπου και Πληροφοριών, Διάταγμα ΥΠ αριθμ. 13/1-6-1967) Gayraud 31 allowed to leave for Paris.101 Here are the lyrics of a forbidden song written and recorded by Theodorakis in 1971, during the Junta regime, called “The Front”: When the sun grows tired and turns to go to bed, The brave young men come out from their hiding places. The front of the Hellenes calls [us] once again to battle “Freedom or Death” is written on our banner. (translation: Eva Johanos)

Other Left-wing composers and intellectuals had to go silent or leave the country for fear of being persecuted or imprisoned. The Junta attempted to construct a formal culture – their slogan being “Greece of Greek Christians” – based on militaristic ethics and deployed strong propagandist mechanisms – like the Ministry of Culture founded in 1971 – trying to establish an identity with mixtures of nationalism, anti-communism, xenophobia, and a nostalgia for antiquity.102 One example of their effort to propagate the ideals of the regime can be attested in the organization of the annual feast day in honor of the "Martial Virtue of the Greeks". Organized by the Junta in the Panathenaic Stadium for seven consecutive years between 1967 and 1973, the feast, held on the 30th of August, had a pan-Hellenic character. Like the pre-war dictator Metaxas, the colonels placed much emphasis on the need to discipline and reform the Greek character through a "back to the roots" movement. The celebration represented a series of revived signs of force, power and authority. Dance was limited to a series of rural dances performed by amateur dancers, members of Athenian dance groups, or local-village dance groups established in Athens.103 Independent censorship committees were also formed, consisting of lawyers, philologists, employees of the Ministry of Press, police and military men104 targeting audiovisual, printed and performed material with references to popular uprisings, sex, and

101Gail Holst-Warhaft, “Politics and popular music in modern Greece,” 297, 316. 102 Myrsini Zorba, “Conceptualizing Greek cultural policy: the non‐democratization of public culture,” International journal of cultural policy 15, no.3 (2009): 249, https://doi.org/10.1080/10286630802621522. 103 Irene Loutzaki, “Folk dance in political rhythms,” Yearbook for traditional music 33 (2001): 132, http://www.jstor.org/stable/1519637. 104 Solon Gregoriades, History of the Dictatorship 1967-1974. Vol. 1 (Anthens: Ekdoseis Kapopoulos 1975a), 114. Gayraud 32 ideas that were offensive to the nation, the Christian religion, the royal family and the government.105

(Fig.2 December 1972 censorship approval for the song “Xasapiko”. Lyrics by Giorgos Themelis – music by Stayros Pagioumtzis)

I found this document106 (fig. 2) dating from December 1972 that depicts the censorship procedure applied by the Junta regime. In the following document appear the

105 Athenian, Inside the Colonels’ Greece, trans. by Richard Clogg (London: Chatto &Windus, 1972), 96, 97. 106 Source: General Archive of the State – Central Service, Archive of General Secretary of Press and Information. Gayraud 33 lyrics of the song that was censored and the hand-written order to censor the song because quote: “the meaning of the lyrics may be misinterpreted as anarchistic”.107 The document has been stamped with the word “rejected” and carries the official stamp by the “committee of control of spectacles and performances”. Here are the lyrics of the song:108

Lyrics of “Xasapiko” (My translation)

Do not neglect the fire Black smoke will rise up And the creation will blur

The spark will become a fire That rain will not put it out And the ripper will burn Black smoke to leave behind

Clean waters will Flow and fill the cisterns New seas, new oceans For ships to sail upon

A new sun will come out A new dawn and sunset A golden bird will Come out to sing

It is notable that the political orientation of rebetiko had shifted towards a content that favored resistance and insubordination. The ongoing political embrace of rebetiko represented a reaction against the values of the Panhellenic traditional music and dances promoted by the

107 Giannis Glavinas, “[Λογοκρισίες στην Ελλάδα] Εφ’ όπλου «ψαλίδι»: Ο κρατικός μηχανισμός επιβολής λογοκρισίας και το πεδίο εφαρμογής του την περίοδο της δικτατορίας των συνταγματαρχών,” accessed June 11, 2018, http://rednotebook.gr/2015/12/ef-oplou-psalidi-o-kratikos-michanismos-epivolis-logokrisias-ke-to-pedio- efarmogis-tou-tin-periodo-tis-diktatorias-ton-sintagmatarchon-tou-gianni-gklavina/ 108 (Xasapiko, Composed by Stayros Pagioumtzis. Singer, Giorgos Dalaras. Recorded and published finally in 1973 from Columbia Studios in Athens, Phonographic Copyright (p) – Μίνως Μάτσας & Υιός Α.Ε, MSM 169) Gayraud 34

Junta.109 In 1968 a left wing philologist by the name of Elias Petropoulos published the first book on rebetiko ignoring state censorship legislation110. It was a rebetiko anthology entitled Rebetika Traghoudhia (trans. Rebetiko Songs). The book got banned by the regime and the author was prosecuted for “contravening the law against obscene publications”111 and sentenced to five months of prison. Petropoulos was turned into a symbol of protest, a rebetiko martyr and more youth groups identified in rebetiko an expression of anti- conformism and counter-culture of their time. In terms of nationalistic significance such events could refer to what Hutchinson has called the “national sacrifice” and “mythical overlaying” of the “external” revivalist strategy in cultural revolutions.112 Hutchinson has argued that this kind of revivalism created “a counter-culture of young activists, imbued with a religious sense of mission to the nation and contemptuous of their degraded society”.113 For younger generations of the Left the banned rebetiko seemed to fit in their reactionary attitudes against popular culture and the assimilating mechanisms of the state. They considered that although rebetiko did not reinforce proletariat class-consciousness towards militancy, it was an authentic popular and social song expressing daily longings.114 Through an underground cultural movement, opposition to the Junta began to materialize quickly and a wave of elaborate cultural protest emerged. Myrsini Zorba describes these tumultuous times as such: Posited against this imaginary were social resistance movements which formed an underground progressive democratic sub-culture. An entire body of writing, music from the previous democratic ‘springtime’ as well as important new songs written in exile by Mikis Theodorakis, the translation of foreign books which spoke of freedom and democracy – all of these began to circulate illegally, chiefly among the students. This formed an alternative network of information and passive resistance below the apparent immobility of cultural life.115 In the absence of political parties and other institutional parties, culture served as an arena for politics. The student movement that developed after the 1970 diffused resistance frames that proved to be highly resonant across the social spectrum. Independence, moral

109 Dafni Tragaki, Rebetiko Worlds, 132. 110 Ibid, 109. 111 See newspaper: Ethnos issued on the 12th of December in 1968. 112 John Hutchinson, Nations as zones of conflict, 46. 113 Ibid, 69. 114 Yiannis Zaimakis, “‘Bawdy Songs and Virtuous Politics’: Ambivalence and Controversy in the Discourse of the Greek Left on rebetiko,” History and Anthropology 20, no.1 (February 2009): 23, https://doi.org/10.1080/02757200802650496. 115 Myrsini Zorba, “Conceptualizing Greek cultural policy: the non‐democratization of public culture,” 249. Gayraud 35 superiority and unity were some of the ideals that circulated among the students.116 Young people participated in poetry nights, listened to Theodorakis’s songs, and watched screenings of films such as Easy Rider and The Strawberry Statement. In one case, the screening of Woodstock in 1970 followed a demonstration of 2000 young people who rioted against police forces.117 The culmination of these events reach their climax on 17 November when military forces decided to intervened against the student’s sit-ins at the Athens Polytechnic University. In November 1973, newspapers To Vema called for a return in democracy and Vradyne openly supported the student mobilizations against the regime.118 Public hostility towards the regime had grown and under the threat of a Greco-Turkish war following the invasion of Northern Cyprus in July 1974 by Turkish troops the regime came to its downfall.119 On his return to Greece, Theodorakis was greeted as a hero by the wider public and proceeded to record many of the songs he had written during the seven years of the Junta dictatorship.120 A popular interest for the sounds and melodies of rebetiko surfaced among the Greek general public. A public which not only had been deprived from hearing rebetiko but had also forever associated it with the expression of the popular voice of Greek society. Following the events of the Junta, although rebetiko had not yet acquired the status of traditional Greek music, it came out as a musical genre that not only symbolized the struggles and alienation of the working class but also the ever-changing political and economic environment of the middle class. Once again, due to its after-war themes of love, sorrow, and social criticism and due to its political affiliation with civil-war era communists and the Marxist debates surrounding it, rebetiko had survived, making its way through multiple dynamics of social assimilation by continuously embodying the personification of the simple Greek person that enjoys the simplicities of life while being aware that utopias can become realities, but as history has showed, they hardly ever do. A sort of progressive optimism but with a touch of fatalism imbedded in it. The path was now clear for rebetiko to spread its

116 Dimitris Asimakoulas, “Translating “Self” and “Others”: Waves of Protest under the Greek Junta,” The Sixties: A journal of History, Politics and Culture 2, no.1 (2009): 38, https://doi.org/10.1080/17541320902909532. 117 Yiannis Zaimakis, “‘Bawdy Songs and Virtuous Politics’: Ambivalence and Controversy in the Discourse of the Greek Left on Rebetiko,” 34-35. 118 Konstantinos Stratos, Antithesis and Disagreement. The stance of Newspapers During the Dictatorship. 1967- 1974 (Athens: Ekdoseis Kastaniotis, 1995) 145, 149. (in Greek) 119 See: Olympios Dafermos, The Anti-Dictatorship Student Movement 1972-1973 [Tο αντιδικτατορικό φοιτητικό κίνηµα 1972-1973] (Athens: Gabrielides 2003), 196; and Alkes Regos, “Foitetiko kinema kai diktatoria [The Student Movement and the Dictatorship],” in He Diktatoria 1967-1974. Politikes Praktikes, Ideologikos Logos, Antistase [The Dictatorship 1967-1974: Political Practices. Ideological Discourse. Resistance], eds. Gianna Athanasatou, Alkes Regos and Serafeim Seferiades (Athens: Kastaniotes, 1999), 246. 120 Gail Holst-Warhaft, “Politics and popular music in modern Greece,” 297, 318. Gayraud 36 wings once again like it had done in the 50s and 60s. Weekly shows and festivities in taverns that played of performed rebetiko music turned into entertainment centers and the explosion of rebetiko’s popularity led to the so-called, by many scholars, revival121 of the genre.

121 The term “revival” is used by many scholars. Many scholars have also split rebetiko historiography in multiple “waves” of “revival”. See Dafni Tragaki, Rebetiko Worlds, xv. Gayraud 37

5. REBETIKO AND DEMOCRACY

5.1 Rebetiko in the Post-Junta Era After the Junta dictatorship from 1967 to 1974, rebetiko turned from being censored to being a widely accepted and recognized genre. Following the democratization of the political system and due to its many years of presence, rebetiko was now thought of by the public as a precious folk monument of Greek history. During the first years of this new era in Greek politics some residues from the previous eras of censorships remained. A number of rebetiko songs referring to hashish remained banned122 and in 1979, under the right wing government Nea Dimokratia – with Prime Minister, Kostantinos Karamanlis – it was decreed that late- night bouzouki taverns had to close by 2 am.123 The Left was reincorporated in the political arena and in 1981 the socialist party PASOK gain the elections. The head of the party, Andreas Papandreou, became prime minister and Greece made important leaps of modernization. Cultural policy began to take shape progressively and the priority was given to public foundations and institutions. This left-orientated revitalization of popular culture employed new measures and began promoting a new media-supported rebetological discourse. As Dafni Dragaki describes: “By supporting rebetiko, socialists paraded triumphantly as the unprecedented heroes of the suppressed populous”.124 In 1977, a song that had been written by Vassilis Tsitsanis and had been banned by the Nea Dimokratia administration, because of its references to hashish smuggling from Persia, was finally broadcasted – under the PASOK administration – on the state’s television programme in 1983, following a litigation a in which the song was acquitted of encouraging drug-trafficking, but the judge recommended against further public broadcasting of the song on aesthetic grounds.125 This case is an example of the gradual process of the administrative and legislative transition towards democratization and the hesitations that were still embedded in the decisions that were been made. Despite these reservations, it is reasonable to assume that the modernization of many industries, the improvement in the living standards, and the slow but gradual increase in GDP per capita126 brought a new era in the commercialization of domestic music industry. In the

122 A re-issue of old records explicitly alluding to hashish was banned in 1978, see: Beaton 1980:195 123 See newspaper: To Bima issued on the 15th of July 1979, page 15. 124 Dragaki, Rebetiko Worlds, 131 125 See newspaper: Neos Kosmos issued in Melbourne, Australia on the 16th of August 1984. 126 David H. Close, Greece Since 1945: Politics, Economy, and Society (Great Britain: Pearson Education, 2002), 199-200. Gayraud 38 year 1983, two significant events took place that testify the kind of attempts that were made to commercialize and spread the rebetiko culture. The first was a TV series entitled To Minore tis Avghis with a script based on the lives of first-generation rebetiko musician from the 30s, broadcasted by the Greek state television program. The show was very successful and attracted many viewers. The second, was the production of the critically acclaimed movie “Rebetiko”, by Kostas Ferris, who brought for the first time the history of urban popular music to the big screen.127 These efforts were unprecedented in popular culture as far as rebetiko songs are concerned and demonstrated the desire of the socialists to bridge the gap between the working and middle class. Even they, the politicians turned up in bouzouki clubs and danced to the music of rebetiko projecting a sort of simple, secure and “humanized” persona to their electorate.128 In 1984, the funeral of rebetiko celebrity Vassilis Tsitsanis was attended by the Prime Minister and the Minister of Culture.129 This sudden ascendancy of rebetiko to extreme popularity lasted from the mid-70s to the mid-80s. This period was characterized by composer Mikis Theodorakis as “rebetomania”.130 During that time, Theodorakis created the “movement for the Defense of Greek Songs” a movement that lobbied the PASOK government to stop the manipulation of Greek popular culture by local and foreign capitalists.131 Manos Hadjidakis, who had once drawn attention to the hidden qualities of the genre back in 1949, was now emphatically criticizing it, professing disgust at the cult of “classic” rebetiko musicians such as Markos Vamvakaris.132 The debate that had – before the Junta dictatorship – preoccupied the communist intellectuals about the political position, content and meaning of rebetiko resurfaced again. A number of them claimed that the rise of rebetiko during the mid-70s was part of an imperialist plot to discredit the communist Resistance and the Civil War133. They saw rebetiko as a music culture that is pure only when performed by the people and for the people and forever associated with communist ideals. On the other side, they were those that never felt any association whatsoever with rebetiko and now saw it as a mirror of the degenerate, parasitic capitalists of Athens and as an implement of Turco-American foreign

127 Yona Stamatis, “Rebetiko Nation: Hearing Pavlos Vassiliou's Alternative Greekness Through Rebetiko Song” (PhD diss., University of Michigan, 2011), 233. 128 Photos of Andreas Papandreou dancing on stage (Appendix C). 129 Karas Y, 1984 Xtizoun kai Gkremizoun, O politis 7: 37-39. 130 Mikis Theodorakis, Star System (Athens: Kaktos, 1984), 47. (in Greek) 131 Ibid, 148-149. 132 Elias Petropoulos, Rebetiko Songs (Athens: Kedros [1968] 1979), 279. (in Greek) 133 Dimitris Liatsos, Asia Minor Refugees and Rebetiko Songs (Piraeus: T. Rammou, 1982) 54. Gayraud 39 policy.134 The matter of who the rebetiko represented and of who deserved the political authority over its cultural value, was eventually extended beyond the communist circle and reached mainstream press as the socialists of PASOK had openly pledge their allegiance to rebetiko and claimed it as theirs. This multiplicity of claims led to a general misunderstanding of the exact identity of the “true” or “classic” rebetiko culture blurring even more the lines of what could be called rebetiko or not. As a result, in the beginning of the 80s there was a plethora of opinions published in newspaper headlines about whether or not “true” rebetiko had ceased to exist.135 Moreover, the creation, in the 80s, of new recreational places called “bouzouki clubs” that performed laiko136 attracted young people from various social backgrounds. Laiko had been around since the 50s, but during the modernized 80s and under the influence of PASOK popular culture promotion, it became widely known. By the end of the 80s the “bouzouki clubs” had become the most important centers of popular entertainment organizing various extravagant show productions every week and laiko surpassed rebetiko in popularity, as the latter ended up being performed only in specific taverns called “rebetadika”. A new face of public entertainment had surfaced. People were not gathering in seated venues to attend a music performance but they filled stadiums. Great public events were held more often attracting people in great numbers. This “craze” is demonstrated by events like the “party of Vouliagmeni” in 1983 that attracted more than 50000 people and was called “the Greek Woodstock” by the press137 and the two-day live concert by Giorgos Dalaras, a very popular singer that sung various Greek genres, in the OAKA stadium that attracted 160000 people combined138. By the beginning of the 90s the rebetiko of Tsitsanis and Vambakaris were no longer in vogue in the world of entertainment. The new stars of the nightclubs and the recording

134 Lazaros Arseniou, The Decadence in Greek Music (Athens and Larissa: Grigoropoulos, 1979), 31-32. (in Greek). 135 In newspaper “To Bima” (9 March 1980: 14) the headlines read “Now that rebetiko has died” (transl.). Three years later in the same newspaper were the lines “Easter with Rebetiko, by all and for all” (transl.), “To Bima” (3-9 April 1983: 9). 136 In Greek, laiko means “of the people”. It is thematically and melodically really close to rebetiko. For more on the difference between rebetiko and laiko see: Despoina Michael, “Tsitsanis and the Birth of the ‘New’ Laiko Tragoudi,” Modern Greek Studies 4 (1996): 55-96, https://openjournals.library.sydney.edu.au/index.php/MGST/article/viewFile/6545/7192. 137 See newspapers: Ta Nea issued on the 21st of July 1983 and the 26th of July 1983, and also To Bima issued on the 31st of July 1983. 138 See web article: http://www.dalaras.gr/160.000. Gayraud 40 industry were showier bouzouki-players and singers who favored a soporific mixture of “neo- rebetika”139 and light popular music.140

5.2 Cultural Policies under PASOK government in the 80s Melina Merkouri, a personal friend of composer Manos Hadjidakis and a popular figure in the Greek and European art world, was given the position of first Minister of Culture. Merkouri played an important role in the construction and promotion of a “progressive popular national patriotic identity” in contrast to the “conservative national bourgeois traditions” of the past.141 Merkouri also practiced distinctive cultural diplomacy based on her cosmopolitan social contacts with personages such as Indira Gandhi, Francois Mitterrand, and the Pope, and managed to launch projects, exhibitions, declarations, dealing successfully with the media promotion.142 She even brought – officially for the first time – to the attention of the British government the issue of the restitution of the Parthenon marbles, which became a matter of government cultural policy.143 This became a “National Issue” that all Greeks even to this day stand firmly in support of it. If PASOK used strategies to promote a new national identity and patriotism through culture these certainly included the recognition of – once again144 – the supremacy of the ancient Greek civilization and the need not only to preserve it but also to fight for its integrity and promote it as a national heritage. Amidst this cultural explosion of the 80s and the political embrace that reinforced it, various administrative and legislative changes were trying to “liberate” the state’s cultural institutions from their bureaucratic and conservative character. Not a lot of research is available concerning the cultural policies on music during the 80s-90s145. The most relevant research I was able to find was a paper written by Myrsini Zorba who summarizes this period in the following way:

139 Composer Dionisys Savvopoulos is the best example of the “neo-rebetika” genre. Savvopoulos mixed the old sounds of rebetiko with the new sounds of the West, like rock and pop music. 140 Gail Holst-Warhaft, “The Tame Sow and the Wild Boar Hybridization and the Rebetika,” 40. 141 Myrsini Zorba, “Conceptualizing Greek cultural policy: the non‐democratization of public culture,” 251. 142 Ibid, 253. 143 Yannis Hamilakis, “Stories from exile: fragments from the cultural biography of the Parthenon (or 'Elgin') Marbles,” World Archaeology 31, no.2, The Cultural biography of Objects (October 1999): 310, https://doi.org/10.1080/00438243.1999.9980448. 144 As seen in previous chapters, this discourse was used by different political bodies, democratic or not, since the beginning of the 20th Century. 145 For the academic research on Greek cultural policies see: Nicolas Demertzis, Nicos Souliotis, and George Markatas, “Cultural Analysis in Greece: In Search of a Cultural Sociology,” in Handbuch Kultursoziologie, eds. Moebius S., Nungesser F., Scherke K. (Wiesbaden: Springer VS, 2016), ; For rebetiko see page: 10-11, https://doi.org/10.1007/978-3-658-08000-6_14-1. Gayraud 41

With regard to social policy the ruptures of the socialist governments with the past were audacious, in cultural policy not only their discourse but their political projections and agenda stayed attached to a conservative matrix. The cultural policy was never embedded socially. It was not the social but the national that dictated the agenda: the patriotism of the left and the right, the love of antiquity of the left and the right, the elitism of the left and the right, contended with each other as two sides of the same coin. This distance between cultural politics and cultural policy was never bridged – and not only because of the political decision of the Ministry of Culture to remain within the narrower sense of cultural policy. […] Thus, cultural discourse remained attached to twin axes, the diptych of the continuity of ancient heritage with the national identity, and to the arts. I find that Zorba’s comments may have a rather negative and criticizing tone towards the socialists’ agenda, so I intent to demonstrate a more analytical frame of Greek socialist cultural policies in the 80s, in order to acquire a more holistic view on the matter. Efthalia Kalogeropoulos did a detailed analysis on the election pledges that PASOK made while campaigning for the 1981 election. They ended up winning these elections, gaining 48.1 % of the popular vote, with twenty one seats in the parliament.146 PASOK had drafted a manifesto with all its promises and political changes it sought to bring in Greek politics. Underneath in table 1a, Kalogeropoulos describes which pledges were implemented and which weren’t.

146 Efthalia Kalogeropoulou, “Election Promises and Government Performance in Greece: PASOK's Fulfilment of its 1981 Election Pledges,” European Journal of Political Research 17, no.3 (May 1989): 290, https://doi.org/10.1111/j.1475-6765.1989.tb00195.x. Gayraud 42

(Table 1: Degree of implementation of PASOK’s manifesto pledges)147

“Following the definition of pledges given above, 149 were found in the 1981 Manifesto (Table 1a). The bulk (21.5%) refer to the economy. The second largest categories relate to Democracy and the Socialist Programme (17.4% each). Education and Quality of life come next with 11.4% each. The section on Instruments of ‘Change’ (15.4%) is the next largest category, and refers to the transformation of the public sector. The section with least pledges is that relating to National Independence and National Defense (5.2%)”.148 From a total of 154 pledges that PASOK redeemed a total of 105 (70,5%) in terms of legislative, administrative or budgetary action. At a first look, the number of implemented pledges presented in Table 1 demonstrates that generally, PASOK effected most of the reforms it promised to make. The largest percentage of the economic sector is probably a result of the reallocation of funds in favor of public services as there was an increase of minimum wages and an increase in public employers and pensioners – the government employees alone numbered 320.000 in 1971, rose to 500.000 in 1981 and then to 700.000 in 1991.149 The next big categories are Democracy and Socialist Programme suggesting that because of the recent anti-democratic regime that was in power not a decade before, time,

147 Source: Ibid, 293. 148 Ibid, 293. 149 David H. Close, Greece Since 1945: Politics, Economy, and Society, 162-163. Gayraud 43 effort, and funds were needed to make the transition from right authoritarian to democratic socialist institutions. All the other categories were given other secondary priority. But Kalogeropoulos’s analysis goes even further allowing a closer look into the pledges concerning cultural policies. In the next table (Table 2), each pledge is categorized by the ministry it concerned and implementations are organized by parliamentary legislature (Law) or administrative measures, usually a decree (Other).

Gayraud 44

(Table 2: Methods of pledge implementation in each relevant ministry)150

As demonstrated in Table 2, focusing on the implemented pledges that concern the Ministry of Culture and Science which were in the Quality of Life section of the PASOK manifesto, 3 out of 3 were actually effected by parliamentary legislature. In a broader proportion encompassing all the implementations of all the ministries put together only 3 out of 105 amount to those made for the ministry of Culture and Science. So, 2.8 % of all implementations were enacted regarding both Culture and Science. These numbers provide us with an insight as to the prioritizing of implementations made by PASOK, and to the actual institutional attention given by the state to the cultural sector. Although this evidence is certainly not enough to make a dogmatic conclusion, it is suggesting that all the attention given to rebetiko and laiko cannot be justified in terms of institutionalized cultural policies made by the Ministry of Culture. It was perhaps not an initiative that was necessarily planed and designed by strictly institutionalized political means. Events like the foundation of museum-shrines of Tsitsanis151 and Vambakaris152 testify the intension of the institutional Greek cultural milieu to crystallize these important figures of rebetiko, turning them into emblems.

150 Source: Efthalia Kalogeropoulou, “Election Promises and Government Performance in Greece: PASOK's Fulfilment of its 1981 Election Pledges,” 300. 151 See newspaper: Ta Nea issued on the 19th of January 1985. 152 See newspaper: Ta Nea issued on the 13th of August 1991. Gayraud 45

6. CONCLUSION

Throughout the 20th century Greece saw a lot of conflict and underwent multiple social transformations. Political instability and social mobilization pushed Greek political actors during the 20th century to develop policies that defined which kind of art ought to be promulgated or even performed, depending on the “Greek-ness” of the aesthetics and of the content of the artistic material. Throughout my research there can be found consistent indication of the weakness of political regimes to find stability in the creation of national (ethnic) symbols. Greek authoritarian regimes of the 20th century structured their national narrative on memories and symbols of Byzantium and Ancient Greece. For them, rebetiko was a “foreign” influence because it referred to life in a Greek community while still having Ottoman melodies. They treated it as a threat to their national culture. Consequently, a cultural conflict occurred, in which, traditionalist visions of Greek nationalism had to legitimize their narrative and choose a certain past to conceptualize the Greek nation. The official documents that I presented in Chapter 2, banning rebetiko are a testimony of official institutional authority exerted through administrative procedures to suppress and deny the right to record and publish a specific musical expression. They show how non-democratic political means were involved in and used against the distribution and reproduction of music, in a way that rendered the shaping of national popular culture a tool for political campaigning. During the 60s the genre entered the realms of Western musical arrangements and with the help of composers like Mikis Theodorakis it acquired a more popular status. After the Junta, Theodorakis became an artistic leader, and engaged in various cultural activities extending into the Greek political arena. It seemed as though rebetiko survived the “purification of ‘Greek’ traditions” made by authoritarian states that claimed their national symbols by looking back on Ancient Greece and Byzantium. It also resisted adamant national plans such as the “Great Idea” or the “Third Greek Civilization” each time coming through more popular than before. Rebetiko rose to the status of a culturally traditional Greek music genre, through a process of “nationalization”. It evolved from the underground suburban slums of city-port Piraeus to become a widely popularized national genre that could be heard in high-class circles. In the 80s, PASOK’s politicians, due to their socialist ideology and their supposedly closeness with the people, were able to gain momentum posing as modernizers, rejecting the totalitarian and traditionalist past of the previous years. PASOK politicians were seen frequently in entertainment centers dancing rebetiko and embracing its culture. Other Gayraud 46 than that, it also seems that their means of shaping popular culture relied on the spread of new media, like television and the organization of big musical events in stadiums and concert venues. Overall, rebetiko reaffirmed its presence as a voice that either resisted or mourned, but also constantly resonated through the events of the 20th century no matter the efforts of different regimes to stir this “cultural ship” that was rebetiko, in their own direction. What this paper seems to suggest is that the music of rebetiko persevered perhaps because it represented an unstoppable nationalism “from below” imbedded in the sounds, themes and melodies of Greek society. In both of the cases I investigated – non-democratic regimes and democratic regimes – the main similarity that seems to surface is that governments, throughout the 20th century, sought to engage in influencing the distribution and representation of rebetiko through institutionalized means, especially because of its national character. It also seems that censorship is their main difference in trying to do so. Because I have explored the political means of influencing rebetiko between democratic and non-democratic regimes, one of the question that emerges after this comparison is: Should we associated censorship of popular culture only with authoritarian regimes? Or is it a more extreme manifestation of what could be a specific tendency by political entities, regardless if they are democratic or not, to shift national popular culture according to their interests? The presence or not and the dynamics of a correlation between the cultural policies, concerning not only rebetiko, of the post-1974 democratic era and those of the authoritarian regimes that preceded it, will show if the above questions are indeed worth pursuing. This has been an examination of how political bodies act vis-à-vis the cultural processes of nationalism, concerning only rebetiko. There are plenty of other genres that surfaced in Greece during the 20th century that could be put under the microscope. The use of just one study case such as this one, is a small contribution to a much broader research that seeks to shed light on these very intricate processes of music and nationalism, and the politics that lies behind them.

Gayraud 47

7. APPENDICES

Appendix A – Leftist newspaper article describing the bad habits of Hashish. Source: National Library of Greece. Digital archive: http://efimeris.nlg.gr/ns/main.html. Rizospastis, 15 December 1946

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Appendix B – Newspaper article discussing the influence of Rebetiko in Greek society and the Left. Source: National Library of Greece. Digital archive: http://efimeris.nlg.gr/ns/main.html. Rizospastis, 23 February 1947.

Gayraud 49

Appendix C – Source: http://www.athensmagazine.gr/article/retromania/286866-to-esxato- zempekiko-toy-andrea-papandreoy-video, 23 June 2017 (a), http://www.apodytiriakias.gr/politika/2015/10/12/otan-o-andreas-ekane-politiki-me-to- zeimpekiko.aspx, 13 October 2015 (b).

(a) Prime Minister Papandreou dancing rebetiko in a club. Gayraud 50

(b) Prime Minister Papandreou dancing Rebetiko in another club. Gayraud 51

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