For the study of Liberal, SDP and Issue 69 / Winter 2010–11 / £6.00 Liberal Democrat history

Journal of LiberalHI ST O R Y

The strange case of E.G. Hemmerde David Dutton The strange case of Edward Hemmerde Report The 2010 election in historical perspective John Curtice and Denis Kavanagh Willis Pickard The ‘member for Scotland’ Duncan McLaren and Liberal dominance in Scotland Leeds and the Liberal pantheon Leeds’ liberal heritage Natascha Zowislo-Grünewald and Franz Beitzinger Long-term trends in public opinion and the rise of the FDP The 2009 election Liberal Democrat History Group Riding the tiger The Liberal experience of coalition governments saturday 26 march 2011, lse,

A one-day seminar organised by the Archives Division of the London School of Economics, the British Liberal Political Studies Group and the Journal of Liberal History Saturday 26 March 2011 LSE, Wolfson Theatre, New Academic Building, Lincoln’s Inn Fields, London WC2 2AE

The distinguished psephologist Dr David Butler has pointed out that coalitions between unequal partners can turn out to be like the relationship between the tiger and the young lady of Riga. But they can also last and achieve success, despite Disraeli’s classic pronouncement that does not love them. The formation of the present government offers a timely opportunity to re-examine the Liberal experience of coalitions in 19th and 20th century British history.

Speakers include (titles of contributions may change): • Professor Vernon Bogdanor, Emeritus Fellow of Brasenose College, : ‘England does not love coalitions’ (Disraeli): an introduction to the Liberal experience of coalition politics • Dr Angus Hawkins, Oxford University: Whigs, and Liberals: coalition politics before 1886 • Dr Ian Cawood, Newman University College, Bir- mingham: The Liberal Unionists, 1886–1912 Understanding how the coalition • Dr Ian Packer, Lincoln University: The formation and fall of the wartime coalition of H H Asquith, is changing British politics 1915–1916 Friday 25 March 2011: LSE, London • Professor Kenneth O. Morgan: Coalition Liberals A conference jointly organised by the British 1918–1922: from coupon to National Liberal Liberal Political Studies Group and the • Professor David Dutton, Liverpool University: Conservatives and Conservatism specialist The Liberal Party and the National Government, groups of the Political Studies Association 1931–1940 • Dr Alun Wyburn-Powell, Leicester University: Papers on the current Conservative ± and coalitions – Liberal Democrat coalition will be • Sue Donnelly, Archives Division, LSE: Relevant given by leading political scientists papers in the Liberal Party archives at the British and historians, and there will also be a Library of Political & Economic Science roundtable discussion with Conservative and Liberal Democrat politicians The cost of the seminar will be £15, to include examining successes and failures of the refreshments at mid-morning and mid-afternoon. coalition from their perspective. Registrations open on Monday 17 January. To register, please contact: The price of attending the conference Archives Division, Library, London School of will be around £45, including lunch Economics and refreshments. To register, email 10 Portugal Street, London WC2A 2HD Professor Russell Deacon at rdeacon@ Tel: 020 7955 7221 uwic.ac.uk. Space is limited so please Email: [email protected] book early.

2 Journal of Liberal History 69 Winter 2010–11 Journal of Liberal History Issue 69: Winter 2010–11 The Journal of Liberal History is published quarterly by the Liberal Democrat History Group. ISSN 1479-9642 Liberal history news 4 Editor: Duncan Brack Roy Hattersley lectures at Aberytswyth; Community politics forty years on; Deputy Editor: Tom Kiehl Who killed the News Chronicle? Assistant Editor: Siobhan Vitelli Biographies Editor: Robert Ingham Reviews Editor: Dr Eugenio Biagini The strange case of Edward Hemmerde 6 Contributing Editors: Graham Lippiatt, Tony Little, David Dutton traces the story of the three-times MP, playwright and judge York Membery Edward Hemmerde (1871– 1948) Patrons Report: The 2010 election in historical 17 Dr Eugenio Biagini; Professor Michael Freeden; Professor John Vincent perspective with John Curtice, Denis Kavanagh and James Gurling; report by Editorial Board Dr Malcolm Baines; Dr Roy Douglas; Dr Barry Doyle; Liberal history quiz 2010 19 Dr David Dutton; Professor David Gowland; Professor The questions … Richard Grayson; Dr Michael Hart; Peter Hellyer; Ian Hunter; Dr J. Graham Jones; Tony Little; Professor Ian Machin; Dr Mark Pack; Dr Ian Packer; Dr John Powell; Ed The ‘member for Scotland’ 20 Randall; Jaime Reynolds; Dr Andrew Russell; Iain Sharpe Duncan McLaren (1800–86) and the Liberal dominance of Victorian Scotland; by Willis Pickard Editorial/Correspondence Contributions to the Journal – letters, articles, and Leeds and the Liberal pantheon 27 book reviews – are invited. The Journal is a refereed Michael Meadowcroft discovers Leeds’ Liberal history publication; all articles submitted will be reviewed. Contributions should be sent to: Long-term trends in public opinion and the rise 30 Duncan Brack (Editor) 38 Salford Road, London SW2 4BQ of the Free Democratic Party email: [email protected] Reflections on the 2009 parliamentary elections in Germany; byNatascha All articles copyright © Journal of Liberal History. Zowislo-Grünewald and Franz Beitzinger

Advertisements Liberal history quiz 2010 36 Full page £100; half page £60; quarter page £35. … and the answers Discounts available for repeat ads or offers to readers (e.g. discounted book prices). To place ads, please contact the Editor. Reviews 38 Cook, A Short History of the Liberal Party: The Road Back to Power, reviewed Subscriptions/Membership by Duncan Brack; Pincus, 1688: The First Modern Revolution, reviewed by Mark Pack; Brogan, Alexis de Tocqueville: Prophet of Democracy in the Age of An annual subscription to the Journal of Liberal History costs £20.00 (£12.50 unwaged rate). This includes Revolutions, reviewed by Sylvana Tomaselli; Hickson (ed.), The Political Thought membership of the History Group unless you inform of the Liberals and Liberal Democrats since 1945, reviewed by Peter Sloman; us otherwise. Non-UK subscribers should add £5.00. Field, The Kit-Cat Club: Friends who Imagined a Nation, reviewed by Mark Pack

The institutional rate is £50.00, which includes online access. As well as printed copies, online subscribers Letters to the Editor 45 are able to access online copies of current and all past James Bryce (Sandy S. Waugh); Liberals and the Left (Peter Hatton); The 2010 Journals. Online subscriptions are also available to election: missed opportunity (Martin Pugh); The Gower primary of 1905 individuals at £40.00. (Kenneth O. Morgan); Samuel Morton Peto and his relatives (Sandy S. Waugh) Cheques (payable to ‘Liberal Democrat History Group’) should be sent to:

Patrick Mitchell 6 Palfrey Place, London SW8 1PA; email: [email protected] Payment is also possible via our website, Liberal Democrat History Group www.liberalhistory.org.uk. The Liberal Democrat History Group promotes the discussion and research of topics relating to the histories of the Liberal Democrats, Liberal Party, and SDP, and of . The Cover design concept: Group organises discussion meetings and produces the Journal of Liberal History and other Published by the Liberal Democrat History Group, c/o occasional publications. 38 Salford Road, London SW2 4BQ For more information, including historical commentaries, details of publications, back issues Printed by Kall-Kwik, of the Journal, and archive and other research sources, see our website at: 18 Colville Road, London W3 8BL www.liberalhistory.org.uk. January 2011 Chair: Tony Little Honorary President: Lord Wallace of Saltaire

Journal of Liberal History 69 Winter 2010–11 3 Liberal history news winter 2010–11

Liberal history news is a new regular feature in the This was the title of his new Community politics forty Journal (except in special themed 700-page biography of Lloyd years on issues), reporting news of meet- George launched at the National t the Eastbourne Lib- ings, conferences, commemora- Liberal Club in London just eral Assembly in 1970, tions, dinners or any other events, a week earlier and published Acommunity politics was together with anything else of by Little, Brown. Mr Andrew officially endorsed as an integral contemporary interest to our Green, Librarian of the NLW, part of the strategy of the Liberal readers. Contributions are very took the chair at the lecture, and Party. Graham Lippiatt reports welcome; please keep them rea- the vote of thanks was delivered on a discussion on the topic held sonably concise, and accompany by Dr J. Graham Jones, Head of at the regional them, if possible, with photos. the Welsh Political Archive at conference. Email to the Editor on journal@ the Library. The theoretical foundation liberalhistory.org.uk This is the first substantial of community politics was that single-volume biography of Lloyd Liberals should assist people to George to be published since take and use power in their own Roy Hattersley lectures at Peter Rowland’s mammoth tome communities. The practical appli- Aberystwyth saw the light of day in 1975, and it cation was that Liberals would he Drwm at the National has been generally well received. produce community newsletters, Library of was packed During the course of his research report back on political activity, Ton the evening of Thursday and reading for the biography, work with individuals and com- 23 September 2010 when Lord the author had already spent a munity groups, collect petitions (Roy) Hattersley delivered a pub- period at the NLW in January and find out what people wanted lic lecture on the theme ‘Lloyd 2009 making widespread use in their locality through surveys George: the Great Outsider’. of the extensive Lloyd George and ‘grumble sheets’. This soon J. Graham Jones reports. archives and other relevant source led to success in local government materials in the custody of the elections, pioneered by activists Library. He had also quarried the like Sir Trevor Jones (‘Jones the Lloyd George Papers deposited at Vote’) in Liverpool, and laid the the Parliamentary Archive at the foundations for a revival of Lib- . eral fortunes in the aftermath of Lord Hattersley spoke fluently the poor performance of the 1970 without recourse to notes for general election. about forty minutes to an obvi- In 1980, The Theory and Practice ously enthralled audience which of Community Politics, written by clearly warmed to the speaker as Bernard Greaves and Gordon he eagerly related many captivat- Lishman, was published as an ing anecdotes about Lloyd George Association of Liberal Coun- and his family. His political career cillors campaign booklet. The and complex personal and fam- document made the philosophical ily life were well covered. Many principles on which community pertinent questions were asked at politics was based more widely the end, and several copies of the understood and became a Liberal book were then purchased in the handbook for local government Library shop. campaigning. The biography will be While community politics reviewed, by Tomy Greaves, in has been the jewel in the Liberal a future edition of the Journal of crown since 1970 it is always Liberal History. worthwhile revisiting the givens

4 Journal of Liberal History 69 Winter 2010–11 liberal history news in politics and to do so, a fringe Lord Rothermere, the owner A paper ‘that as Michael Foot put it, and was at discussion meeting was organised of the Daily Mail, and Laurence the forefront of the battle against at the West Midlands Liberal Cadbury, owner of the News shouldn’t fascism at home and abroad. Democrats regional conference Chronicle, expressed ‘regret’ at By 1960, though, the paper on 20 November at Church Stret- the passing of the paper (along have died’, was clearly one of the weaker ton in . The meeting with the Star, its London evening players in . But despite examined the background to the sister), reported the Mail. But in the words speculation about its future, the adoption of the community poli- ‘mounting costs and continued eventual demise of the Chronicle tics strategy and considered some losses’ had made it ‘impossible’ of the Ency- (and the Star) still came as a bolt of the present-day challenges to for the Chronicle to continue as ‘a from the blue, resulting in 3,500 community politics as a distinc- separate entity’, it claimed, before clopaedia of staff (including 300 journalists) tively Liberal approach. It was adding that Cadbury believed the the British being thrown out of work. There delivered in morning and after- two papers had ‘much in common was also anger among staff that noon sessions, chaired by Graham in the integrity of their reporting Press, met a Cadbury had sold out to the Daily Lippiatt, Secretary of the Liberal and honesty of their outlook’. Mail of all papers – the two were Democrat History Group, and Few were taken in by the sug- sad and sorry chalk and cheese politically. was addressed by Gordon Lish- ary words and ‘the brutal way Fifty years on, it still beggars man, joint author of The Theory in which it was done to death end, while belief that a newspaper with a and Practice of Community Politics remains one of the darkest chap- circulation of around 1.2 mil- and the person who both drafted ters in Fleet Street’s murky his- the Liberal lion – selling more than today’s the original motion at Eastbourne ,’ says Derek Jameson, , Guardian and Independent and summed up in the debate former Fleet Street editor. Just Party was combined – could disappear over- there. The full break-out rooms about every national carried an night. So who was to blame for its seemed to enjoy the mixture of obituary. said: ‘To deprived of demise? debate and nostalgia. write dispassionately about the Within days of Cadbury sell- death of friends is not easy.’ Even its last cheer- ing the News Chron to Rother- the Conservative-supporting mere for £2m, news emerged of Who killed the News Chronicle? was magnanimous, leader in the other possible suitors, including ifty years ago after the declaring: ‘Last night a fine news- Sir Christopher Chancellor, famous Liberal News paper died. Families grew up popular press chairman of Odhams (which FChronicle disappeared, York with the paper: it was their voice. owned the Daily Herald), and Membery reports on its fate. Now that voice is stilled.’ Lord Beaverbrook. But by then it Few national newspapers can Some titles were particularly was too late. The leading Liberal, have met so sad and sudden an critical about the News Chron’s , complained that end as the News Chronicle, which choice of ‘saviour’. The Daily Mir- at no time prior to the ‘merger’ ‘died’ fifty years ago, disappear- ror called it ‘a shotgun romance – had party leaders been told that ing overnight despite boasting a nuptial ceremony between Like the paper was likely to close. If it a circulation of over a million and Unlike, with Dis-like as the had, he claimed, ‘the necessary – more than many of today’s best man.’ But it was too late, and money would have been raised’ nationals. , the Liberal Party to save a paper which he and his On the morning of October leader, could only say hopefully: colleagues believed was ‘vital’ to 17, 1960 – ‘Black Monday’ as ‘I trust that the Daily Mail will the Liberal interest. it would become known – the maintain the high standards and Some have argued that the newspaper, Liberal at heart to the liberal outlook associated for so News Chron was killed off by end, appeared as normal. The long with the newspaper.’ the print unions and overstaff- paper had been losing circulation, The Liberal–leaning, if some- ing. Others blame the manage- and there was speculation about times Labour-supporting (it ment. The truth is that for all the its future. But staff turning up at backed Labour in 1945, 1950 and Cadbury family’s support over the its offices in Bouverie Street (off 1951 but called for a big Liberal years, by 1960 Laurence Cadbury Fleet Street) that day were sent vote in 1955 and 1959) News Chron seems to have lost the will to keep out on assignment as usual. As had an illustrious past. It was cre- it alive, ignoring every circula- darkness fell, though, fears for ated in 1930 out of the merger of tion-boosting suggestion. ‘He its future were brutally realised two Liberal-supporting papers, was never committed to the News when it was announced that the the Daily News (1846) – first edi- Chron in the way that an earlier paper had been ‘merged’ with tor: Charles Dickens – and the generation of Cadburys had the rival Daily Mail in a move Daily Chronicle (1855). The Daily been,’ said one former staffer. But that sent shock waves throughout News had been bought by George whether the Chron’s demise was Fleet Street and beyond. Cadbury (the Quaker choco- murder or suicide, the result was The following day the paper’s late–maker) in 1901 to campaign fatal – and a paper ‘that shouldn’t loyal readers were left wonder- for pensions and against sweated have died’, in the words of the ing what had happened when labour. Inheriting the Daily Encyclopaedia of the British Press, it failed to appear; the Mail’s News’ , the Chron made met a sad and sorry end, while new-look masthead made its its name in the 1930s when it the Liberal Party was deprived of fate clear, stating ‘Incorporat- assembled ‘one of the finest staffs its last cheerleader in the popular ing the News Chronicle’. Both known to modern journalism’, press.

Journal of Liberal History 69 Winter 2010–11 5 The Strange Case of Edward Hemmerde

E. G. Hemmerde was Liberal MP for East Denbighshire from 1906 to 1910, and for North-West from 1912 to 1918, and then Labour MP for Crewe from 1922 to 1924. His political career was dogged by controversy, both over the state of his finances and through his dedication to his other career – as a successful lawyer, who held the post of Recorder of Liverpool for four decades. David Dutton traces the strange story of Edward Hemmerde.

6 Journal of Liberal History 69 Winter 2010–11 The Strange Case of Edward Hemmerde

n 22 November was bound to cause, none the less parliamentary candidate for the 1910, in the midst of insisted that ‘we live in days of constituency. Now he had the the second general crisis and we want our best men privilege, ‘but certainly not the election campaign to lead our people where the fight pleasure’, of occupying the chair of that year, it was is most strenuous’.3 It was a dif- as Wrexham Liberals said their Oannounced in the press that E. G. ficult request to resist. good-byes to Hemmerde as their Hemmerde, the sitting Liberal Hemmerde had made his Member of Parliament and sent MP for East Denbighshire, would intentions known to a meeting him forth ‘to one of the biggest not, in fact, be defending his seat. of the East Denbighshire Lib- fights in the country’. Amidst As the political correspondent eral Party’s executive committee concerted cries of ‘for he’s a jolly of the Liverpool Daily Post noted, on 21 November. A resolution good fellow’, Hemmerde took his the decision had been taken in was hastily passed unanimously leave setting out for the railway deference to the urgent repre- expressing the committee’s station and an uncertain electoral sentations of the party’s Chief ‘deep regret’ at the prospect future in Portsmouth.4 Whip, the Master of Elibank, and of losing their candidate but at Yet this public display of local ‘members of the party even more the same time congratulating Liberal unity and comradeship in prominent’ that such a talented him on having been selected the face of the broader needs of campaigner should not be wasted for such an important mission. the national party bore little rela- in defending a safe seat.1 Instead, ‘We tender to Mr Hemmerde tion to the reality of Hemmerde’s in what was expected nationally our most cordial thanks for the chequered career as East Den- to be a close contest,2 Hemmerde great services which he has ren- bighshire’s MP, which had been would transfer his attention to dered to East Denbighshire, and mired in controversy and dispute Portsmouth, one of the Liberal wish him every good luck in his from the start. After unsuccess- Party’s key target seats, which courageous undertaking.’ That fully contesting Shrewsbury for was currently held by the Union- evening the news was broken the Liberals in the general elec- ist frontbencher Lord Charles to a meeting of the party faith- tion of January 1906, Hemmerde Beresford. The latter’s alleged ful and, two days later, a farewell shifted his attention to East Den- scaremongering about the dan- reception was held at the Drill bighshire only a few months later gers of invasion facing the coun- Hall, Wrexham, presided over when the sitting Liberal mem- try had made him a particular by Alderman Edward Hughes, ber, Samuel Moss, was obliged bête noire of the Liberal govern- chairman of the local Liberal Par- Edward to resign following his appoint- ment. Elibank, recognising the ty’s finance committee. Hughes Hemmerde ment as a county court judge. ‘ties of comradeship and friend- recalled that, four years earlier, (1871–1948) Even before his selection as can- ship’ that bound Hemmerde to it had been his privilege and as Recorder of didate for the division, Hem- the local Liberal Association, pleasure to preside over the first Liverpool and merde showed that he was not and acknowledging the incon- meeting which Hemmerde had leader of the going to impede his own career venience which his intervention held in Wrexham as prospective Northern Circuit aspirations by an over-scrupulous

Journal of Liberal History 69 Winter 2010–11 7 the strange case of edward hemmerde adherence to prevailing conven- constituency and elsewhere.8 To It was not that Hughes could use his influ- tions and norms. While the other the electors of East Denbigh- ence to avoid an actual contest. Liberal hopefuls, responding shire Hemmerde presented him- long before At thirty-seven he was about to the expressed wishes of local self as ‘an advanced democrat, in fifteen years younger than any party officials, refrained from sympathy with both Liberal and Hemmerde previous holder of this post, and holding any public meetings in Labour Parties and believing that friends confidently predicted that the constituency, Hemmerde was the Liberal Party can best serve showed he was now well placed to ‘break already ‘quite as active as though the nation’s interests by pressing other records’.13 But Hemmerde’s he were in the thick of the con- forward those reforms which the signs that his advancing legal career merely test’, arguing that the Liberal Labour Party demands, and has a served to bring to a head mount- Association had no right to issue right to demand’.9 To the pleasure responsibili- ing tensions in his relationship an edict banning such gather- of many of his new constituents ties as an MP with his constituency. Feeling ings.5 When the Liberal selection he also supported home rule for was growing among local Lib- process was reduced to a final Wales. would not be eral activists that Hemmerde was choice between two hopefuls, But it was not long before neglecting the routine, but nec- Hemmerde again caused surprise Hemmerde showed signs that allowed to essary, duties of a constituency by circulating an open letter to his responsibilities as an MP member. For his part, the MP, the constituency’s electors in would not be allowed to stand stand in the like many others with no great which he warned them not to ‘be in the way of his legal career. In wealth to fall back on, had a clear governed by Wrexham wirepull- August 1907 he went to Jamaica way of his (and strictly limited) percep- ers’.6 It was even reported as ‘an and, after being called to the Bar tion of what could be expected unpleasant rumour’ that, if not there, appeared in a series of cases legal career. of an unpaid MP who also had chosen as Liberal candidate, against insurance companies aris- to earn his living. He was, not Hemmerde intended to stand as ing out of a famous earthquake surprisingly, a declared advo- an independent Labour candi- fire. His letter at this time to cate of the payment of members date. In a constituency where Edward Hughes must have caused to make ‘Parliament open to all the retiring MP had presented the latter some concern: men regardless of their wealth’.14 himself, at the recent general A letter to Hughes in June 1908 election, under the terms of the I shall rely upon you to keep defined Hemmerde’s position MacDonald–Gladstone Pact of things turning in E[ast] with brutal clarity: 1903, as a joint Liberal–Labour D[enbighshire] while I am rak- nominee, such a prospect opened ing in the fees out here, and I foresee difficulties of the up the possibility of a Conserva- endeavouring to make a big gravest character unless you tive by-election victory on a reputation which may take me and my other friends will real- minority vote.7 In the event, with a long [way] towards being a ise what my position in London the backing of Edward Hughes, K. C.10 is. It is absolutely impossible for Hemmerde duly secured selec- me to leave my business in the tion and went on to defeat his Hemmerde won his cases and middle of a week and attend Conservative opponent. also successfully contended the meetings or Eisteddfods. I Notwithstanding the cir- Appeal case in the Privy Council, should be ruined if I did. I say cumstances of his selection, East as a result of which the companies this because there is a constant Denbighshire Liberals seemed to paid out about £700,000 in claims under current of dissatisfaction have good reason to congratulate and £75,000 in costs.11 The young at my not being present on this themselves on securing the serv- barrister could not conceal his joy: or that ceremonial or political ices of a talented parliamentary occasion … It is quite obvious representative, one who could I have had the most wonderful that you yourself have no idea look forward to a distinguished success: have smashed up the of the strain upon a busy bar- career. Born in Peckham in 1871 opposition at every point of the rister. You constantly suggest and educated at Winchester and game, have netted £3500 and my presence at functions which University College, Oxford, expect to double that before are nothing to do with serious where he took a first in Classi- May, have applied to the Lord political work.15 cal Moderations in 1892 before Chancellor for silk, and have graduating with a B.C.L. (Bach- generally covered myself with For the first time Hemmerde elor in Civil Law) in 1896, Hem- glory.12 even hinted that he might, with merde had already embarked regret, be forced to seek another upon a career at the bar. Intel- Hemmerde duly took silk in seat at the next election if attitudes lectual distinction was matched 1908 and, the following year, among local Liberal officials did by sporting prowess. Hemmerde became Recorder of Liverpool. It not change. excelled at cricket and football, was a surprise appointment, not For his part Edward Hughes threw the hammer against Cam- least because this office carried refused to accept Hemmerde’s bridge and won the Diamond a higher salary than any Recor- definition of what it was and was Sculls at Henley in 1900. Strik- dership outside London. It also not reasonable to expect of a con- ingly, in view of what would hap- necessitated his resubmission to stituency MP, especially when pen later, the press commented the voters of East Denbighshire this worked to the detriment of upon evidence of his readiness to in a further by-election – though the local party. The member’s address public meetings in this it is clear that he initially hoped reluctance to attend a temperance

8 Journal of Liberal History 69 Winter 2010–11 the strange case of edward hemmerde meeting in the constituency gave rise to a particularly heated exchange between the two men. There were, Hughes insisted, ‘strong undercurrents’ and Hem- merde’s ‘friends on the spot’ were fully alive to these and concerned about his interests. They ‘deem it best that you should be in the front on every possible occasion; and you must allow that they know what is best to be done for the purpose of securing your position’. If Hemmerde failed to attend, it was impossible to esti- mate the damage that might be done. It would be ‘equivalent to “chucking” the seat away’ and the fact that the leading Labour figure, , would be in attendance only served to underline the importance of the MP’s presence. ‘Welsh people who are so intensely interested in this matter can never be brought to agree that a Social Engagement should be placed in front of the claim of your constituency.’16 But Hemmerde could not be moved and he complained of the ‘lack of consideration’ with which he had been treated in this matter. The real reason for his absence, he insisted, was that a rest from the strain of public speaking and of long train journeys had become ‘absolutely imperative’. He refused categorically to represent East Denbighshire, or any other constituency, on the basis Hughes suggested. ‘I shall not be present,’ he concluded. ‘You can take this as definite and final.’17 By the autumn of 1909, as the country moved uneasily towards a constitutional crisis over the rejection of Lloyd George’s budget by the Conservative-dom- inated House of Lords, the pros- pect of another general election was in the air. Hemmerde viewed such a possibility without enthu- siasm. He was ‘so thoroughly tired out’ – presumably more as a result of his legal than his political work – ‘that I am quite prepared to retire’. Indeed, he would ‘rather retire than go once more round the constituency before Xmas’. He had, he asserted, the offer of E. G. Hemmerde, ‘several safe seats’. East Denbigh- depicted by ‘Spy’ shire would have to accept its MP (Leslie Ward) in on his terms or not at all: Vanity Fair, 19 May 1909; the I am sick of the talk of friction caption is ‘The in E[ast] D[enbighshire]. If they New Recorder’

Journal of Liberal History 69 Winter 2010–11 9 the strange case of edward hemmerde

are tired of me I will go. But negotiations failed to produce a In all the circumstances, and I decline to degrade myself to settlement, the government deter- notwithstanding fulsome pub- the level of the party hack who mined to introduce legislation lic expressions of regret, the MP hugs his constituency for dear to limit the powers of the upper and his local party were probably life, platitudinising with his chamber, a development which relieved that the Chief Whip’s friends. I think I am cut out necessitated a further general intervention afforded them the for better things and I shall act election before the end of 1910. It opportunity to end their trou- upon that belief.18 was against this background that bled relationship. Hughes’s cor- Hemmerde decided to accept the respondence with Hemmerde had In the event Hemmerde failed Chief Whip’s invitation to con- scarcely been restrained hitherto, even to appear in the constituency test the Conservative seat of Port- but if the need to maintain some until a matter of days before the smouth and sever his increasingly sort of working relationship had voters of East Denbighshire went strained links with the voters of previously imposed an element of to the polls. It seems that the MP East Denbighshire. discretion, this final parting of the was worried about the expense of At first it seemed that this ways allowed the two men to drop another contest, his fourth in four second general election of 1910 the last pretence of civility. The years, and intended, through his would witness one further latest cause of their antagonism absence, to lead by example as far round in the difficult partner- was, predictably, financial – the as the avoidance of expenditure ship between the MP and his payment for Hemmerde’s farewell was concerned: local party. In another angry gathering at the Drill Hall, Wrex- exchange of letters between ham. If, Hemmerde stressed, the I can only fight now on condi- Hemmerde and Hughes, the Executive of the East Denbigh- tion that economy is practised former denounced the ‘cruel shire Liberal Association had ‘the down to the smallest detail. and wicked’ charge that he had incredible meanness’ to ask him to Please protect me in every way. been ‘neglecting the Division’ pay these expenses, he would do I think that everything ought and pointed to ‘one long suc- so, but only on receipt of a signed to be done inside £500 and I cession of illness and domestic requisition from the executive cannot pay more. The election worry’ to explain his absence and officers. ‘I shall then know my must be conducted upon that his poor record in the House of friends in East Denbighshire.’ But understanding and all expenses In all the cir- Commons division lobby. Rec- for Hughes, personally, the retir- which cannot be brought ognising that ‘a good many’ in ing MP reserved his most barbed within this limit must be ruth- cumstances, the constituency would regard a invective: lessly cut off.19 serious breakdown in his health and notwith- as ‘God sent’, Hemmerde prom- Your hypocrisy which, after With the Liberal candidate standing ful- ised to give his critics ‘something you have heaped my wife and accepting speaking engagements serious to think about in the myself with a treachery which in neighbouring constituen- some public course of the next few weeks’.22 leaves Judas amongst the ‘also cies rather than his own, Hughes By this stage the MP’s smoulder- rans’, allows you to express an had, in practice, to lead the local expressions ing feud with Edward Hughes interest in our future happiness campaign himself. His pleas that was coming into the open for and prosperity, is to me simply Hemmerde should reorder his of regret, the the first time. Finally persuaded nauseating, and I desire to have priorities – ‘we find it absolutely to address an audience at Rhos- no further communication impossible to do the work within MP and his on-Sea, in early October, Hem- with you. For your own sake that time [seven days], and we merde could not hide his feelings I can only hope that the price ask that you will arrange to cut local party for the man who was chairing the of your treachery may in some out one of the Flintshire meet- meeting. As the local newspaper measure compensate you for ings’ – were in vain.20 Indeed, it were prob- reported, ‘a vulgar attack had the sacrifice of your honour.24 is a tribute to Hughes’s own elec- been made upon him, suggesting tioneering skills, and an indica- ably relieved that he had refused to subscribe Hughes, however, was not pre- tion, perhaps, that the voters were to propaganda work’. If there pared to allow Hemmerde the last not unduly troubled by having that the had been any misunderstanding, word and proved himself at least a largely absent MP, that Hem- ‘it had been Mr Hughes’s fault’. the MP’s equal in the matter of merde still managed to increase Chief Whip’s Hemmerde seized the opportu- personal invective: his majority over his Conservative nity to voice some of the griev- opponent.21 intervention ances, particularly financial, that The vulgar abuse, contained Nationally, the general elec- afforded had characterised his relation- in the concluding paragraph tion of January 1910 led to a near ship with East Denbighshire of your letter, is characteristic dead-heat between the Liberal them the ever since his first election. He of you and if you had added to and Conservative parties. But the ‘should not be one of the sub- your other charges the addi- conditional support of the Labour opportunity scribing Members of Parliament, tional accusation of my being and Irish Nationalist members and he should not be one of the a ‘Snob’ you would have cor- enabled Asquith’s government to to end their bazaar opening members’. He rectly portrayed the charac- remain in office and seek a reso- regarded the practice of trying to teristic features of your own lution of the constitutional crisis troubled turn members into ‘some sort of record during the period of occasioned by the Lords’ rejection relieving officer for the district’ your representation of East of the budget. When inter-party relationship. as ‘degrading’.23 Denbighshire, and accurately

10 Journal of Liberal History 69 Winter 2010–11 the strange case of edward hemmerde

outlined the reputation which the expectation that such a fig- Still under unsuccessful in his new constitu- accompanied you into the divi- ure could be persuaded to stand ency, there might yet be ‘implica- sion. Some of the best informed down should the need arise. forty years tions’ for East Denbighshire.29 In members of the party here Once again Hughes voiced his the event John’s formal adoption believed the reports then circu- objections, claimed the right of age, passed without difficulty and he lated about you. I cannot now to be nominated himself, and went on to defeat his Conservative but come to the conclusion that informed Hemmerde that he Hemmerde challenger in the general election their belief was well founded.25 would consider it a personal in December with a majority only affront if he suggested any other was keen slightly down from that secured Hughes, however, was not fin- name. Hughes, however, had no by Hemmerde in January.30 In the ished. Hemmerde, he suggested, real wish to embark upon a par- to return to meantime, Hemmerde failed to had not the remotest idea what liamentary career and, as soon the House unseat the sitting Conservative generosity, loyalty or gratitude as Hemmerde had announced member in Portsmouth.31 meant, while his ‘personal and his intention of contesting Port- of Commons Still under forty years of age, intimate acquaintance’ with smouth to the East Denbigh- Hemmerde was keen to return to meanness, hypocrisy and treach- shire Executive Committee, left as quickly as the House of Commons as quickly ery drove him to judge others for London by the first train the as possible, not least because he by his own standards. The MP’s following morning. After con- possible, not now nurtured ambitions of a min- record in East Denbighshire had ferring with Elibank, David isterial career. A by-election in been ‘the concentrated essence’ Lloyd George, Sir Herbert Rob- least because the safe Liberal seat of Keighley of his vices. His meanness was erts, the prospective chairman in Yorkshire in November 1911 ‘proverbial’ while his snobbery of the , and he now was of obvious interest. The Chief left Pecksniff26 among the also the majority of the other Welsh Whip, however, had other plans rans. ‘That snobbishness which members, Hughes managed to nurtured and, ‘in view of possible changes caused the constant reiteration of secure the services of Edward in the government’, was keen to the alleged fact that you went to Thomas John, the director of a ambitions of secure the early return to par- the same school as the Duke of smelting and mining company liament of Stanley Buckmaster, Marlborough is only equaled [sic] and a committed Welsh nation- a ministerial who had narrowly lost his Cam- by the nauseating conceit which alist. Returning to Wrexham, bridge seat in December 1910. prompted you to state that Mr Hughes then persuaded the local career. Hemmerde’s reaction echoed the Lloyd George did not welcome executive to submit John’s name, outraged indignation that had so you into the Welsh party because and his alone, to the Liberal often characterised his exchanges he was jealous of your platform ‘Thousand’ for formal adoption. with Edward Hughes: ability.’ In sum, Realising that he had been outwitted, Hemmerde addressed I cannot tell you how amazed I You have used East Denbigh- a public meeting at which he am to see that the Government shire for your own ends and tried to convey the impression are attempting to get Buck- would continue to do so if you that no replacement candidate master adopted for Keighley. had your own way. In your let- had been found to succeed him It is difficult to speak or write ter to me of 12 November last, and suggesting that the working- coolly of so scandalous a breach the interest of the people of the men of East Denbighshire could of faith … The matter is aggra- division did not enter into the find a suitable nominee from vated by the fact that in my calculation, all you thought among their own number. Ironi- absence from the House it is of was ‘self’ (to use your own cally, in view of what had already clearly the intention of the gov- words).27 passed in private, Hemmerde ernment to make Buckmaster even seemed ready to offer finan- Solicitor-General when Rufus In between abusing one cial support: Isaacs is promoted. He is not another, Hughes and Hemmerde only to be given a seat which had to give urgent attention to There were men in East Den- was promised to me, but solely the forthcoming election. The bighshire who would be a for the reason that I am tempo- latter’s first intention had been greater credit to the Brit- rarily out of the House he is to to allow himself to be nomi- ish House of Commons than be preferred to me for an office nated for both East Denbighshire half the people who might be which my services to the party and Portsmouth so that, in the invited from outside because give me a greater claim to than event of failure in his new con- they could afford to fight. Let do his.32 stituency, he would still have them try and find some young the opportunity of returning to Lloyd George and let him (Mr Hemmerde’s suspicions were in parliament. If successful in Port- Hemmerde) know if it was a due course confirmed. Buckmas- smouth, however, he would leave question of money, he would ter was returned for Keighley and, the other division ‘to work out see what he could do.28 in October 1913, when the Attor- its own salvation as best it could’. ney-General, Sir Rufus Isaacs, Hughes opposed this suggestion Several local party leaders left was appointed Lord Chief Justice from the outset, so Hemmerde the platform on hearing Hem- to be replaced by Sir John Simon, next suggested that a replace- merde’s words, while Hughes Buckmaster duly joined the gov- ment candidate should be nomi- himself received a veiled threat ernment in Simon’s old position of nated by himself, presumably in that, if Hemmerde should prove Solicitor-General.33

Journal of Liberal History 69 Winter 2010–11 11 the strange case of edward hemmerde

But it was not only competi- Such men believed that the pro- triumph, not for Home Rule, tion from fellow Liberal lawyers ceeds of the land tax would even- Disestablishment, or Insur- with which Hemmerde had to tually permit all other taxes to be ance, but as a proof that Lloyd contend. One man at least was abolished. George’s recent excursion into determined to do his best to pre- Disappointed by the land tax bucolic problems, is the only vent Hemmerde’s return to the provisions in Lloyd George’s cel- method of retaining the shires. Commons – and that was Edward ebrated 1909 budget, the Sin- A minimum wage of twenty Hughes. Hearing that the former’s gle Taxers determined to take shillings a week for agricul- name was being considered for their campaign to the people and tural labourers, and the further a vacancy in , attempted to make the taxation promise that the towns shall Hughes made confidential contact of land values the central issue pay for the country – these are with the local party chairman. of a number of by-elections in the implied results of the recent ‘Although I was in large measure 1912. According to A. C. Murray, policy – to be embodied no responsible for securing Mr Hem- brother of the Chief Whip, doubt in a budget of 1913 con- merde’s adoption here in 1906’, he trived to re-establish falling admitted, ‘I should certainly not the group is running for all it is Radical credit as was the case support him had I a vote in your worth an extreme land policy, with the Finance bill of 1909.40 division.’ Hughes warned that, if which in effect, although they he were not adopted, Hemmerde deny it, amounts to a single In the event, Hemmerde proved might still run as an independ- tax on land values. The mem- less troublesome as a member of ent candidate. If he did, ‘please bers of the group are becoming Lloyd George’s committee than let me know and I will arrange more arrogant every day, one many, including the Chancel- for a strong contingent of Liberal of them having the audacity lor, had anticipated. ‘Hemmerde leaders from East Denbighshire to to say that there was no place whom we all dreaded was spe- come down to speak against him, in the Liberal Party for any- cially helpful’, reported Lloyd including the Chairman of our one who did not accept their George in September 1913. Executive Committee and myself policy.38 ‘That is what comes of [?meet- as Chairman of the Finance ing] troubles in advance.’41 The Committee’.34 In the most famous of the by-elec- reason for the MP’s moderation Notwithstanding Hem- tions at Hanley in the Potteries in must remain a matter of specula- merde’s disappointment, Keigh- July, the advanced radical, R. L. tion. Quite possibly, his continu- ley was not in fact an ideal seat Outhwaite, with Hemmerde fig- ing hopes of a ministerial career from his point of view. There uring prominently in his cam- necessitated a cautious approach was no Lib-Lab agreement in the paign, captured a seat which had to avoid alienating those upon constituency and the local Liberal previously been held by the Lib- whom his future advancement party was dominated by ‘a group Lab MP, Enoch Edwards. Two would depend. In addition, which had little sympathy for the months earlier, however, Hem- Hemmerde’s determination aspirations of the working class merde himself had stood as Lib- to continue to pursue his legal and which regarded the social- eral candidate in North-West career made him an irregular ists as naïve dreamers and trou- Norfolk. This agricultural con- contributor to the committee’s blemakers’.35 Hemmerde’s claims stituency was already held by the deliberations. This in turn was for consideration in a more radi- party, but the position was by no probably linked to his ongoing cal constituency were given a means secure and Hemmerde’s financial problems which had boost by his emergence as one of success in retaining the seat was in no sense been limited to dis- the leaders of the so-called Sin- widely attributed to ‘a campaign putes over the financing of his gle Tax movement.36 Followers of robust Liberalism, on the lines former constituency party in East of the American theorist Henry of land reform’.39 Hemmerde’s Denbighshire. In 1909, injudi- George, land taxers believed that The reactions to this result by cious speculation on the stock the individual ownership of land the leadership of the two main success in market left Hemmerde facing was a fundamental evil. As land parties are instructive. The Chan- the prospect of bankruptcy and was essential to the creation of cellor, Lloyd George, who had retaining disqualification from the Com- all other forms of wealth, and sent Hemmerde an enthusias- mons.42 His career was saved existed for the benefit of all, the tic letter of endorsement on the the seat only when the celebrated char- solution was to impose a tax on eve of the poll, promptly set up a latan, Horatio Bottomley, then the unimproved value of land. Land Enquiry and invited Hem- was widely Liberal MP for South Hackney, While land taxes were widely merde to become a member of organised a round-robin collec- seen as a ‘mildly progressive way it. Meanwhile, the Conservative attributed to tion of £10,000 among his fellow to redistribute land-owners’ Chief Whip pondered the elec- ‘a campaign MPs.43 Interestingly, in Decem- wealth’,37 a group of so-called toral implications of Hemmerde’s ber 1908 Bottomley and three Single Taxers had emerged in victory: of robust Lib- associates had been summoned the 1906 parliament, originally for trial on a charge of conspir- led by figures such as Alexander I do not like the Norfolk by- eralism, on acy to defraud the sharehold- Ure, Solicitor-General and later election. It is true we have ers of the Joint Stock Trust and Lord Advocate for Scotland, and reduced the Radical majority the lines of Financial Corporation. While Charles Trevelyan, MP for Elland by fifty per cent, but the Radi- Bottomley defended himself, in the West Riding of Yorkshire. cal victory will be treated as a land reform’. Hemmerde appeared on behalf

12 Journal of Liberal History 69 Winter 2010–11 the strange case of edward hemmerde

East Denbighshire by-election Hemmerde was speaking in the of 1909, necessitated by Hem- Commons in December 1917 merde’s appointment as Recorder in favour of the fair treatment of of Liverpool. A relationship of Germany when his chambers in financial dependence soon devel- the Inner Temple were bombed. oped. As Neilson later recorded: Hemmerde was thus an inevi- table ally of Herbert Asquith in When he was accepted by the the deepening split which char- [North-West Norfolk] Liberal acterised Liberal politics after Committee, I took my family December 1916. But self-interest to Hunstanton and remained in was never far from his mind and, the division during the whole with Lloyd George clearly hold- contest. Also, from my own ing most of the cards, Hemmerde purse, I paid the expenses of suddenly reversed his position several well-known speakers. It and voted with the coalition gov- was a difficult job I undertook, ernment in the crucial Maurice for, ever since Hemmerde had Debate of May 1918. When he claimed half authorship and was included in the select group half fees in the plays, my wife of Liberal MPs invited to Down- and children regarded him as ‘a ing Street on 12 November, it very unpleasant person’.46 seemed that his reward would be the granting of the ‘coupon’ in After the war, by which time the general election that autumn. Neilson had settled in the United To his dismay, however, this let- States after a brief career as MP ter of endorsement, and the prob- for Hyde (1910–1916), Hemmerde ability of electoral success which began to spread the rumour that it entailed, was given to Hem- his own financial difficulties merde’s Conservative opponent. resulted from Neilson’s failure to Angrily, he withdrew from the repay money owed. In 1921 Neil- contest and subsequently cam- son’s wife received ‘a long letter paigned actively for the Labour which she regarded as a threat, candidate.50 By 1920 Hemmerde, if not something bordering on like many of the pre-war land of the accused company auditor, Francis Neilson blackmail’.47 Neilson found the taxers and, ironically, also E. T. Dalton Easum.44 (1867–1961), whole affair ‘most distressing’ but, John, his successor in East Den- Hemmerde, however, was Hemmerde’s out of respect for Hemmerde’s bighshire, had joined the Labour nothing if not talented and co-author of ‘A wife (whom Hemmerde divorced Party. In the general election of resourceful. Beyond politics and Butterfly on the in 1922) and their children, 1922 he was successfully returned the law he sought a third career, Wheel’ decided not to follow his solici- for the Crewe division of Chesh- and possibly financial security, tors’ advice to take his complaint ire, where he defeated the sitting as a playwright, under the pseu- to the courts. ‘I now realise’, he Coalition Liberal member by just donym of Edward Denby. His wrote in his memoirs published 555 votes. biggest success came with ‘The in 1953, and therefore after Hem- Hemmerde’s political conver- Butterfly on the Wheel’, writ- merde’s death, ‘that this was prob- sion, coupled with his re-election ten in conjunction with a fellow ably the reason why some of my to parliament, breathed new life Liberal MP, Francis Neilson. In former friends believed Hem- into his continuing hopes of a practice, Hemmerde’s contribu- merde’s claim was just.’48 ministerial career. On the one tion was extremely limited. The In the meantime Hemmerde hand the Labour party’s for- third act was set in the divorce had had to confront further crises tunes were clearly in the ascend- court and for this the barrister in his political career. As with so ant, largely at the expense of the made ‘a few technical changes’. many of his Liberal colleagues, declining Liberals. More spe- Otherwise the play was Neilson’s his prospects were transformed cifically, as Labour moved ever work. This, however, did not by the impact of the First World closer to forming a government, prevent Hemmerde from taking War. His radical credentials made the question was bound to arise half the resulting royalties and him inherently suspicious of the of the filling of key special- insisting that all monies should drift to all-out war, particularly ised offices. The ‘scarcity value’ be placed in one account.45 after the one-time champion of of professional lawyers on the The play was first produced in Liberal radicalism, David Lloyd Labour benches ‘meant that they 1911 and enjoyed a West End George, had taken up this cause achieved office relatively easily’, revival a decade later. The two in coalition with the Tory enemy. opening up tantalising opportu- authors had met at the begin- But, at the same time, Hem- nities for one whom The Times ning of the century and Neilson merde distanced himself from described as ‘one of the shining offered considerable financial Lord Lansdowne’s call for a peace legal lights of the Labour Party’.51 support to Hemmerde’s early without victors or vanquished.49 Hemmerde’s opportunity came political career, including man- He wanted an allied victory, but when Baldwin called a surprise aging his interests during the a just one. Ironically, indeed, general election in December

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1923. Though the Conservatives post of Solicitor-General. Never withdrawing from many of the remained the largest single party one to keep his feelings to him- constituencies they had contested at Westminster, Labour, support- self, Hemmerde made his bitter a year earlier, Hemmerde faced a ing free trade, emerged as the disappointment with Ramsay straight fight with his Conserva- victors from an election fought MacDonald’s selections public.54 tive opponent, Ernest Craig. As specifically on the issue of tariffs. Once again, his private financial Crewe Liberals prepared to meet In Crewe Hemmerde increased problems may have been the cru- to decide what advice to give to his majority to nearly 6,000. The cial factor. In March 1921 Hem- their supporters in the constitu- Labour vote held up well, but merde had been the defendant in ency, a figure from Hemmerde’s the intervention this time of a an action for the recovery of a debt past re-emerged in an attempt to Tory candidate forced the Liberal dating from 1910 of £1,000 with deliver the coup de grâce. Writ- into third place. Hemmerde was interest at 7 per cent. Faced with ing now as the Chairman of the clearly optimistic about receiving this difficulty, he attempted to Wrexham and East Denbigh- office in the new government, exploit a legal loophole by plead- shire Liberal Association, Edward not least because Henry Slesser, ing that the debt was effectively Hughes contacted his opposite one of the few Labour lawyers cancelled by the Statute of Limita- number in Crewe. ‘I do hope’, who could claim a long-standing tions, but the ruling of the court he declared, that Crewe Liberals association with the party, failed went against him. Hemmerde would decide to vote for Craig: to secure election in Leeds Cen- appealed and won, but the House tral, a result that was perhaps not of Lords later upheld the original Mr Hemmerde was the Lib- surprising granted the candidate’s judgement.55 The resulting bad eral member for this Division declaration that he was not a publicity may have been in Mac- at one time. I am sending you socialist as that term was gener- Donald’s mind when making his a copy of a letter which will ally understood.52 A rumour even ministerial appointments in Janu- explain why he left Denbigh- circulated that Hemmerde might ary 1924, especially as the Labour shire. I think you will agree be given a peerage and become prime minister’s relationship with that this does not do him any .53 Slesser was relatively cool. credit. It was SELF and noth- In the event, Lord Haldane Hemmerde’s political career ing else. became Lord Chancellor, the never recovered from this set- senior law office, the Attorney- The opening back. The minority Labour gov- Hughes then turned to Hem- Generalship, went to Patrick ceremony for the ernment survived for only ten merde’s debts, citing a figure of Hastings, like Hemmerde a recent Mersey Tunnel months, its collapse partly a func- £56,000: convert from the Liberal ranks, in July 1934, tion of Hastings’s mishandling of while Slesser, notwithstanding his which caused the celebrated Campbell Case. I enclose you an extract from lack of a parliamentary seat, was Hemmerde such In the ensuing general election, the Gazette, from this you quickly made a KC and given the concern with the cash-strapped Liberals will note that the prospect

14 Journal of Liberal History 69 Winter 2010–11 the strange case of edward hemmerde

of his being able to pay his publicity for their cause. When ‘As a young have asked them not to prom- creditors will depend upon the accused appeared in court ulgate any decision they arrive the Russian [Bolshevik] Gov- it was noted that ‘the heads of man he at before the Armistice cere- ernment paying the debts of a number … were swathed in mony on the 11th [November].62 the former Russian [Tsarist] bandages’ and Hemmerde criti- promised Government.56 cised the police for their ‘unnec- In the event, the matter was essary violence’ and expressed more than referred back to the city authori- This was tantamount to assert- the hope that this was not typical ties and a report by the Town ing that Hemmerde’s debts would of the way the police behaved on he was ever Clerk on the whole dispute, sub- remain unpaid. Beaten by more such occasions.59 mitted to the City Council in than 3,600 votes, Hemmerde now This simmering quarrel able to June 1935, predictably found in abandoned further political ambi- dragged on for more than a dec- perform … the Corporation’s favour. tions to concentrate on his legal ade, with Hemmerde expressing In all the circumstances, it was career in Liverpool. himself as forcefully as he had ever But he was perhaps surprising that Hem- Granted the dignity of the done in his political career. ‘I have merde held on to the Recor- office of Recorder, it might have for the most part’, he somewhat always too dership of Liverpool for almost been expected that Hemmerde’s disingenuously suggested, four decades, though the steady fortunes would now be less mired sensitive and progress of the Labour Party in controversy than they had been refrained from making any within the city in the last years of in his time as a politician. Yet protest against the petty indig- too ready his life no doubt eased his posi- the reverse was the case. Unlike nities and impertinencies tion. He died in post on 24 May many other industrial cities where which I have come to regard to complain 1948 after suffering a heart attack. Labour made rapid advance, Liv- as merely the characteristic Hemmerde had never ceased to erpool remained under solid method by which the domi- and men who practise at the Bar and ‘though Conservative control during the nant political party in Liver- at one time it seemed as if he had inter-war period. Hemmerde pool thinks it decent to express were far infe- been entirely eclipsed by younger believed that his problems began its abhorrence of political free- men, he, in the end, found his as soon as he changed his political dom of thought.60 rior to him in practice increasing rather than allegiance. As he later recalled: diminishing’.63 Nonetheless, it In truth, Hemmerde remained talent have seems that the wealth which he Since I joined the Labour Party obsessed, as he always had been, craved never came his way. Hem- in 1920 I have never been with his supposed station in life. often been merde left effects valued at just invited to any civic function, The young MP who would not more popu- £402 and died intestate. For all except the Lord Mayor’s dinner waste his time opening bazaars in his shortcomings, he was not to the Judges. I was not even his constituency had transmogri- lar and more without merits, particularly in the invited to the opening of the fied into the middle-aged law- courts. As a judge, suggested Pro- Cathedral. Before 1920 I had yer who refused to attend civic successful.’ fessor Lyon Blease, always been invited to take the functions if he was not accorded Recorder’s appropriate place at his rightful place in the proceed- he was imaginative and all civic functions.57 ings. Matters came to a head humane. He was patient, cour- when Hemmerde objected to the teous and dignified. He never It amounted, Hemmerde argued, order of precedence drawn up for forgot that the criminals who to a ceremonial and professional the formal opening of the Mer- came before him were human boycott at the hands of the Liver- sey Tunnel by King George and beings, capable of redemption, pool Corporation. A further fac- Queen Mary in July 1934. When and he did his duty fearlessly tor, he believed, was his refusal to Hemmerde appealed to the Home and in accordance with his toe an establishment line within Secretary, Liverpool’s Tory gran- conscience. He had his faults, the courts. It was, Hemmerde dees, fearful of the possible impact but he never let even his faults noted with scarcely veiled sar- of public controversy upon their get him down.64 casm, no doubt a coincidence that performance in the forthcoming the Corporation had withdrawn municipal elections, turned to But the same commentator also all legal work from him imme- the veteran Conservative wire- offered a perceptive assessment of diately after he had appeared for puller, Lord , for support.61 the faults which had held Hem- certain Sinn Fein defendants at That wily operator had the expe- merde back, particularly in his the Liverpool assizes. When the rience of many decades of politi- political career, and which will Town Clerk insisted that the cal manoeuvring upon which to serve as an appropriate conclusion Corporation ‘had no intention draw: to this essay: whatever of offering any insult or offence of any kind’ to the I think it would be very dif- As a young man he promised Recorder or his office, Hem- ficult for me to ask the Home more than he was ever able to merde simply replied, ‘I do not Office to postpone the deci- perform … But he was always believe it’.58 Further controversy sion about Hemmerde on the too sensitive and too ready to arose following a case in 1921 ground of political advantage complain and men who were when a group of unemployed in the election, but what I have far inferior to him in talent protesters tried to occupy the done is practically the same have often been more popular city’s Walker Art Gallery to gain thing, and is quite in order. I and more successful … He did

Journal of Liberal History 69 Winter 2010–11 15 the strange case of edward hemmerde

not deserve the censure 18 Ibid., DD/G/2514, Hemmerde by-election of April 1909, the 47 Ibid. which was passed upon to Hughes, 19 October 1909. Liverpool Daily Post noted that 48 Ibid., p. 65. him, but members of the 19 Ibid., DD/G/2514, Hemmerde Hemmerde was ‘a strong advo- 49 E. David, ‘The Liberal Party Bar and Members of Par- to Hughes, 27 December 1909. cate of the taxation of land val- Divided 1916–1918’, Historical liament must be above 20 Ibid., DD/G/2514, Hughes ues’. It judged that when the Journal, 13 (1970), p. 513. suspicion and both his to Hemmerde, 31 December MP had said that his return 50 T. Wilson, The Downfall of the forensic and his political 1909. would send a message to the Liberal Party 1914–1935 (Lon- careers suffered from what 21 The full result was: E. G. Hem- government, he had in mind don, 1966), pp. 145–6. was more his misfortune merde (Lib.) 6,865; D. Rhys ‘mainly the taxation of land 51 D. Howell, MacDonald’s Party: than his fault … But with (Con.) 3,321. values’. Liverpool Daily Post, 4 Labour Identities and Crisis 1922– all this incapacity to bear 22 Glyndwr MSS, DD/G/2514, April 1909. 1931 (Oxford, 2002), p. 323; The grievances with dignity, Hemmerde to Hughes, 26 Sep- 37 P. Mulvey, ‘ Times, 30 November 1923. Hemmerde had something tember 1910. Foundation’, in D. Brack and 52 J. M. Bellamy and J. Saville heroic about him.65 23 Wrexham Advertiser, 8 October E. Randall (eds.), Dictionary of (eds.), Dictionary of Labour Biog- 1910. Liberal Thought (London, 2007), raphy, vol. ix (Basingstoke, 24 Glyndwr MSS, DD/G/2514, p. 163. 1993), p. 260. David Dutton retired recently Hemmerde to Hughes, 27 38 Murray diary, 19 July 1912, 53 The Times, 9 January 1924. from the Chair of December 1910. cited in H. V. Emy, ‘The Land 54 Ibid., 23 January 1924; H. Modern History at the University 25 Glyndwr MSS, DD/G/2514, Campaign: Lloyd George as Slesser, Judgment Reserved (Lon- of Liverpool. He contributes regu- Hughes to Hemmerde, 7 Janu- a Social Reformer 1909–14’, don, 1941), p. 93. larly to the Journal of Liberal ary 1911. in A. J. P. Taylor (ed.), Lloyd 55 Liverpool Daily Post, 25 May History. 26 The archetypal hypocrite in George: Twelve Essays (Lon- 1948; The Times, 19 March 1921 Dickens’s Martin Chuzzlewit. don, 1971), p. 48. P. Mulvey, and 14 June 1921. 1 Liverpool Daily Post, 22 Novem- 27 Glyndwr MSS, DD/G/2514, ‘Radicalism’s Last Gasp? The 56 Glyndwr MSS, DD/G/2526, ber 1910. Hughes to Hemmerde, 7 Janu- British Liberal Party and the Hughes to B. W. Furber, 24 2 The general election of January ary 1911. Taxation of Land Values, 1906– October 1924. 1910 had left the Liberals hold- 28 Wrexham Advertiser, 26 Novem- 1914’, www.schalkenbach.org/ 57 Liverpool Record Office, ing 275 seats to the Conserva- ber 1910. scholars-forum, p. 11. Council Proceedings 1934–5, tives’ 273. 29 Ibid., DD/G/2527, Hughes to 39 R. Douglas, Land, People and H352 COU, report by Town 3 Denbighshire Record Office, Sir Herbert Roberts, 30 Janu- Politics: A History of the Land Clerk on dispute between Glyndwr MSS, DD/G/2527, ary 1911. Question in the Hemmerde and City Council, Elibank to R. A. Jones, chair- 30 The full result was: E. T. John 1878–1952 (London, 1976), p. Hemmerde to H. Miller (Lord man East Denbighshire Lib- (Lib.) 6,449; A. Hood (Cons.) 156; I. Packer, Lloyd George, Mayor), 30 October 1929. eral Association, 21 November 3,186. Liberalism and the Land: The 58 Ibid., Hemmerde to W. Moon 1910. 31 The full result in this two- Land League and Party Politics (Town Clerk), 8 September 4 Wrexham Advertiser, 26 Novem- member constituency was: in England, 1906–1914 (Wood- 1924. ber 1910. Lord Charles Beresford bridge, 2001), p. 81. 59 Liverpool Echo, 13 September 5 Glyndwr MSS, DD/G/1492, (Unionist) 15,125; B. Falls 40 J. Vincent (ed.), The Crawford 1921. unidentified press cutting 14 (Unionist) 14,856; E. G. Hem- Papers (Manchester, 1984), p. 60 Liverpool Council Proceedings July 1906. merde (Lib.) 13,146; H. Harben 276. 1934–5, H352 COU, report by 6 Liverpool Daily Post, 26 July (Lib.) 13,013. 41 K. O. Morgan (ed.), Lloyd Town Clerk, Hemmerde to H. 1906. 32 R. F. V. Heuston, Lives of the George: Family Letters 1885–1936 Miller, 31 October 1929. 7 Glyndwr MSS, DD/G/1492, Lord Chancellors 1885–1940 (London, 1973), p. 165. 61 Liverpool Record Office, undated press cutting. (Oxford, 1964), p. 259. 42 Packer, Lloyd George, Liberalism Derby MSS, 920 DER (17) 8 Liverpool Daily Post, 27 July 33 Precisely this pattern of events and the Land, p. 97. 6/33, T. White to Derby, 23 1906. was predicted in the local press 43 R. S. Churchill, Winston S. October 1934. 9 Glyndwr MSS, DD/G/1492, at the time of the Keighley by- Churchill, vol. 2, companion 62 Ibid., Derby to White, 24 1906 by-election address. election in 1911. Keighley News, part 2 (London, 1969), p. 917. October 1934. 10 Ibid., DD/G/2514, Hemmerde 21 October 1911. When Bottomley himself was 63 The Liverpolitan, vol. xiii, no. 6 to Hughes, 27 August 1907. 34 Glyndwr MSS, DD/G/2527, jailed for fraud in June 1922, (June 1948). 11 Vanity Fair, 19 May 1909. Hughes to J. Cooksey, 6 Febru- the only question was why he 64 Ibid. 12 Glyndwr MSS, DD/G/2514, ary 1911. Later in the year the had acted with impunity for 65 Ibid. Hemmerde to Hughes, 27 efforts of the Whips’ Office to so long. G. R. Searle, Corrup- December 1907. ensure Hemmerde’s selection tion in British Politics 1895–1930 13 Vanity Fair, 19 May 1909. for a by-election in Oldham (Oxford, 1987), p. 338. 14 Westminster Gazette, 16 March were thwarted by the resistance 44 A. Hyman, The Rise and Fall 1907. of the local constituency party. of Horatio Bottomley (London, 15 Glyndwr MSS, DD/G/2514, The Times, 15 November 1911. 1972), p. 99. Hemmerde to Hughes, 17 June 35 D. James, Class and Politics in a 45 F. Neilson, My Life in Two 1908. Northern Industrial Town: Keigh- Worlds, vol. 1 (Wisconsin, 16 Ibid., DD/G/2514, Hughes to ley 1880–1914 (Keele, 1995), p. 1952), pp. 305, 307. Hemmerde, 17 June 1908. 112. 46 F. Neilson, My Life in Two 17 Ibid., DD/G/2514, Hemmerde 36 After his re-election for Worlds, vol. 2 (Wisconsin, to Hughes, 18 June 1908. East Denbighshire in the 1953), p. 63.

16 Journal of Liberal History 69 Winter 2010–11 play a key role in winning or los- reports ing seats.

Lessons for the future Turning to the future, Curtice The 2010 election in historical perspective said that he did not expect future Conference fringe meeting, 19 September 2010, with TV debates to have anything like the same impact as they did Professor John Curtice, Professor Dennis Kavanagh and in 2010. Lack of novelty in the James Gurling. Chair: Tony Little. future will probably see their audiences decline, and the advan- Report by Dr Mark Pack tage Clegg gained by getting the technique right whilst the others did not can only be won once. t has become a Liberal Demo- which did not transfer strongly As for future strategy, Cur- crat History Group tradition at to other views of the party. The tice said the Liberal Democrat Ithe first Liberal Democrat con- surge was dominated by peo- plan had always been a choice ference after each general election ple who were less likely to vote between realignment (usually of to hold a fringe meeting looking and more likely to change their the left) – with the implication back on the results and placing minds. He also suggested that that the party is closer to one of them in historical perspective. the weighting rules used by poll- the other two main parties – and sters may have exaggerated the equidistance. As he pointed Liberal Democrat position in the out, the party’s power does not The historical context polls, though even the raw data depend to that great an extent on Psephologist John Curtice from showed more Lib Dems than John Curtice’s the number of seats it wins. Influ- Strathclyde, a long-term Liberal turned out to vote. ence depends on having a hung Democrat watcher, started by Finally, there was a body of look at the parliament, and the appeal of the asking Liberal Democrats in the voters who usually voted Labour equidistance strategy is that to audience to think back to the and were not happy with their 2010 election maximise that influence the Lib Friday after polling day, pointing party in 2010, but in the end held Dems have to be willing to do a out how few people’s immediate their nose and voted for their concluded deal with either of the other two reaction was that it was a great traditional party. Despite these main parties. result for the party. He therefore explanations, Curtice said that he with a warn- With the changing way in went on to reverse the usual roles thought they did not add up to ing: beware which first past the post works of party members talking up the full story and further research in the UK already having made the party’s position and outsid- would be needed to tell the full of short-term hung parliaments more likely, ers talking it down by arguing story. Curtice did not see defeat in the instead that the general election As to why the Liberal Demo- surges in the AV referendum in May 2011 as result was, in historical perspec- crats went up in votes but down necessarily dealing a large blow tive, highly impressive. in seats, Curtice put this down campaign. to the party’s future influence – Not only had the party ended to a large number of seats where though, if introduced, AV would up in government for the first incumbent MPs were standing Support probably strengthen the Liberal time since 1945, but it secured the down (6 of these 10 were lost), Democrat position in Parliament. second highest share of the vote some fallout from the expenses is built up Either way, equidistance would for the party or its predecessors scandal, the fading of the very give the party greater negotiat- since 1923 and the second largest positive circumstances of 2005 through the ing muscle than a strategy of number of seats since 1929. Had (particularly the Iraq war and its realignment. expectations not been raised so effect on Labour support in Mus- five years of Under AV Curtice said he high during the campaign, this lim communities) and Labour’s expected many non-Liberal would have been seen as a much strength in Scotland. In addition, the Parlia- Democrats who had voted tacti- more promising result than the in six of the nine Labour seats cally for the party to switch their immediate post-election reac- which would have fallen to the ment, espe- first preference to the party of tions painted it. Lib Dems on the national swing their real choice, reducing the but did not, there had been a cially as local number of first preferences the relatively low increase in unem- campaigning Lib Dems would win. In addi- The gap between the polls and ployment. Economic and political tion, being in coalition may the result geography combined in a way and organi- deter Labour voters from listing Looking at the gap between the favourable to Labour. the Liberal Democrats even as campaign’s opinion polls and John Curtice’s look at the 2010 sation play their second preference – though the actual result, Curtice sug- election concluded with a warn- since in Scotland the Lib Dem gested that the explanation was ing: beware of short-term surges a key role in coalition with Labour had not that the poll surge after the first in the campaign. Support is built stopped many still putting TV debate had been a brittle up through the five years of the winning or Lib Dems second Curtice did phenomenon, fuelled by the per- Parliament, especially as local not expect this impact to be too sonal popularity of , campaigning and organisation losing seats. large.

Journal of Liberal History 69 Winter 2010–11 17 reports

The TV debates Preparing for a hung Looking to number of marginal seats makes a Dennis Kavanagh, the co-author parliament single-party winner increasingly since February 1974 of the Nuff- One thing the party did get the future, unlikely. The traditional idea of ield series of general election right was its preparation for a general elections being a simple studies, started by emphasising possible . Clegg Kavanagh choice between two parties, one the impact of the TV debates. He had a detailed plan, drawn up of which then has a mandate to pointed out that the parties had with Danny Alexander and oth- suggested govern according to its manifesto, prepared for traditional election ers. By comparison, Labour had cannot survive in this new form campaigns, with press confer- done almost no preparation and that a new of politics. ences, major TV interviews, Oliver Letwin’s work for the At the next election the Liberal poster launches and so on. When Conservatives only started very political Democrats will, for the first time, it came to it, however, much of late in the day. Helped by this era is com- have to fight an election based on this went by the board because superior preparation, Clegg kept a judgement of what they have of the dominance of the TV his nerve during the negotia- ing, with TV done. The ‘plague on all your debates. The idea of each party tions and wisely made efforts to houses’ vote, concluded Kavan- holding an early morning press take the party with him during debates an agh, will no longer gravitate conference each day died with the talks. towards them. this campaign. One factor in favour of a established For the TV debates, Kavan- Cameron / Clegg deal, Kavanagh agh revealed that Clegg put in argued, was that they are both of presence The party’s post-election more preparation over longer the same generation, part of the review periods than either Cameron shift currently under way in Brit- further per- James Gurling, Chair of the or Brown, who relied more on ish politics. Gordon Brown was Liberal Democrat Campaigns expensive advisers from the US. old politics from a different age. sonalising & Communications Commit- Despite what has been said in The people with Brown on tee, then talked about the review public about the debates, based the road during the election and presi- the party had carried out of the on his numerous interviews with thought that Labour would win election campaign. He said that senior campaign insiders, Kavan- the most seats right until the end, dentialising all three parties failed at the last agh believed that Cameron and and Brown was confident that he election – Labour lost power, Osborne were pleased with their would be able to do a deal with politics. the Tories failed to win an impact. Rather than being a the Liberal Democrats. He never overall majority and the Liberal problem for giving a profile to considered the question of per- Democrats lost seats and failed to Nick Clegg, they benefited the sonal chemistry; it was always a increase the Parliamentary Party’s Tories, in their eyes, by reduc- huge blind spot of his, fostered by diversity. ing the amount of attention paid his failure to grasp the change of He praised the TV debates for to policy issues such as taxes and generation in the Liberal Demo- giving party leaders direct access cuts. Kavanagh also pointed out crat leadership from the likes of to the public, presenting policies how the instant polls cut the legs and Paddy directly in their own words. A from under the post-debate spin Ashdown to Nick Clegg, Chris TV debate bounce for Clegg had doctoring. Huhne and others. been expected, as it would be his Kavanagh did, though, ques- first major media exposure to the tion how real the debate surge public, but in the end the bounce was, pointing to how the other The changing nature of British greatly exceeded expectations. two main parties observed that politics That gave people huge enthusi- their canvassing returns and Looking to the future, Kavanagh asm and also – as it turned out – other feedback did not pick it up. suggested that a new political false hope. Kavanagh went on to com- era is coming, with TV debates This meant that the campaign ment that, ironically, Cameron an established presence further plan was knocked off message, has been able to change the personalising and presidential- and at the grassroots it diverged political landscape since the elec- ising politics. This may be to from the party’s targeting strat- tion because he failed to win long-term Liberal Democrat and egy. Just 4,000 votes going the it – comparing that with Blair’s Labour benefit, as it reduces the wrong way cost the party no less inability to change the landscape important of money and the tra- than ten seats, showing how close after 1997 because he succeeded. ditional Conservative advantage the result had been between los- Success does not always beget there. ing and gaining. Lessons should success. Westminster has now joined be drawn from that about the As with Curtice, Kavanagh Scotland, Wales and Northern importance of targeting for the put some of the explanation as Ireland in not having one-party party’s future. to why the Liberal Democrats majority government; there are The campaign’s other failure did not do better in 2010 down now ten political parties exercis- was that not all of the party’s to the conditions in 2005 hav- ing executive rule in the UK. policies survived the scrutiny of ing been so good. Since then Hung parliaments and assemblies the campaign, particularly on the party had had three leaders are the norm – and in turn coali- immigration. This echoed a point in two years, with poll ratings tions are likely to be the norm as made earlier by Kavanagh about below the 2005 election for the growth in strength of other the post-election private poll- nearly the entire Parliament. parties and the decline in the ing for the Liberal Democrats.

18 Journal of Liberal History 69 Winter 2010–11 reports

It showed that party policy James Gurling also agreed from blanket leafleting. One election. The formation of on immigration and the ‘you with Denis Kavanagh that the example a of change he gave a coalition government is can’t win’ argument were the form of campaigning changed was the traditional Liberal reshaping British politics in two main reasons for people in 2010, with party election Democrat handwritten letter. unpredictable ways. While not to support the Lib Dems; broadcasts largely forgotten This used to be seen as a pow- the lessons from previous the talk about what Clegg during the campaign, being erful way of direct, personal elections were often very would do in a hung parlia- overshadowed by the TV contact with voters. Now, applicable to the next, in 2010 ment also turned out to be debates. Posters too appear to compared with direct person- that is much less likely to be a negative for the party. In be on the way out, helped by alised online communication, the case. addition, the Liberal Demo- the rapid spoofing of posters it looks like just another blunt crats lacked a strong closing online. form of mass contact. Mark Pack ran the Liberal message in the last few days Furthermore, the days of What was notable across Democrat 2001 and 2005 internet of the campaign and below- simply sticking your mes- all three contributions was general election campaign and is the-radar scare tactics from sage on a piece of paper and how many of the issues they now Head of Digital at MHP Labour in urban areas helped putting it through the let- discussed will almost cer- Communications. He also co- them hang on in many key terbox are gone. Technol- tainly feel like old history by edits Liberal Democrat Voice seats. ogy is moving campaigns on the time of the next general (www.LibDemVoice.org). Liberal history quiz 2010 This year’s Liberal history quiz attracted a record level of entries at the History Group’s exhibition stand at the Liberal Democrat conference in Liverpool in September. The winner was Michael Mullaney, with an impressive 18½ marks out of 20; as Michael was last year’s winner too, we may considering barring him from future contests! Below we reprint the questions – the answers are on page 36. 1. Who was voted the greatest-ever Liberal in the poll run by the Lib Dem History Group in 2007? 2. Who holds the record as the shortest-serving Liberal Prime Minister since the party was founded in 1859? 3. Which constituency did Liberal leader Jeremy Thorpe represent from 1959 to 1979? 4. Who, on being elected to Liverpool City Council in 1972 at the age of 21, became the youngest sitting councillor in Britain? 5. Who wrote the book The Strange Death of Liberal England, the classic study of the decline of Liberalism, first published in 1935? 6. On 26 July 1973, the Liberal Party won two by-elections from the Conservatives; in which constituencies? 7. Who served as President of the Liberal Democrats from 1998 to 2000? 8. The Liberal Democrat History Group has raised enough money to have a plaque installed on the building which is now the site of Willis’s Rooms, where the Liberal Party was founded in 1859. Where is the building? 9. Who was elected Liberal MP for Finsbury Central in 1892, becoming the first non-white member of the House of Commons? 10 In which English city was born on 29 December 1809? 11. Who, as President of the Liberal Party in 1947–48, presented a copy of Milton’s Areopagitica to his successor, inaugurating the tradition of handing on the book as a symbol of the office of President? 12. Who was the SDP/Alliance candidate in the Peckham by-election of 28 October 1982? 13. Who was Gladstone’s Chancellor of the Exchequer in his short-lived administration of February–July 1886? 14. Who served as principal private secretary to from 1923 to 1945? 15. Whose memoirs, published in 2009, were entitled Free Radical? 16. Who was President of the Liberal Party in 1986–87 and went on to be the party’s Campaign Director during the 1987 general election? 17. Which historian and thinker was the MP for Carlow Borough 1859–65 and for Bridgnorth 1865–66? 18. What was the name of the SDP think tank founded in 1982 by Lord Young of Dartington and wound up after the merger of the SDP with the Liberal Party? 19 Which Liberal cabinet minister had his career ruined by the Crawford divorce scandal of 1885? 20. Who became the first ever female Liberal minister?

Journal of Liberal History 69 Winter 2010–11 19 the ‘member for scotland’ Duncan mclaren and the liberal dominance of victorian scotland

As Liberal MP for , Duncan McLaren (1800–86) was nicknamed ‘Member for Scotland’ because he was so assiduous in pursuing all manner of Scottish causes. The tag may also, however, reflect the crucial nature of his contribution to the creation of the Liberal Party that dominated late Victorian and Edwardian Scotland. Willis Pickard asks why the role he played in creating the Liberal dominance of Victorian Scotland has been so ignored.

20 Journal of Liberal History 69 Winter 2010–11 the ‘member for scotland’ Duncan mclaren and the liberal dominance of victorian scotland

n general histories of Scot- established in his twenties a drap- subsidised Church of Scotland no land, Duncan McLaren is er’s business in the High Street longer commanded the adherence little more than a footnote. of Edinburgh opposite the High of a majority. McLaren’s support- He did not become an MP Kirk of St Giles. By the time of ers were not yet a fully formed until he was sixty-five and the reform of local government in group of political Radicals – and Inever held office. He was a leader 1833, he was well enough estab- certainly they had no time for the around whom men gathered but lished to afford the time to sit on Chartists – but the power of con- he was also a divisive figure. the town council that replaced the gregations of religious Dissenters So what did McLaren achieve self-perpetuating oligarchs who formed into a national committee and why has history served him had run the capital of Scotland could make life uncomfortable for so ill? Politically, McLaren’s life into bankruptcy. He soon became a Whig government. In Novem- was a series of challenges to the treasurer and largely made the ber 1837 Andrew Rutherfurd, the Whig domination of Scotland. deal with the government that Solicitor General, wrote to a fel- Although he started representing restored the city’s finances. But low junior minister that the Com- his home city of Edinburgh two he and his allies on the council mittee of Dissenters had been years before the second Reform were increasingly frustrated by to see him and made clear that Act, the bedrock of his support the refusal of Lord Melbourne’s there was ‘a very lukewarm and came from the working men Cabinet to maintain an agenda of partial support, if not abandon- enfranchised in 1867 – the elec- reform – and in particular to abol- ment of the Whigs’.1 Rutherfurd torate who, in neighbouring Mid- ish the tax that paid the stipends recognised McLaren as ‘an able lothian, were to be so enthused by of Church of Scotland ministers. and excellent man’.2 That recog- William Gladstone. The Grand McLaren argued that the tax was nition was soon to be turned by Old Man was always suspicious unfair to the many thousands the Whigs into suspicion of his of self-proclaimed Radicals but who worshipped in Presbyte- motives and fear for their contin- he would not have won his mar- rian churches that had seceded ued domination of Edinburgh and ginal seat in 1880 and become the from the Established Church of Scottish politics. The men who ‘people’s William’ without the Scotland. had defeated the ‘Dundas des- allegiance of voters whom the potism’ in Scotland were landed proudly Radical McLaren, more gentry and advocates at the Scot- than anyone, made into a formi- Pressure on the Whigs Duncan McLaren tish Bar. They were happy to dable Scottish force. The argument was the same as (1800–86), from have prosperous shopkeepers run Duncan McLaren was born to made against church rates in Eng- a photograph town councils but not to chal- a family of Argyll crofters that land, and similar groups were by J. G. Tunny lenge the Whig leadership within had moved to the developing brought into public life to rally (picture the loosely organised Liberal textile industry of Dunbarton- opposition. McLaren’s skill was in reproduced by party. McLaren, using resentment shire. Apprenticed at twelve to a marshalling facts and in particular kind permission against slights by the government shop-keeping uncle in Dunbar, he the statistics that showed how the of Scran) and the Established Church to

Journal of Liberal History 69 Winter 2010–11 21 the ‘member for scotland’: and the liberal dominance of victorian scotland show the power of organised Dis- The cam- McLaren’s abilities made him held almost all the burgh seats and sent, began to pose a real threat. more than just the League’s eyes most of the counties, MPs contin- Not that he displayed open paign to and ears in Scotland. His judg- ued to be returned from the upper ambition himself. His supporters ment was valued among Radi- reaches of society. Even a pros- had no one to challenge Thomas abolish the cal thinkers and campaigners perous merchant like McLaren Babington Macaulay, whom the – just as his motives were ques- doubted whether he could sup- Whigs imposed on Edinburgh Corn Laws tioned by the Whig establish- port six months’ unpaid life in in an 1839 by-election. McLaren ment. Macaulay, in particular, Westminster as well as a home in interfered in a hotly disputed was tak- had a difficult relationship with Edinburgh. Like other constitu- election for Lord Provost in 1840, his disputatious constituent. The encies in Britain that returned but only from the sidelines. He ing root in MP’s tentative approach to Corn two members, Edinburgh gave an had left the town council to look Scotland, Law reform led to a tetchy cor- opportunity for the Liberal fac- after his business and his grow- respondence, and his reluctance tions to share the spoils. A Whig ing family. His first wife had died and McLaren to appear at meetings in Edin- and a Radical (or Independent leaving him responsible for three burgh was widely resented. In the Liberal, as the term usually was children. His second wife, Chris- (aided by his wake of the Disruption, political in Edinburgh) might each take a tina Renton, was a member of a allegiances were tangled up with seat. That could give the Radicals prominent Dissenting family who Renton rela- sectarian differences. Within a representation that was usually encouraged his involvement in the supposedly Liberal fold there denied them in single-member church politics but she failed to tives) saw a were factions belonging to the constituencies. McLaren and his recover from the birth of a third Free Church, the Dissenters (a friends did try to find sympathetic child. McLaren’s unmarried sisters way of har- majority of whom, including candidates to challenge Whigs rallied to the young family, and McLaren’s core supporters, were elsewhere, but not often success- success in business allowed him nessing his soon to coalesce in the United fully. One seat in which McLaren to keep his commitment to public Presbyterian Church), and the took an interest was Stirling affairs and polemical journalism. supporters Church of Scotland, whose mem- Burghs which, in the 1847 par- The campaign to abolish the bers included both Liberals and liament, was represented by John Corn Laws was taking root in to the new Tories. As elsewhere in Britain, Benjamin Smith, the Manches- Scotland, and McLaren (aided by the government’s grant to the ter free trade businessman, with his Renton relatives) saw a way of cause. Roman Catholic Maynooth Col- whom McLaren formed a close harnessing his supporters to the lege in Ireland became a focus for alliance.5 new cause. The self-regarding sectarian squabbling. Macaulay claims of Dissenting churchmen refused to join the bulk of his faded from public attention as voters in opposing the grant and Bright as brother-in-law splits in the Church of Scotland in whipping up religious intol- McLaren was encouraged in culminated in the cataclysm of the erance – although McLaren’s broadening his Radical agenda Disruption and the founding of church supporters could at least be from religious to wider issues the Free Church in 1843. McLaren excused from purely anti-Catho- by both Cobden and Bright, the marshalled the army of Dissent- lic prejudice because they opposed latter in his role from 1849 as ers to help Richard Cobden and grants by the state to all religions, brother-in-law. McLaren took in the Anti-Corn including Protestant good causes. as his third wife Bright’s sister Law League. In January 1842, At the general election of Priscilla, herself ardently com- McLaren organised a large con- 1847, Macaulay was defeated, and mitted to advanced causes. She ference of Dissenting ministers McLaren was chief among those was a Quaker who on marrying a in Edinburgh. Of 494 who were blamed for creating the coalition non-Quaker was expelled, to her asked their opinion, none was in of United Presbyterians and Free brother’s fury. McLaren and John favour of the existing Corn Laws Churchmen who brought shame Bright formed a lifelong work- and 431 wanted total repeal. The on the city by removing a national ing partnership, with McLaren next month saw McLaren lead an statesman and writer. The Scotsman deferring to Bright’s oratorical Anti-Corn Law League march newspaper, in particular, had by skills and national reputation, along the Strand in London to the now turned against McLaren and and Bright relying on McLaren’s House of Commons, where MPs embarked on a campaign of deni- assiduity in delving into par- were about to vote on the annual gration and misrepresentation that liamentary papers and drafting repeal motion by Charles Villiers. lasted most of his life. Macaulay, reforming legislation. John Bright first met McLaren at sick of his disputatious constitu- Ventures into banking and the Edinburgh conference, and ents, wrote to his niece: ‘I am not railways in these years proved both he and Cobden quickly rec- vexed, but as cheerful as I ever profitable but worrisome, and ognised the Scotsman’s organis- was in my life.’4 He left behind McLaren’s natural calculating ing abilities. He facilitated their him the question of whether the caution meant that for the rest of visits north of the border and led Whigs in Scotland had suffered a his life he built his prosperity on fund-raising efforts. With Cob- mortal blow. That was the hope of the draper’s business, employing den he exchanged letters about those who challenged their privi- up to 200 ‘hands’, and through once a month in 1842–43.3 The leged self-interest and reforming land purchase and development in topics covered a gamut of Radical timidity. But there was no real rapidly growing suburban Edin- causes: taxation, household suf- battle at this time for the Liberal burgh. In 1851 he was reluctantly frage, triennial parliaments. soul. In a country where Liberals persuaded to rejoin the town

22 Journal of Liberal History 69 Winter 2010–11 the ‘member for scotland’: duncan mclaren and the liberal dominance of victorian scotland council, knowing that he would second votes to prevent Macaulay earlier over publication of a depic- be catapulted by his loyal support- and Cowan from taking the seats. tion of him as ‘snake the draper’. ers into the Lord Provost’s chair McLaren had been launched into Now Moncreiff had the opportu- for three years. He was called on public life by fellow Dissenters. nity to rid his constituents of the to tackle again the despised cleri- It was clear that their loyalty was unpopular clerical tax. His com- cal tax, and he had already shown no longer enough. A broader- promise legislation only reignited enterprise and persistence in other based organisation was needed to the opposition, brought McLaren civic matters such as locating a challenge the Whigs. It neither briefly back into the town council dependable water supply, espe- could nor should have a sectarian and then, at the behest of the Inde- cially for tenement houses. He taint. The local campaign against pendent Liberals, into parliament confounded critics by the even- the clerical tax would go on, but in 1865. With Palmerston, the handedness of his dealings as Lord McLaren increasingly involved main obstacle to franchise reform, Provost, and he showed his Lib- himself in national issues. He soon dead, the issue of the time eralism in beginning the process worked with Bright on franchise was legislation to widen the urban by which museums and private reform, and with Cobden on tax- electorate and redraw constituen- gardens were made accessible to ation. His reputation among Rad- cies. McLaren, who sat himself the wider public. In tackling the icals was never higher than when, among Radical friends on the prevalent and damaging abuse of as Lord Provost, he presided over McLaren, Liberal benches rather than with alcohol he was an advocate not a Peace Congress in Edinburgh, the Scottish Whigs, was ready to of total abstinence but of limit- one of a series in European cit- who sat him- assist Bright in the struggle ahead. ing public-house opening hours. ies designed to set public opinion They had worked on reform bills. Edinburgh’s lead was soon fol- against the belligerence of leaders self among ‘You are a very “steam engine” for lowed elsewhere in the country. (not least the supposedly Liberal work at figures and arguments,’ For the first and perhaps only Lord Palmerston). It was a great Radical Bright told him.8 In 1859, the year time, McLaren was now per- intellectual gathering, Bright told that Whigs, Radicals and Peelites suaded to override his customary Cobden, and it outshone a simi- friends on came together to form the Liberal caution in making major deci- lar event months earlier in Man- Party as we know it, McLaren sions. Despite recently becoming chester. Unfortunately, realpolitik the Liberal enunciated the principle on which Lord Provost he stood in the 1852 prevailed over the well-meaning he was to campaign at elections general election. The alliance of peace party, and the Radical cause benches and to follow as an MP: it was Independent Liberals that had was set back by the years of war ‘to unite the working classes and defeated Macaulay was at an end. against Russia. Bright was among rather than the honest portion of the middle Free Churchmen continued to those who paid the electoral classes who were disposed to go back Charles Cowan, Macaulay’s price in the 1857 election. The with the with them.’9 conqueror. The Dissenters loyal to following year he was on holi- Scottish He won election in 1865 on a McLaren thought little of Cow- day in Scotland when a by-elec- narrow electorate. By 1868, with an’s abilities, and when Macaulay tion occurred in Birmingham. Whigs, was the urban working man largely agreed to stand again for the McLaren convened a meeting at enfranchised, his Independent other seat now vacated by a Whig his Edinburgh home to persuade ready to Liberal appeal had a larger and MP, the McLarenites calculated his reluctant brother-in-law to dependable audience. The busi- that they could displace Cowan. stand. The pair hastened to the assist Bright ness of electioneering through McLaren was confident that he Midlands and Bright was returned public meetings and canvass- would add to his own support for the seat he went on to repre- in the strug- ing depended on support by the the second votes of Macaulay’s sent for thirty years. ward committees that annu- backers as well as Cowan’s and Despite Macaulay’s retirement gle ahead. ally returned McLaren’s allies to the Tory candidate’s. Sectarian through ill health in 1856, there the council. In the 1865 contest issues including Maynooth still was no prospect of an Independent They had McLaren’s eldest son, John, can- loomed large at public meetings Liberal coup against the Whigs. vassed with his friends in afflu- and in the newspapers, which Cobden hoped that McLaren worked on ent and therefore less favourable openly backed one or other of the would look beyond Edinburgh: areas. He reported: ‘We have not religious factions. But, despite ‘For Heavens sake come into the reform bills. a majority in the New Town as the unpleasant atmosphere (from House for one of your Scottish a whole but I am told that in the which Macaulay kept clear by boroughs, or try an English one ‘You are a Old Town the majority is over- not appearing in Edinburgh at that you may endeavour to set up whelming.’10 His father topped all), it was not religious affilia- something better in the House very “steam the poll, but it took until 1868 to tion that decided the outcome. than the present forlorn state of engine” displace the Whigs with a second Poll books published after elec- the representation of Scotland.’7 successful Independent Liberal. tion day showed that an elector’s But McLaren would not be drawn for work at McLaren’s first parliament was occupation was the main determi- beyond Edinburgh where the dominated by the Reform Bills nant of how he voted.6 McLaren arch-exponent of lawyers’ Whig- figures and and he was in no doubt that the scored heavily among merchants gery, James Moncreiff, became franchise should be extended and shopkeepers but had scant MP in 1859 and Lord Advocate in arguments,’ as widely as possible. As events support among lawyers and other Palmerston’s government. Mon- unfolded and the initiative passed professionals, who formed a large creiff had represented The Scots- Bright told to Disraeli, McLaren found proportion of the limited elec- man in a libel case successfully the enemy to be feet-dragging torate. He did not win enough brought by McLaren three years him. Whigs, and he was willing to vote

Journal of Liberal History 69 Winter 2010–11 23 the ‘member for scotland’: duncan mclaren and the liberal dominance of victorian scotland against the Liberals by joining the The nexus of radical family voluntary system would always so-called ‘tea-room’ dissidents alliances be inadequate and underfunded. who put pressure on Gladstone One difficult issue for both He addressed the contentious not to wreck Disraeli’s bill. He McLaren and his wife Priscilla, issue of religious instruction by was one of a small minority of with her deep commitment to saying that the Bible and Shorter MPs supporting John Stuart Mill’s women’s rights, was the role of Catechism should be in the cur- amendment to give women the John Bright in Gladstone’s gov- riculum, but a parent had the right vote. When it came to the sub- ernments. Despite his Radical to withdraw his child from the sequent Scottish Reform legis- principles and popular reputation, teaching of them. McLaren knew lation, McLaren’s fact-finding he proved a disappointment to what he was talking about on skills were deployed on seeking the McLaren family, most nota- education: as a young councillor to obtain more seats for Scotland bly in his lukewarm attitude to he had founded thirteen schools and to spread them more equita- women’s issues. He and McLaren for thousands of poor children in bly according to population. His still worked together but there is Edinburgh, using surplus funds in belief that Scotland was poorly scant evidence of their impress- the trust established by Geordie treated by comparison with Eng- ing a Radical agenda on public He was never Heriot, jeweller to James VI and I. land and Wales was at the heart affairs. That, it has to be said, was McLaren was in the forefront of of his parliamentary involve- down to Bright’s ineffectiveness as in favour of a campaign, growing in strength ment. It contributed to his being a Cabinet minister, linked to his from the 1870s, to disestablish given the ‘Member for Scotland’ bouts of ill health, rather than to restoring a the Church of Scotland. This nickname, at first probably as a any slackening of pressure from posed a problem for Gladstone gentle dig at his omnipresence in McLaren and Radical colleagues parliament when he became MP for Midlo- debates, which for a man in his on the back benches. Increasingly, thian where many of his voters late sixties was remarkable. He as McLaren established a parlia- in Edinburgh were disestablishers. McLaren was no proto-Scottish National- mentary reputation, he and Pris- argued that the prime minister ist but sought equity, efficiency cilla took a prominent place in the and in the had disestablished the Church of and economy and was as good a nexus of Radical family alliances Ireland, but Gladstone in his sec- cheese-parer as his party leader which came almost to mirror last months ond government had Irish pre- Gladstone had been when Chan- those of the Whig dynasties that occupations of another sort that cellor of the Exchequer. Why, he formed the bedrock of Gladstone’s of his life precluded action in Scotland. He typically asked, did it cost £6,000 governments. Frederick Pen- wrote to McLaren in typically to run the Lunacy Board in Scot- nington, MP for Stockport, and he railed convoluted terms: ‘Were the cause land but only £3,800 in Ireland his wife were particular friends of disestablishment sufficiently and £20,000 for the whole of with whom McLaren and Priscilla against powerful and mature to force its England?11 would stay, from the mid-1870s, Gladstone’s way to the front in defiance of His own bills to get rid of either at their London home dur- all competition, its friends need Edinburgh’s clerical tax failed ing the parliamentary session or at plan for not be deterred from bringing largely for lack of time (until the their country house in the it into activity and prominence government eventually inter- hills. English and Scottish Radi- Irish home at head quarters. But if it has not vened to resolve the matter once cals had aims in common: oppo- reached that very advanced stage, and for all). It was this frustration sition to the entrenched position rule, but he my opinion is that the measure that led McLaren to question the of the established Church, par- is more likely to be thrown back administration of Scotland. He liamentary and electoral reform, wanted a than pushed forward by endeav- was never in favour of restoring commitment to the pursuit of ours to bring the Government or a parliament in Edinburgh and peace. Only differing circum- Secretary Parliament to entertain it.’12 in the last months of his life he stances north and south of the As a champion of work- railed against Gladstone’s plan for border would impose different of State ing men, McLaren was put to Irish home rule, but he wanted a policies. Many non-Anglicans the test when the trade unions Secretary of State for Scotland to were against a national system of for Scot- sought repeal of the Criminal be appointed instead of the bur- primary education unless it was Law Amendment Act in 1873. He den of Scottish affairs falling on secular and removed religion from land to be had voted for the legislation two the Lord Advocate. He spoke for the classroom. Robert Dale, a years earlier on the ground that a majority of his country’s MPs prominent Birmingham Congre- appointed the outlawing of picketing during when he asked Prime Minister gationalist, wanted to campaign industrial disputes posed no threat Gladstone in 1869 to consider in Scotland against the bill that instead of to the overwhelming majority of ‘the propriety of providing some finally gave Scotland a govern- the burden workers who opposed intimida- additional means for the transac- ment-supported system in 1872. tion. Although, at a 40,000-strong tion of public business connected McLaren was among those who of Scot- trade-union demonstration from with Scotland.’ A commission to persuaded Dale to stay at home across Scotland, he listened to take evidence was appointed but since it had taken over twenty tish affairs denunciations of himself as a self- nothing came of it. McLaren, years to reconcile the conflicting interested large employer, his however, could take credit for interests that had stood in the way falling on confidence was not dented and paving the way for the young of a much-needed improvement he predicted that he would not Lord Rosebery to persuade Glad- to school provision. Unlike many the Lord suffer at the forthcoming elec- stone to reform Scottish govern- United Presbyterians, McLaren, tion: ‘I would be returned at the ance in the 1880s. ever the realist, knew that a Advocate. head of the poll,’ he told his son.13

24 Journal of Liberal History 69 Winter 2010–11 the ‘member for scotland’: duncan mclaren and the liberal dominance of victorian scotland

He was proved right: working- The care- to get out of Parliament, which by Scottish Liberals to address class Liberal voters still looked seems as difficult for me as it is for the social problems which were to middle-class leadership rather fully cho- you to get in.’14 increasingly being laid at the door than finding representation from By 1879, John was adopted of government rather than being among their own. But the elec- reographed for Wigtown Burghs and pro- left to voluntary commitment. tion brought two new concerns. posed the vote of thanks to Glad- The division of large cities into The first was that his fellow MP cortege stone at the opening rally of the single-member constituencies did since 1868, , defected first Midlothian campaign. His radicalism no favours, accord- to a new force known as the through the father attended the festivities ing to Priscilla Bright, who in ‘Advanced Liberals’, trade-union for the great man at Lord Rose- the wake of the 1885 poll pro- led. The Edinburgh Liberals were city and the bery’s house, having hurried nounced that all four Edinburgh now in three camps: traditional outpouring back from receiving the free- seats were ‘once more in the hands Whig, McLaren’s Independents dom of Inverness, testimony to of the Whigs, only they dare not and the Advanced newcomers. of tributes his Scotland-wide reputation. be exactly what the Whigs of old Secondly, the Tories had put up Gladstone’s subsequent victory were.’15 She was correct on both a credible candidate who, though were a Vic- in Midlothian was narrow com- counts: the new MPs did not pro- defeated (as was Miller) looked to pared with McLaren’s across the mote her husband’s causes but pose a growing threat, which they torian norm, city boundary, but John’s was nar- neither were they just a coterie clearly were in other parts of the rower still, and he lost the seat at of landowners and legal bigwigs. country where Disraeli had won a but McLaren the by-election prompted by his McLaren had ensured that the convincing victory. becoming Lord Advocate. He party had moved on, broaden- attained a fought another by-election unsuc- ing its appeal and mobilising cessfully, and in 1881 it was agreed thousands of activists. The new In search of a united party position in by Gladstone, Bright and the chief Scottish Liberalism that engaged Over the next six years the search whip that McLaren senior should the recently enfranchised voters, was for Liberal unity. McLaren Scottish life be persuaded to stand down in urban and then rural, many of had created an electoral force and favour of his son. The old man whom were members of churches ensured that, at the very least, his which makes took some convincing, but John broken away from the Church supporters and the city Whigs at last had an easy election to win. of Scotland, kept Unionism and shared the spoils, which they did regrettable His problems were only begin- Labour at bay until after the First in1874 with the election of Lord ning. He annoyed Gladstone by World War. Then its failure to Provost James Cowan as the sec- the way asking to become a privy counsel- recognise the importance of gov- ond MP. The Liberals’ organisa- in which lor, and he fell out with William ernment in tackling social prob- tion across Britain was inferior Harcourt, who as Home Secre- lems made all Liberals vulnerable. to the Tories’, and the splitting his name tary was his ministerial superior In his final months, McLaren of Liberal votes cost them seats. and was a difficult colleague for broke with Gladstone over Irish As the party leadership sought has faded politicians more adept than John home rule and resigned the presi- to establish a degree of control McLaren. A vacancy on the Court dency of Edinburgh South Lib- from the centre, with the Chief from public of Session bench gave ministers eral Association. His son Charles, Whip William Adam at the helm, the opportunity to remove him as MP for Stafford since 1880, was aided by James Reid in Scotland, memory. Lord Advocate and MP. on the other side of the growing McLaren came under pressure The Liberal unity of the 1880 Liberal divide, but it was Bright’s to bring the Edinburgh factions election soon disappeared as views that concerned McLaren together. He remained lukewarm Gladstone’s government wres- most. Priscilla recorded that he but did not stand in the way of his tled with Irish disruption in par- ‘was greatly concerned at the eldest son John, who worked hard liament and adventures abroad, silence maintained by my brother to help create the united party especially in Egypt, that smacked John Bright on the matter, when that gave the Edinburgh Liber- of Tory jingoism. In Scotland, there were so many wishing to als a resounding victory in 1880. church disestablishment came to know his opinion, for really few John for years was torn between the fore. Because English radical men think for themselves and the law and politics. He sought Liberals led by Joseph Chamber- Gladstone never had become the his uncle John Bright’s help in lain never understood its grip on Shibbolith [sic] of the Liberal securing a salaried legal position, party activists, his efforts through party.’16 Bright avoided having to without success. He then decided the National Liberal Federation express immediate opposition to that occupying a parliamentary to focus on social issues barely the Home Rule Bill in the Com- seat would make him the obvious penetrated north of the border. mons by travelling to Edinburgh candidate for Lord Advocate if the McLaren remained an ardent for McLaren’s funeral in April Liberals won the next election. disestablisher. His son Walter 1886.17 Bright was again called in aid but unsuccessfully fought Inverness The carefully choreographed was pessimistic about his chances Burghs in the 1885 election on the cortege through the city and south of the border: ‘As a rule they issue against a ‘Church Liberal’, the outpouring of tributes were [English boroughs] do not like that is an adherent of the estab- a Victorian norm, but McLaren candidates. I mean lished Church of Scotland. Dun- attained a position in Scottish those chosen by W. Adam or any can McLaren, still combative in life which makes regrettable one who is supposed to be active retirement, now stood in the way the way in which his name has in London for the party … I want of the change of approach needed faded from public memory. On

Journal of Liberal History 69 Winter 2010–11 25 the ‘member for scotland’: duncan mclaren and the liberal dominance of victorian scotland his deathbed, the eighty- the cause. The family monu- Vol. 4., letter to Hannah, 30 13 ECA, Box 3, McLaren to Wal- six-year-old received a letter ment in the graveyard under July 1847. ter McLaren, 25 August 1873. from Thomas Lipton, the tea the Castle rock has become 5 Manchester City Library, J. B. 14 NLS, MS24801, Bright to John merchant, and the scientist encrusted with a century of Smith papers, MS923.2 S343. McLaren, 25 December 1878. Sir William Thomson (later soot from the nearby railway. 6 The 1852 poll book has been 15 ECA, Box 2. Priscilla McLaren, Lord Kelvin) asking him to analysed by Graeme Morton in in Inverness for her son’s cam- address a Liberal Unionist Willis Pickard is a former news- Unionist Nationalism: Governing paign, sent daily letters to rally in Glasgow. There was paper editor and rector of Aberdeen Urban Scotland 1830–1860 (East her husband house-bound in a hagiographical biography University. He is a trustee of the Linton: Tuckwell Press, 1999). Edinburgh, 18 November to 2 of McLaren two years after National Library of Scotland. 7 Cobden papers, CP 107, Cob- December 1885. his death.18 His sons Charles His book The Member for den to McLaren, 6 March 1857. 16 ECA, Box 3, Priscilla to a and Walter maintained a fam- Scotland – A life of Duncan 8 Edinburgh City Archives friend Mary, 28 November ily presence on the Liberal McLaren will be published by (hereafter ECA), McLaren 1886. benches of the Commons Birlinn in spring 2011. papers, Box 2, Bright to 17 Keith Robbins, John Bright until almost the First World McLaren, 28 December 1859. (London: Routledge & Kegan War.19 One of his daughters, 1 National Archives of Scot- 9 The Scotsman, 2 January 1859. Paul, 1979), p. 256. Agnes, qualified among the land. Dalhousie papers, 10 National Library of Scotland 18 J. B. Mackie, The Life and Work first batch of woman doctors GD/45/14/642. Andrew (hereafter NLS), John Scott of Duncan McLaren (Edinburgh: and, converting to Roman Rutherfurd to Fox Maule, 20 Oliver papers, MS24785, John Nelson, 1888), two vols. Catholicism, encouraged November 1837. McLaren to Priscilla McLaren, 19 Walter McLaren represented nuns to run medical mis- 2 Ibid., 25 June 1838. 11 June 1865. Crewe (with gaps) from 1886 sions. Priscilla’s long wid- 3 Archives, Cobden 11 Hansard, July 22 1870. until his death in 1912. Charles owhood – she died in 1906 papers, 1-8 (MF1-8) and No. 71 12 H. C. G. Matthew (ed.), The lost his Stafford seat in 1886. – was devoted to the cause of 4 Thomas Pinney (ed.), The Gladstone Diaries (Oxford: He was MP for Bosworth from female suffrage and her belief Letters of Thomas Babington Clarendon Press, 1968–94), 1892 and became the first Lord that Liberal leaders could be Macaulay (Cambridge: Cam- Vol. 10, Gladstone to McLaren, Aberconway in 1911. persuaded to see justice in bridge University Press, 1976), 22 December 1881. RESEARCH IN PROGRESS If you can help any of the individuals listed below with sources, contacts, or any other information — or if you know anyone who can — please pass on details to them. Details of other research projects in progress should be sent to the Editor (see page 3) for inclusion here.

Letters of Richard Cobden (1804–65) the papers of more obscure Liberal defectors welcome. Cllr Nick Cott, 1a Knowledge of the whereabouts of any letters written by Cobden in Henry Street, Gosforth, Newcastle-upon-Tyne, NE3 1DQ; [email protected]. private hands, autograph collections, and obscure locations in the UK and abroad for a complete edition of his letters. (For further details of Beyond Westminster: Grassroots Liberalism 1910–1929 the Cobden Letters Project, please see www.uea.ac.uk/his/research/ Supervisor Dr Stuart Ball. Gavin Freeman, University of Leicester; [email protected]. projects/cobden). Dr Anthony Howe, School of History, University of East uk. Anglia, Norwich NR4 7TJ; [email protected]. The Liberal Party in the West Midlands December 1916 – 1923 election The political career of Edward Strutt, 1st Baron Belper Focusing on the fortunes of the party in Birmingham, Coventry, Walsall Strutt was Whig/Liberal MP for Derby (1830-49), later Arundel and and Wolverhampton. Looking to explore the effects of the party split Nottingham; in 1856 he was created Lord Belper and built Kingston at local level. Also looking to uncover the steps towards temporary Hall (1842-46) in the village of Kingston-on-Soar, Notts. He was a reunification for the 1923 general election.Neil Fisher, 42 Bowden Way, friend of Jeremy Bentham and a supporter of free trade and reform, Binley, Coventry CV3 2HU ; [email protected]. and held government office as Chancellor of the Duchy of Lancaster and Commissioner of Railways. Any information, location of papers or ‘Economic Liberalism’ and the Liberal (Democrat) Party, 1937–2004 references welcome. Brian Smith; [email protected]. A study of the role of ‘economic liberalism’ in the Liberal Party and the Liberal Democrats. Of particular interest would be any private papers Liberal Unionists relating to 1937’s Ownership For All report and the activities of the A study of the as a discrete political entity. Help Unservile State Group. Oral history submissions also welcome. Matthew with identifying party records before 1903 particularly welcome. Ian Francis; [email protected]. Cawood, Newman University Colllege, Birmingham; i.cawood@newman. ac.uk. The Liberal Party’s political communication, 1945–2002 Research on the Liberal party and Lib Dems’ political communication. Liberal policy towards Austria-Hungary, 1905–16 Any information welcome (including testimonies) about electoral Andrew Gardner, 17 Upper Ramsey Walk, Canonbury, London N1 2RP; campaigns and strategies. Cynthia Messeleka-Boyer, 12 bis chemin Vaysse, [email protected]. 81150 Terssac, France; +33 6 10 09 72 46; [email protected].

Recruitment of Liberals into the Conservative Party, 1906–1935 The Lib-Lab Pact Aims to suggest reasons for defections of individuals and develop an The period of political co-operation which took place in Britain between understanding of changes in electoral alignment. Sources include 1977 and 1978; PhD research project at Cardiff University.Jonny Kirkup, 29 personal papers and newspapers; suggestions about how to get hold of Mount Earl, Bridgend, Bridgend County CF31 3EY; [email protected].

26 Journal of Liberal History 69 Winter 2010–11 Liberal Heritage Michael Meadowcrift continues the Journal’s series in which well-known Liberal Democrats take a look LEEDS at the Liberal heritage of their home town. AND THE LIBERAL PANTHEON

ore than with Herbert Chamberlain was fundamentally time, together with the national most cities, an Gladstone opposed to Gladstone’s Irish home chairmanship being held by a overview of Leeds addressing an rule policy on which the June determined Leeds Liberal, Sir L ib er a l i s m i s election meeting 1886 election had been fought. James Kitson, probably saved the underpinned by in 1880 from the For Chamberlain Ireland was the party for Gladstone. Other offic- significantM political events. Per- steps of Leeds determining issue and, despite ers, from Birmingham, tried to haps most crucial was the ninth Town Hall. being very much on the radi- propose a compromise motion annual meeting of the National cal wing of the Liberal Party, he urging Gladstone not to exclude Liberal Federation held in Leeds and his allies aligned themselves Irish representatives from the on 3 November 1886. Until that with the Conservatives as ‘Lib- Commons, but Kitson simply year the dominant centre for eral Unionists’ which, as a party, refused to put the motion forward Liberal organisation had been was completely merged with the and declared ‘purely and simply, Birmingham, home of Joseph Tories in 1912. without reservation or excep- Chamberlain, who was in many The happy coincidence for the tion’ for Gladstone’s plan. After ways the driving force behind Liberal Party of the ascendancy a heated debate his motion was modern party organisation. of the Leeds Liberals for the first carried by ‘very large majority’

Journal of Liberal History 69 Winter 2010–11 27 leeds and the liberal pantheon and was endorsed by huge pub- fifty-seven years, from its incep- a man with remarkable foresight, lic meetings in Leeds the same tion in 1835 to 1892, its major- not least in getting the council to evening. ity being bolstered from time to inaugurate a municipal supply of Liberalism was the dominant time by the cynical manipula- drinking water to the town from force in Leeds politics for fifty tion of the aldermanic bench. It reservoirs to the north of the years before the NLF AGM of had remarkable leaders in that town as early as 1852. 1886. In fact, the Liberals control- time, not least John Hope Shaw, Despite having a number of led the Leeds Town Council for three times Mayor of Leeds, and civic leaders and MPs of great

28 Journal of Liberal History 69 Winter 2010–11 leeds and the liberal pantheon stature, and even though they Left: Ticket men. He worked with Herbert Mathers was not heeded. Labour produced buildings and enter- for banquet Gladstone to pick off local trade was alienated and increasingly prises ahead of their time, the long in Leeds for union leaders by getting them believed that Liberals were inca- tenure of office was not in the W E Gladstone, adopted as Liberal (or in some pable of treating them as the end beneficial. The party became organised by cases Lib-Lab) candidates for the equals of the professional and moribund and failed to perceive Mathers. A town council or as Liberal nomi- business men that were the pub- the dangers of the rise of Labour huge marquee nees for the magistrates’ bench. lic image of the Leeds Liberal as a serious political force. was erected on Partly through Mathers’ efforts Party. Mathers himself died in In June and July 1890 came a what is now City the electoral success of the Labour 1899, at the early age of fifty-five, victory for organised - Square. It housed Party in Leeds came years after and no one took up his radical ism which was to prove significant 2,000 diners and its comparable victories in Brad- mantle. In 1903, Herbert Glad- in the long struggle between Lib- many thousands ford: was successful stone concluded his famous pact eral and Labour for working-class more who came in in 1892, eleven years with Ramsay Macdonald under support. The Liberal-controlled for Gladstone’s before the first Labour councillor which thirty-one Labour candi- town council, having during the speech and to in Leeds. dates were not opposed by Liber- previous winter been forced to observe the In March 1890, three months als at the 1906 general election in make concessions to the gas work- dinner! Mathers before the gasworkers’ strike, return for an equivalent number ers, including the eight hour day, charged a Mathers wrote in prescient terms of Liberals – including Gladstone determined to teach the men a differential price to Herbert Gladstone, MP for himself – being given a free run lesson. As the warmer weather – of one guinea Leeds West and on the way to against the Conservatives. reduced the demand for gas, the to five guineas becoming a key national figure in The pact was mutually benefi- Liberal leaders sought to enforce – depending the party: cial in the short term but it gave the withdrawal of concessions on how close to Labour its first independent and previously made. They alienated Gladstone they There are questions … coming identifiable group of MPs, the a wide range of public opinion so were. on in leaps and bounds … To forerunner of Labour’s success- that, when the gasworkers went use the broadest term, I mean ful drive to replace the Liberals, on strike, they had a great deal of and by that I mean which, indeed, was Macdonald’s support. immediately all the questions aim. In Leeds, as elsewhere, the The Council brought in which concern capital and Liberals increasingly lacked a base blacklegs from towns outside labour; all that which concerns and a role. In 1926, the coun- Leeds and, rather than taking the very direct interests and cil group split and six Liberals them immediately to the three comforts of the toilers. defected to the Conservatives. gas works, the local Liberal lead- For over five years I have Labour took control of the City ers took them to the town hall been warning friends that, Council in 1928 and all Liberal where they were led in patriotic unless the Liberal Party took representation on the council had songs! By the time they arrived up and considered these ques- gone by 1945. It was to be another at the gas works the strikers were tions and dealt with them, twenty-three years before they ready for them and, in the ensu- a great Labour Party would returned. Which is another story. ing confrontation, many of the spring up and sweep aside both blacklegs joined the strikers. Tories and Liberals as such and Michael Meadowcroft was a Leeds Eventually the strikers gained govern for themselves. City Councillor, 1968–1983, and Lib- just about all their demands and You may think this Uto- eral MP for Leeds West, 1983–87. He the Liberal Party was discredited pian, it only remains so until has held numerous local and national as the representative of the work- the hour, and not a moment offices in the Liberal Party and is cur- ing class. beyond, when the masses have rently the Chair of the Leeds Liberal All this was despite the efforts accumulated funds to sustain Democrats Campaign Development of another remarkable local Lib- their men for their cause. Group. eral. John Shackleton Mathers was a local building society manager and, although he was a member of the town council for seven years, Liberal Democrat History Group on the web it was as the honorary secretary of the Leeds Liberal Association that Email his skills were used and his reputa- Join our email mailing list for news of History Group meetings and publications – the fastest and earliest tion forged. He was described by way to find out what we’re doing. To join the list, send a blank email toliberalhistory-subscribe@lists. Herbert Gladstone, MP for Leeds libdems.org.uk. West, as ‘a born organiser’ and by Sir Wemyss Reid, the editor of the Website Liberal Leeds Mercury, as ‘simply See www.liberalhistory.org.uk for details of History Group activities, records of all past Journals and the best organiser and wire puller past meetings, guides to archive sources, research in progress and other research resources, together I ever met.’ with a growing number of pages on the history of the party, covering particular issues and periods in Mathers was exceptionally more detail, including lists of party leaders, election results and cabinet ministers. shrewd and saw clearly the dan- ger to the Liberal Party of failing Facebook page to accommodate the legitimate See us on Facebook for news of the latest meeting, and a discussion forum: political desires of working-class www.facebook.com/LibDemHistoryGroup

Journal of Liberal History 69 Winter 2010–11 29 Reflections on the 2009 Parliamentary Elections in Germany Long-term Trends in Public Opinion and the Rise of the Free Democratic Party

In the 2009 parliamentary elections in Germany, the Free Democratic Party (FDP) achieved its best result ever in national elections – 14.6 per cent of the vote, up by 4.7 per cent compared to the previous election in 2005. In this article, Natascha Zowislo- Grünewald and Franz Beitzinger argue that this is the effect of a slow, but steady development of political sentiment in Germany, which is directed against ‘big government’ and towards both the s Heinrich Heine to the death … The German loves acceptance of and wrote, ‘The English- liberty as though she were his old the demand for the man loves liberty as grandmother.’1 his lawful wife … he The immediate implication of principles of self- is still ready in case of this quote from Heine’s Pictures needA to defend her like a man … of Travel, comparing the mind- responsibility and The Frenchman loves liberty as set of the Germans, the English, freedom in society. his bride. He … will fight for her and the French, seems to be that

30 Journal of Liberal History 69 Winter 2010–11 Reflections on the 2009 Parliamentary Elections in Germany Long-term Trends in Public Opinion and the Rise of the Free Democratic Party

the Germans are not passionately the financial crisis. Can elections and the SPD’s front runner for committed to either political actually be won in Germany by chancellorship in the September or economic liberty. Applied to promoting liberty? Maybe Hein- 2009 elections in Germany, called modern campaigning, this sees its rich Heine got it right when he for the (partial) nationalisation reflection in the assumption that further reflected in his Pictures of of the German unit of General political elections in Germany Travel: Motors, Adam Opel AG.9 The will never be won by propagating two largest parties in Germany freedom and self-responsibility. The splenetic Briton, weary of based their campaigning on prop- And, at first sight, the parliamen- his wife, may put a halter round agating an active role for the state tary elections of 2005 confirm this her neck and sell her in Smith- in the management of the econ- prejudice: the Christian Demo- field. The flattering French- omy. The state, it was claimed, crats (CDU/CSU) achieved their man may perhaps be untrue to needs to control the economy second-worst result since 1949 his beloved bride and abandon because, as Peer Steinbrück put and had to form a grand coalition her … But the German will it in his government policy state- with the Social Democratic Party never turn his old grandmother ment of 25 September 2008, the (SPD).2 The consensus of pub- quite out of doors … Should financial crisis was caused by the lished opinion is that Angela Mer- freedom ever – which GOD principle of laissez faire.10 The kel ‘lost’ this election due to her forbid – vanish from the entire financial crisis therefore seemed explicit free-market campaign- world, a German dreamer to promote an understanding of ing;3 the mass media has gener- would discover her again in his the government as a safeguard ally commented that people were dreams.5 against the ferocity of the market afraid of too much freedom, and economy, on the part of both poli- that the common man was yearn- ticians and the public alike. ing for a paternalistic, protective However, things have not and caring government.4 Economic politics in Germany always been so clear. From 1998 Between the national elections before the 2009 parliamentary to 2005, Germany was governed in 2005 and 2009, however, some- elections by a coalition between the SPD thing seems to have happened that At the climax of the still-ongoing and the Greens (the ‘Alliance contradicts published opinion. In financial crisis, an overwhelm- 90/The Greens’). By the end the parliamentary elections of 27 ing section of the German politi- of the first legislative period, in September 2009, the CDU/CSU cal class rediscovered the state as 2002, the world regarded Ger- yet again lost votes and fell back to a wise and benevolent economic many as the sick man of Europe. 33.8 per cent of the so-called ‘sec- actor. In October 2008, Chancel- Europe’s former economic pow- ond votes’ (their worst result since lor Angela Merkel and Federal erhouse seemed to be paralysed 1949). The SPD definitively lost Minister of Finance Peer Stein- by its unwillingness to reform this election and achieved their brück together announced that and overburdened by an ever- worst result since 1933 (23 per the government would guarantee growing paternalistic state. Even cent – down 11.2 per cent com- German citizens’ private savings, public opinion in Germany pared to 2005). However, the Free worth about €1 trillion.6 Further demanded a radical change: ‘Citi- Democratic Party (FDP) achieved examples were the announce- zens, to the barricades!’ (‘Bürger, its best result ever with 14.6 per ment of subsidies to stimulate the auf die Barrikaden!’)11 might cent of the vote (up 4.7 per cent purchase of new cars7 (‘Abwrack- Left: Guido well have been the watchword compared to 2005). Astonishingly prämie’), and a law that allows the Westerwelle, of 2002. Privatisation, deregula- enough, the FDP earned this expropriation of private banks.8 leader of the FDP, tion, and debureaucratisation (as increase in votes by advancing the Frank-Walter Steinmeier, vice- during the 2009 endorsed by Thatcher and Rea- cause of economic liberty during chancellor in the grand coalition election gan) were commonly accepted

Journal of Liberal History 69 Winter 2010–11 31 long-term trends in public opinion and the rise of the free democratic party

and analysts inside the CDU con- cluded that the reform agenda had prevented them from winning the election.12 Following the election, the Christian Democrats were forced to form a grand coalition with the Social Democrats, and the price they paid was the drop- ping of the Leipzig resolutions. Prolonged and controversial intra- party discussions accompanied the revision of the party program.13 In 2009, Angela Merkel decided not to talk about economic policy or any other issue touching on the precarious balance between freedom and self-responsibility. Intra-party criticism, however, harshened during the national election campaign, especially after the ‘disillusioning’ regional elec- tions of 30 August 2009.14

Fig. 1: Acceptance of the principle of ‘self-responsibility’16 What do the Germans want? The National Association of German Banks (Bundesverband Deutscher Banken, BDB) regu- larly carries out opinion polls on the Germans’ attitudes on eco- nomic issues,15 and, at first sight, the results of these polls seem to indicate that the Germans appre- ciate a liberal social order and values such as freedom and self- responsibility (see Figure 1). Over the last decade, roughly 60 per cent of the respondents in the regular BDB surveys said that it was the task of the individual to safeguard the nation’s wealth; whereas around 30–35 per cent thought that this was the govern- ment’s task. As the financial cri- sis has deepened, however, these numbers have been affected. In the BDB’s survey of September 2008, 49 per cent thought that it 17 Fig. 2: The future of the social market economy was the government’s job and 44 per cent thought that it was up to the individual. This sees a return as being the cure for the Ger- which lost the 2002 ballot, also to the opinions of the mid-1990s, man disease. After winning the declared its commitment to free- when about half of the interview- 2002 ballot, Chancellor Gerhard dom and self-responsibility at ees also held the view that the Schröder committed the Red– their 2003 national party con- government was responsible for Green project to a process of vention in Leipzig. At that time, safeguarding prosperity. ambitious reform (‘Agenda 2010’). pollsters predicted that the CDU, From these figures, it is pos- Announcing this reform package together with her Bavarian sister sible to conclude that German in his government policy state- party the CSU (Christian Social citizens are willing, in principle, ment of 14 March 2003, entitled Union), would have won an abso- to accept their self-responsibility. ‘Courage to Change’ (‘Mut zur lute majority of seats in the Ger- Particularly as the period from the Veränderung’), Schröder declared man Bundestag, had there been a mid-1990s to 2006 also saw a rise that he would cut welfare benefits, national election. – from 25 per cent to 41 per cent – so as to both promote and demand Surprisingly, however, public in the number of people desiring self-responsibility. The Chris- opinion changed radically dur- less government influence on the tian Democratic Union (CDU), ing the 2005 election campaign, economy. However, probably as a

32 Journal of Liberal History 69 Winter 2010–11 long-term trends in public opinion and the rise of the free democratic party result of the financial crisis, peo- during the 2003 Leipzig party Debate’ of spring 2005 and as a ple have again lost their faith in congress.19 About a year later result of the current financial crisis. the market. By September 2008, and two years after forming the the proportion of those in favour grand coalition, two-thirds of the of ‘the market’ playing a bigger CDU’s voters were pleased with Trends in public opinion role in the economy dropped to 24 the government.20 This, however, The Germans as a whole are inde- per cent. Now, 60 per cent of the was grounded first and foremost cisive. They appreciate the welfare respondents are asking for more in a sense of gloating over the state, but also freedom, and would social security to be provided by Social Democrats’ ongoing poll- prefer to have both at the same the government (see Figure 2). ing crisis. Another one and a half time. In the summer of 2006, the The belief in economic free- years later, and the CDU’s vot- journalist Bruce Stokes wrote an dom is not well grounded in ers were again highly dissatisfied article entitled ‘Germany Stalled’ Germany. This became obvious with the CDU’s economic policy. on the German disease and the during the so-called ‘Anti-Cap- In a poll undertaken by FORSA unwillingness of the govern- italism Debate’ in the spring of in March 2009, 74 per cent of the ment to reform.23 He stated that: 2005. The equation, in the mass interviewees were afraid that the ‘It is not clear, though, that Ger- media, between a free-market CDU could become the ‘party many’s politicians or public have economy and exploitation gave of nationalisation’; 52 per cent much stomach for further change.’ voice to a public scepticism about accused Merkel of collaboration However, this general reproach the fundamental principles of the with the Social Democrats.21 does not seem to be completely market economy. By the time The findings of another study accurate as regards either the poli- voters went to the polls in 2005, (‘Perspektive-Deutschland ticians or the German public. In 75 per cent of the interviewees 2006’)22 seem to indicate that fact, a careful interpretation of the thought that corporate profits Germans want to have their cake opinion polls does not confirm a were not benefiting society – were and eat it: they want freedom diagnosis of unswerving belief in harmful, in other words – and from the state but they also want big government and a degree of 37 per cent viewed high profits risk protection by the state. More discernable scepticism towards as ‘morally dubious’. The impact than half of the interviewees (54 freedom. of the current financial crisis has per cent) favour a social model The average German appre- produced much the same reaction. that shows notably more market ciates the welfare state, but also In September 2008, 79 per cent orientation than before; only 13 some freedom. The long-lasting of the interviewees said that the per cent opt for a society more economic crisis of 2001 brought profits of private businesses were intensely shaped by government. both mass unemployment to the not benefiting society, and 46 per However, the respondents would Germans and losses in net wealth, cent judged ‘high profits’ as ‘mor- also like to see more redistribu- and the same is feared to be hap- ally dubious’. tion: more than three-quarters pening or has already happened Despite the open scepticism of propose that more government as a result of the financial cri- the German public towards the programmes be instituted to nar- sis. The solution to permanently market economy, the proportion row social chasms; 38 per cent overcoming the ‘German dis- of people who lean towards the want the government to cover ease’ and its accompanying crisis values of freedom and self-respon- the population’s risks to a larger is publicly known and accepted: sibility as such seems to be stable. extent; while 37 per cent would a programme of liberalisation The same can be said for the part like to see more self-responsi- The Germans and deregulation. Indeed, as the of the population which fervently bility. Asked to choose between surveys mentioned above clearly advocates an all-powerful state approaches to organising social as a whole show, the Germans are aware as the solution. According to the security, 48 per cent opted for the of the fact that an efficient wel- Deutscher Wertemonitor, published governmental model and only 34 are indeci- fare system has to rely on a mar- by the Friedrich-Naumann-Stif- per cent for the market model. ket economy, and analysis of the tung, the number of respondents German society today is divided sive. They opinion polls points to a growing who favour individual freedom into two camps. On the one hand, support for freedom. There are and self-responsibility as against we have the proponents of an all- appreciate signs of the beginning of a change social solidarity and equality has protective state, who were gradu- in values throughout the public dropped slightly from 47 to 43 per ally declining in numbers until the the welfare and that the dominant egalitarian cent. The share held by the pro- beginning of the current financial Zeitgeist shaped by the 1960s and ponents of social solidarity and crisis. In contrast, the other camp, state, but 1970s might now have peaked and equality has climbed slightly from which has grown notably over the also free- be on the decline. This is in line 47 to 50 per cent.18 past decade, confesses allegiance with a prediction by the Institut In 2006, after the first year of to values such as freedom and self- dom, and für Demoskopie Allensbach (IfD) the grand coalition’s ‘regency’ in responsibility and fundamentally who forecast in 2003 that the Berlin, the assessment of the CEO prefers the market to the state as would prefer value of freedom would, indeed, of the polling firm TNS Emnid far as the economic order is con- gain in importance.24 was that conservative voters and cerned. However, the worldview to have both Clearly, the current financial almost all business people were of vast parts of this second camp is crisis has had an impact on this profoundly disappointed with not consolidated, as was shown by at the same long-term increase in the appre- the CDU’s policies, because they the changes within public opinion ciation of ‘freedom’. However, contradicted the resolutions made both during the ‘Anti- time. the fundamental trend seems to

Journal of Liberal History 69 Winter 2010–11 33 long-term trends in public opinion and the rise of the free democratic party remain intact, which means that and ‘capitalist values’ of causing Angela Merkel.28 In his own elec- the view has been growing the the economic crisis and despite toral ward, he got 68.1 per cent of individual is responsible their own demanding massive state inter- the first votes, the best result of well-being, and not the state. In a ventions such as the nationalisa- all candidates in the 2009 parlia- poll taken in March 2009 by the tion of tumbling businesses, the mentary elections. All in all, the IfD, 47 per cent agree with the parties on the left of the politi- FDP received 6.3 million votes. statement, ‘every man is the archi- cal spectrum did not benefit. In An analysis of voter migration tect of his own fortune’. Only the European elections, Social shows that nearly 20 per cent of 28 per cent said that they were Democrats fell to the lowest per- the FDP’s votes (1.2 million) orig- defenceless and at the mercy of centage of the vote ever (20.8 inated from former CDU/CSU circumstances – an attitude that per cent). The post-communists voters, about 7 per cent (430,000) promotes reliance on the redis- (‘The Left’, 7.5 per cent) and the from former SPD voters. There tributing state. This the latter Greens (12.1 per cent) gained only can therefore be no doubt that the number is the lowest in the IfD’s a few votes. Christian Democrats FDP profited from disillusioned surveys since 1990 and represents performed better than expected CDU/CSU supporters. Another the expression of a trend in Ger- (37.9 per cent). However, the larg- 930.000 disillusioned CDU/CSU many, a ‘renaissance of civic val- est growth was seen by the pro- voters stayed away from the ballot ues’, which is probably the main market Free Democrats (11.0 per box. This voter migration pattern cause for the increasing support cent), who nearly doubled their suggests that the reasons for the for the FDP, beyond the dissatis- share of the vote.27 FDP ‘stealing’ votes can be found faction of former loyal CDU vot- To compound this state of in the economic and fiscal policies ers with their party.25 (See Figure affairs, the results of the national of the grand coalition.29 3.) elections in September 2009 were Now, about one year after the Naturally, this change in values a disaster for the Social Democrats election, voters’ support for the will unfold only gradually. How- (23.0 per cent). Post-communists FDP has melted away. The reason ever, the current financial crisis performed quite well (at 11.9 per for the disastrous polls since the might prove to be a trigger that cent), and the Greens gained a lit- beginning of 2010 is quite obvi- speeds up the change in attitudes tle (at 10.7 per cent). The CDU/ ous: the Free Democrats have not and, as a result, the delicate trend CSU suffered slight losses (33.8 shown any serious attempt to alter towards increased liberty might per cent). The FDP, however, got German politics after the election. result in a sustainable change in its best result ever (14.6 per cent). Apparently, they have broken the political landscape in Ger- In polls taken at the beginning of their election pledge. many. The results of the German July 2009, one of the few German elections to the European par- top-ranking politicians favouring liament in June 2009, as well as economic freedom – the Minis- Will there be a sudden change the results of the national parlia- ter for Economics and Technol- in German politics? mentary elections in September ogy, Karl-Theodor Freiherr von The economic theory of democ- 2009, seem to be consistent with und zu Guttenberg (CSU) – was racy laid out by Anthony Downs this hypothesis. Despite accus- the second most favoured poli- in 195730 is grounded in the ing ‘the free market economy’ tician, just behind Chancellor assumption that political parties strive to maximise their votes, and therefore automatically pur- Fig. 3: Views regarding freedom and self-responsibility26 sue policies that also maximise the profit of the majority of the vot- ers. Rational voters make their electoral decisions on the basis of information provided by party manifestos, and choose those par- ties whose programmes match their individual interests to the greatest possible extent. If this is, indeed, true, then the long-term orientations of the voting public should have connotations for the political landscape. From the findings of the opin- ion polls described above, and according to the theoretical model of democracy just described, there should be two political camps in Germany. The first should stand for the expansion of social equality through governmental activity, and the second should stand for the strengthening of freedom and self-responsibility.

34 Journal of Liberal History 69 Winter 2010–11 long-term trends in public opinion and the rise of the free democratic party

These two camps should differ The shift- sanctioned distortions and favour- Philadelphia: Schaefer & Konradi, decisively as regards their politi- itism,34 and for politicians in gen- 1882), p. 414. cal programmes and their politi- ing political eral, this kind of ‘plundering’ 2 The official results of recent and cal action. And, indeed, precisely entrepreneurship seems to have historical elections in Germany this sort of factionalisation can be sentiment in been a more profitable strategy. can be accessed from the website found within the German party Rather than creating new politi- of the ‘Bundeswahlleiter’ (Federal spectrum (CDU/CSU/FDP vs. Germany is, cal knowledge, certain social Returning Officer): . These two political camps, indeed, an able benefit through welfare state 3 Susanne Kailitz, ‘Der Wähler whose major representatives incentive for transfers. In the current financial ist unberechenbar – und unzu- (CDU/CSU and SPD) have been crisis, examples of these groups frieden mit seiner Wahl. Weder forced to form a grand coalition politicians to are the banking sector and the Schwarz-Gelb noch Rot–Grün from 2005 to 2009, should be automotive industry. However, erreichen eine Mehrheit’, Das expected to strive for the greatest recalibrate creative rather than plunder- Parlament, 38–39/2005, ; Karl-Rudolf Korte, ‘Was actual actions are concerned. Yet, paigning. If to generate solutions for social entschied die Bundestagswahl despite trying to establish distinc- problems.35 2005?’, Aus Politik und Zeitgeschichte, tive profiles, the CDU/CSU and the growing In the medium term, there 51–52/2005, p. 12–18. SPD were striving to demonstrate will be no paradigm shift in Ger- 4 Thomas Petersen, ‘Der Zau- an overriding spirit of harmony in acceptance man politics. The institutional berklang des Sozialismus. Die government to the public. Those framework for political action Aussagen der Linken fallen auf who criticised the ongoing social- of economic still gives strong incentives for fruchtbaren Boden’, Frankfurter All- democratisation of the CDU31 political entrepreneurs to act in gemeine Zeitung, 18 July 2007, p. 5. desired a political commitment liberty and a ‘plundering’ way and to work 5 Heinrich Heine, op. cit., p. 415. to more individual liberty, more against the deconstruction of the 6 ‘Bund bürgt für private Spareinla- individual responsibility, and the cor- paternalistic welfare state. How- gen’, Süddeutsche Zeitung, 5 October more economic freedom; the ever, pro-market arguments are 2008, . fear such a political agenda. values of visible in German politics in the 7 ‘Richtlinie zur Förderung des The attitude of that part of the future, and, as a result, a politi- Absatzes von Personenkraftwagen’, electorate which is actually in self-respon- cal party committed to economic Bundesanzeiger, 48/2009, p. 1144 ff. favour of self-responsibility and liberalism and ‘bourgeois vir- 8 ‘Köhler unterzeichnet HRE- freedom is not rock solid, as was sibility and tues’,36 filling the void left by Enteignungsgesetz’, Welt online, 7 seen during the Anti-Capitalism Angela Merkel’s recent strategy April 2009,

Journal of Liberal History 69 Winter 2010–11 35 long-term trends in public opinion and the rise of the free democratic party

Grundlagen hervor’, Frank- Stimmung im Auftrag der Krisengewinnler’. Banken (BDB), op. cit., 2005, furter Allgemeine Zeitung, 12 July ARD-Tagesthemen und sieben 27 ‘Nach Europawahl-Debakel. 2006, 2008. 2007, p. 5. Tageszeitungen (Berlin, 2007). Die SPD sucht verzweifelt eine 33 ‘Merkel’s Revolution. Germa- 14 ‘Kritik an Wahlkampfführung. 21 ‘Umfrage. Merkels Wirtschaft- neue Strategie’, Welt online, 8 ny’s Conservatives Head for the Merkel lehnt Strategiewechsel spolitik verprellt viele Union- June 2009, . many/0,1518,671478,00.html>. Banken (BDB), Die Zukunft der land/ 0,1518,613985,00.html>. 28 ‘Deutschlandtrend. Wähler 34 Franz Beitzinger, Politische Sozialen Marktwirtschaft (Ber- 22 Projektbericht Perspektive-Deut- lehnen Erhöhung der Mehr- Ökonomie des Politikbetriebs lin, 2005); Wirtschaftsstandort schland 2005/2006 (Düsseldorf, wertsteuer ab’, Welt online, (Stuttgart: Lucius & Lucius, Deutschland 2006, Unterlagen 2006). 3 July 2009, . Beiträge zur Ordnungsökonomik, Ergebnisse repräsentativer Allensbach (IfD), Der Wert 29 ‘Wahlanalyse. Die Schere ed. Manfred Streit et al. Meinungsumfragen im Auftrag der Freiheit. Ergebnisse einer schließt sich’, Frankfurter Allge- (Tübingen: J.C.B. Mohr (Paul des Bundesverbandes deutscher Grundlagenstudie zum Frei- meine Zeitung, 29 September Siebeck), 1995), pp. 105–134. Banken (Berlin, 2008). heitsverständnis der Deutschen 2009. 35 Randall Holcombe, ‘Politi- 16 Source: Bundesverband Deut- (Allensbach, 2003), pp. 15, 60, 30 Anthony Downs, An Economic cal Entrepreneurship and the scher Banken (BDB), Schön- 69 ff. Theory of Democracy (New Democratic Allocation of hauser Gespräche 2008, p. 7. 25 Thomas Petersen, ‘Nicht nur York: Harper & Row, 1957). Economic Resources’, The 17 Ibid. Krisengewinnler. Die FDP 31 Klaus-Peter Schöppner, Review of Austrian Economics, 18 Deutscher Wertemonitor, Ergeb- wird seit einem Jahrzehnt ‘Wundertütenpolitik’; 15, 2002, pp. 143–159; Thomas nisse im Auftrag des Liberalen langsam, aber stetig stärker. ‘UMFRAGE. Merkels Wirt- DiLorenzo, ‘Competition and Instituts der Friedrich-Nau- Ihre Wertordnung scheint in schaftspolitik verprellt viele Political Entrepreneurship’, mann-Stiftung für die Freiheit der Krise aktueller zu sein als Unionsanhänger’, Spiegel online, The Review of Austrian Econom- (Potsdam, 2008), p. 37. die der christlichen Parteien’, 18 March 2009, ; refers to men’s moral senti- – Zeitschrift für Soziale Mark- 26 Data from 1955–2003: for Jens Tenscher, Helge-Lothar ments as the foundation of any twirtschaft, 108/2006, . whole. Source: Institut für im Schatten der Großen Koali- key, The Bourgeois Virtues: 20 ARD – DeutschlandTREND Demoskopie Allensbach (IfD), tion (Wiesbaden: VS Verlag für Ethics for an Age of Commerce Juli 2007 (Infratest Dimap). Der Wert der Freiheit, p. 98; Sozialwissenschaft, 2008). (Chicago: University of Chi- Umfrage zur politischen Thomas Petersen, ‘Nicht nur 32 Bundesverband Deutscher cago Press 2006). Liberal history quiz 2010: answers (See page 19 for the questions.)

1. John Stuart Mill 9. 2. Lord Rosebery (Actually our wording was slightly sloppy 10. Liverpool here, as Lord John Russell was Prime Minister for eight 11. months in 1865–66, a shorter period than Rosebery’s fifteen months in 1894–95. Russell’s earlier period as PM, from 1846 12. Dick Taverne to 1852, fell before our cut-off date of 1859, though that 13. Sir William Vernon Harcourt wasn’t what we intended! In the end we accepted either Rosebery or Russell as a correct answer.) 14. A J Sylvester 3. North 15. 4. David Alton 16. 5. George Dangerfield 17. Sir John Acton (later Lord Acton) 6. Isle of Ely; Ripon 18. Tawney Society 7. Diana Maddock 19. Sir Charles Dilke 8. King Street, St James, London SW1 20. Jenny Randerson

36 Journal of Liberal History 69 Winter 2010–11 Liberal Leaders of the Nineteenth Century The latest publication from the Liberal Democrat History Group is Liberal Leaders: Leaders of the Liberal Party 1828– 1899.

The forty-page booklet contains concise biographies of every Liberal leader from the Great Reform Act to the end of the nineteeth century – the heyday of the Liberal Party.

The total of eleven biographies stretches from Lord Grey to Sir William Harcourt, including such towering figures as Viscout Melbourne, Lord John Russell, Lord Palmerston and William Ewart Gladstone.

Liberal Leaders of the Nineteenth Century is available to Journal of Liberal History subscribers for the special price of £3.50 (normal price £4) with free p&p. To order, please send a cheque for £3.50 (made out to ‘Liberal Democrat History Group’) to LDHG, 38 Salford Road, London SW2 4BQ.

Liberal Leaders of the Twentieth Century The companion volume from the Liberal Democrat History Group is Liberal Leaders: Leaders of the Liberal Party, SDP and Liberal Democrats since 1900.

The sixty-page booklet contains concise biographies of every Liberal, Social Democrat and Liberal Democrat leader since 1900. The total of sixteen biographies stretches from Henry Campbell-Bannerman to Nick Clegg, including such figures as H. H. Asquith, David Lloyd George, Jo Grimond, , David Owen and .

Liberal Leaders is available to Journal of Liberal History subscribers for the special price of £5 (normal price £6) with free p&p. To order, please send a cheque for £5.00 (made out to ‘Liberal Democrat History Group’) to LDHG, 38 Salford Road, London SW2 4BQ.

Journal of Liberal History 69 Winter 2010–11 37 appearance without us being told she was Asquith’s daughter; in reviews 1976 (though from the context you’d think it was 1975), we are told that seemed about to resign, but not what post Too short a history he was thinking of resigning from Chris Cook, A Short History of the Liberal Party: The Road Back (actually, Chief Whip); and so on. The same thing occurs in the new to Power (Palgrave Macmillan, 2010) chapters: for example, the Butler Reviewed by Duncan Brack Report (on the evidence for Iraqi weapons of mass destruction) is mentioned but never explained, hris Cook, the prolific Some of the problems have as is ’s ‘embar- author and historian, and been fixed. The section of the rassment’ over the 2005 con- Chis publishers, Palgrave book relating to the October ference debate on the Royal Macmillan, are to be con- 1974 election is no longer writ- Mail; details of shadow cabinet gratulated on keeping this long- ten in the present tense, the index reshuffles are given but with no running series going; the 2010 is no longer wrong (though it’s background on the people being edition of this short history of the still a bit skimpy) and the book’s reshuffled; etc., etc. party is the seventh, in a sequence been re-set, which means it now Information is often incom- which started in 1976. As one of appears in a much clearer typeface plete: the 2001 conference debate the comments on the back cover than hitherto. on all-women shortlists is referred says, ‘The great strength of Chris But too many factual errors to but its outcome is not; the Cook’s party history is that it is a remain uncorrected. Peter number of constituency seats won work of reference and record. Dr Knowlson, a member of the Lib- in the 2003 Scottish elections is Cook provides a highly readable eral negotiating team over merger given, but the number of list seats narrative.’ with the SDP, has strangely isn’t – and three of the constitu- That’s certainly true: this vol- morphed into someone called encies appear to be gains, whereas ume is the most comprehensive Andy Millson. The post-merger actually only one was; the total and up-to-date of the available name of the party is given as Lib Dem vote was supposed to concise histories of the party. The Social and Liberal Democratic have fallen, though actually it bulk of its contents are essentially Party, which it never was; it was rose; and apparently the 2006 fed- the same as the previous, 2002, always Social and Liberal Demo- eral conference ‘took issue’ with edition, with four new chap- crats. And plenty of new errors the abandonment of the 50p top ters replacing the previous final appear in the final four chapters: chapter, bringing the history up Patsy Calton MP is misnamed as to summer 2010. As a result, the Patsy Catton; Bill Newton Dunn book provides a greater level of MEP becomes Bill Newton detail on the Liberal Democrat Gunn; the date of the anti-Iraq period than it does on the histo- war march in which Lib Dems ries of the predecessor parties. participated is given as 15 Febru- Previous editions had the ary 2004 (it was 2003); the Febru- starting date of 1900 in the title; ary 2006 by-election apparently in fact that was always a bit mis- took place in Dunbarton and leading, since the book’s first two West Fife (it was Dunfermline chapters provide a decent, though and West Fife); short, summary of nineteenth- MSP supposedly became leader century Liberal history. The next of the Scottish Liberal Democrats eight chapters cover the Edward- in 2003 (actually it was 2005), and ian heyday of the party and then then, strangely, resigns as Labour its decline, to 1945; a further five MP for Glasgow East in 2008; chapters take us up to 1987; and in 2010 Simon Wright is elected the remaining eight chapters, as MP for Redcar (in fact it was almost 40 per cent of the book’s Norwich South); a list of coalition length, cover the Liberal-SDP Lib Dem ministers is given which merger and the story of the Lib- omits ; and so on. eral Democrats. Events and people are men- That’s not to say, however, that tioned without any explanation the book couldn’t have been rather of what or who they were – for better. My review of the last edi- example, as in the last edition, the tion, which appeared in Journal Lloyd George Fund is referred to 37 (winter 2002–03) highlighted several times without us being a number of flaws – and unfor- told where it originated (in the tunately most of them are still sale of political honours);Violet present in the current volume. Bonham Carter makes an

38 Journal of Liberal History 69 Winter 2010–11 reviews income tax rate, whereas in fact, This book, represented as Liberal adoption of Overall, this is a frustrat- of course, it voted for it. unilateral nuclear disarmament ing book. Parts of it are actually Speaking as someone who’s like its previ- (a common mistake), though the quite good – particularly the first edited a fair number of books in 1981 vote at Llandudno against couple of chapters, on the pre- the past, I would say this book ous editions, Cruise missiles, wrongly, is.) The 1900 period, and the last, which hasn’t been near an editor – or party’s strong environmental provides a perceptive analysis at least, not one who knew any- really only policy stance is almost never men- of the case for a coalition and thing about the subject. History tioned. The 2010 election cam- the progress and outcome of the books ought not to make so scores well paign is dealt with in two pages, coalition negotiations. But in many simple mistakes. And the and the results then described between there’s just too many English, while clear enough, is on the last in eight – though the analysis is mistakes, too much on the elec- often clumsy and inelegant, for point, Liberal purely geographical; there is no toral record and not enough on example as in describing the out- attempt anywhere in the book anything else. come of the 2007 local, Scottish psephology, to look at the socioeconomic or and Welsh elections as ‘mixed’ attitudinal underpinnings of the Duncan Brack is Editor of the Jour- three times in three successive where it party’s voters or its members. nal of Liberal History. sentences. A decent editor ought to have fixed that. provides a More seriously, the book’s contents are heavily imbalanced. comprehen- As I observed in my review of the last edition, a good party history sive record of Modernising the state ought to include a description of the party’s leading personalities, local, by- and Steve Pincus, 1688: The First Modern Revolution (Yale its internal structures and ways of University Press, 2009) functioning, key elements of its general elec- strategy (or lack of one) at crucial Reviewed by Mark Pack moments, and party philosophy tion achieve- and policy. It should show how he traditional picture of down a path leading towards a it related to the outside world ments. 1688 is of a rather English country in the style of Louis XIV, (i.e. what difference it made), its Trevolution – one much the revolutionaries looked to underlying bases of support in the politer, less violent, more lim- Holland for a radically different, electorate, and, of course, its elec- ited and rather more sensible and alternative vision of the future. toral record. rational than the bloody versions Holland, too, was a country This book, like its previous of revolution seen in other coun- where the military was at the cen- editions, really only scores well on tries. In this work Steve Pincus tre of the government’s efforts, the last point, Liberal psephology, sets out to challenge that view. with a centralised state at home where it provides a comprehensive In his view, the Glorious Rev- and military intervention abroad. record of local, by- and general olution was not simply a quick However, it was also a state that election achievements. If it had and painless transfer of power at valued political participation covered all the other elements as the top of the state but a wide- rather than an absolute mon- thoroughly as this, it would be reaching and fundamental altera- arch, tolerated different religions an excellent source – and also, of tion to the state, politics, society and encouraged manufacturing course, a good deal longer. As it and culture – all deliberately rather than focusing on protect- is, it is really quite unbalanced, planned by opponents of James II. ing a landed empire. The driving lacking, in particular, any real They were not seeking simply to motor of society and government consideration of Liberal policy oppose him but also to offer the was commerce, not the monarch. and ideology. For example, the country a different route to mod- Pincus therefore argues that ‘the chapter on Jo Grimond’s period ernisation. The Glorious Revolu- revolution pitted two groups of as leader refers to his important tion was not, as in the traditional modernisers against each other.’ policy innovations, such as Liberal version, a defence of the English He also, as a result, asks us to support for UK entry to Europe, way of life against an errant mon- see 1688 not as a short, English and industrial democracy, in less arch who had blundered for a few revolution but rather as an event than half a sentence, whereas the years but, in Pincus’s eyes, the that played out over several years party’s opinion poll and electoral creation of a new way of life. This and had important repercussions record is examined in painstaking view, he argues, returns historical across the world, including India, detail. The 1986 defence debate interpretation to a position much the West Indies, North America at the Eastbourne Assembly – the closer to that held by many in the and continental Europe. occasion when the Liberal-SDP eighteenth century. Moving into more theoretical Alliance began to fall apart – is Rather than James II’s territory, he therefore also posi- referred to with no explanation of approach of centralisation, intol- tions the Glorious Revolution, the background whatsoever, while erance of dissidents and territorial and not the French Revolution, the same chapter looks at the Alli- empire, his opponents created a as the first modern revolution. ance’s electoral record in impres- participatory state set on a course Part of this argument is about the sive detail. (Pleasingly, however, of continuous evolution. Instead bloody nature of 1688 in his eyes: the 1986 vote at Eastbourne is not of James II taking the country ‘Though we have come to view

Journal of Liberal History 69 Winter 2010–11 39 reviews

claim that ‘the English endured a In addition to the novel inter- scale of violence against property pretation the book offers of both and persons similar to the French 1688 and revolutions more gen- Revolution’, especially given the erally, it also offers an unusual domestic implication many will reading experience as, at the end take from that wording and given of the introduction, Pincus points only the scattered and incidental readers with different interests subsequent comparison of vio- to start reading the main book lence off the battlefield in France at different chapters inside. That and Britain. offer reflects the breadth of a work Part of the book hinges on that has been heavily praised what is considered a revolution, for the detail of its research and with Pincus suggesting that revo- which, whilst not convincing all lutions should not be seen as a fellow historians of the strength struggle of the new to usurp the of its case, has certainly opened old but rather as a staged proc- up new viewpoints to debate. The ess in which the existing power concentration on presenting those structure seeks to change and viewpoints means that those look- then in turn is challenged by an ing to understand the full cast of alternative route to change. It is personalities or the story behind a theory that prompts thoughts James II’s accession to power will across many centuries and coun- mostly not find it here. tries; in particular, whether or not As a result, this controversy the crucial early stage of revolu- and length, yet narrow focus, tions is when the existing estab- make the book more for the lishment starts to break down student of the period than for existing power structures in its the causal reader looking for an own desire to bring about change accessible introduction. – but thereby also opening up the the Glorious Revolution as blood- possibility of a different form of Mark Pack ran the Liberal Democrat less, aristocratic, and consensual, change replacing the establish- 2001 and 2005 internet general election the actual event was none of these ment. It is an intriguing idea, campaign and is now Head of Dig- things … the English endured a although one that in itself cannot ital at MHP Communications. He scale of violence against property really be supported by a book that also co-edits Liberal Democrat Voice and persons similar to that of the focuses on just the one revolution. (www.LibDemVoice.org). French Revolution.’ The case is an impressive, sweeping one, and it is a laid out in a long book, rooted in years of research and buttressed by pages of footnotes. It is a case, though, Prophet of democracy that does not fully convince. Take the striking argument Hugh Brogan, Alexis de Tocqueville: Prophet of Democracy in that the Glorious Revolution was the Age of Revolutions (Profile Books, 2009) as bloody as the French Revolu- tion. A footnote tells us, ‘Statistics Reviewed by Sylvana Tomaselli that highlight the bloodiness of the French Revolution inevitably he praise lavished on century, most notably Nicholas include the Napoleonic Wars … the 2006 hardback edi- Boyle’s Goethe. Shortlisted for By including the Nine Years’ War Ttion which adorns this, its the Orwell Prize, Hugh Brogan’s (1689–97) and the wars of Ireland paperback version, would be Alexis de Tocqueville: Prophet of and Scotland – all direct con- difficult to better. Described as Democracy in the Age of Revolu- sequences of the Revolution of ‘an incomparable portrait of one tions was awarded the Richard E. 1688–89 – the percentages of dead of the sharpest and most sympa- Neustadt Prize. and wounded are comparable to thetic writers of all time’, ‘lively, The praise is well merited. the French case.’ comprehensive, well researched Alexis de Tocqueville is the first However, for many the bloody and exceeding well-written’, ‘[a] comprehensive biography in reputation of the French Revo- magisterial account’, as well as English of the greatest nineteenth- lution is based not on its wars ‘[w]arm, witty, intimate, exhaus- century French liberal, who but on its civil violence. It is the tive, digressive, autumnal, and formed much of Europe’s view of guillotine and not the battlefield not in the least idolatrous’ by America and its democracy, and that shapes the view of a bloody well-known literary figures indeed helped fashion America’s revolution. Hence, making a and academics on both sides of own self-perception and under- like-for-like comparison based on the Atlantic, this biography has standing of its unique political including the wars has merit, but been ranked alongside some of culture. Through his influence does not form a good basis for the the greatest produced in the last on J. S. Mill, Tocqueville further

40 Journal of Liberal History 69 Winter 2010–11 reviews played a significant role in shap- conditions and the governance (from the status of women within ing British political thought and of such institutions, Brogan it to its attitude towards work, liberalism more widely, especially produces an account of what the money, religion, education and in relation to the liberal concep- visitors saw of and learnt about the arts and sciences) and its tion of the threats posed to it by incarceration and punishment, political institutions, with due mass democracy. A towering what they missed or misinter- consideration also to the impact intellectual figure, Tocqueville preted, and what they ought to of its geographical and climatic was also actively engaged in have noted or what they could circumstances. While Mon- much of the turbulent politics of not – an account that is well tesquieu is not entirely ignored, nineteenth-century France. With worth reading in and of itself. Benjamin Constant, a major fig- the publication of L’Ancien Régime This can be said of a number of ure in nineteenth-century French et la Révolution in 1856, he was to the sections of this biography, political thought, goes unmen- become one of his country’s most but amongst the most memorable tioned. There are good reasons arresting historians. To do justice is the description of the trip the why this is so – namely that it is to such a personage was no mean friends undertook from Cincin- unclear whether Tocqueville read task, and Brogan of course also nati in early December 1831 to him or took him seriously, if he faced the more mundane chal- Memphis. That winter proved did – but they could have been lenges encountered by biographers the harshest America experienced made explicit. We are given a of lesser men: documents lost or in half a century. The Ohio and taste of Tocqueville the imperi- destroyed, closed or only recently Cumberland rivers froze, as did alist, but more could have been opened archives, indecipherable the Mississippi. The two men said about his stance on Algeria hand-writing, and so forth. decided to travel over land. Toc- and on France’s colonial ambi- The author of Tocqueville (1973) queville fell ill and the men had to tions more generally. These are and co-editor with Anne P. Kerr take refuge in a cabin so cold that personal preferences and do not of the Correspondance et Conversa- the water Beaumont poured him- detract from what is an impressive tions d’Alexis de Tocqueville et Nas- self froze before he could drink it. and valuable scholarly achieve- sau William Senior (1991), Brogan Later in the same leg of their trip, ment. Some readers might be was by no means a newcomer to they were to see Choctaws, vic- taken aback by the undisguised his subject. Nor, given the largely tims of the Indian Removal Act critical presence of the biogra- uncontested relevance of Toc- of 1830, on their way from their pher within this work. Brogan queville’s Democracy in America, ancestral lands from which they does stand in judgement upon was the celebrated Frenchman’s had been forcibly removed in this Tocqueville. This is particu- work ever much neglected. But terrible winter to Indian Terri- larly, though not solely, true of Brogan brings to his subject tory, now eastern Oklahoma. his assessment of Democracy in both the right sensibility and at Whether in his poignant America, one weakness of which, least one particularly valuable rendition of such a harrowing he tells us, is its ‘inadequate area of expertise. As the author sight or in providing sufficient of the Longman History of the historical and political context of America (1985), to make the actions or inactions American Presidential Families of Tocqueville comprehensible (with Charles Mosley, 1993), and to his readers, Brogan writes Kennedy (1996), Brogan’s reading effectively. He succeeds in cover- of Democracy in America benefits ing the different facets and vari- from a detailed knowledge of, as ous phases of Tocqueville’s life well as long-term perspective on, without losing sight of the com- the social and political history of plexities of the issues involved, North America. More tangible whether emotional, political or still in his rendition of the jour- intellectual. As can be expected ney Tocqueville and his com- of a biography today, it is not panion, Gustave de Beaumont, shy about matters of health and undertook is Brogan’s feel for the sex, and follows the vicissitudes period, the various people the of his engagement and marriage travellers met, and the land and as well as those of his relations riverscapes they went through. with women other than his wife Examining America’s peni- before and after their wedding. tentiary system was the official This reviewer would gladly have reason for Tocqueville and traded these for lengthier analy- Beaumont to cross the Atlantic, ses of Tocqueville’s intellectual though it was politically very relations with contemporaries convenient for them not to be in such as J. S. Mill or his debt to France at the time. Using their figures from France’s past, such respective reports, published and as Montesquieu, who pioneered unpublished materials, their cor- the approach that Tocqueville respondence with colleagues, sought to adopt, that is, to seek friends and relations as well as to determine the causal relations independent sources on prison between all aspects of a society

Journal of Liberal History 69 Winter 2010–11 41 reviews treatment of political parties’ Tocqueville the assumptions and the party’s policy approach in (p. 160) or that Tocqueville met prejudices one might expect of a practice being heavily informed, many political actors who could member of the Normand nobil- implicitly or explicitly, by ideas of have been good informants had ity. We, who live in times when social rights. The final thematic he only asked the right ques- referenda are denied us or their chapter, by Andrew Russell, con- tions. Done as it is, openly and results disregarded until we vote siders political strategy, and sets in unashamedly, Brogan’s expres- as we should, will understand that a historical context the strategic sion of his frank opinions actually one does not need to be the scion dilemma facing the party in the strengthens his story and often of an illustrious family to be con- 2005 parliament – a dilemma for draws attention were it should. cerned about mass democracy. which Liberal Democrats might Finally, as is not uncommon with now be forgiven for feeling some- biographers writing about noble- Sylvana Tomaselli teaches the history what nostalgic. men and women, Brogan does of political thought papers at Cam- The thematic chapters are well appear at times to be à la recherche bridge, where she is a Fellow of St complemented by the broader du snobisme and to project onto John’s College. analytical chapters on the influ- ence of classical liberalism, and the ‘centre’ on party policy. The inclusion of Roy Douglas and Vince Cable as exponents of classical liberalism Liberal thought – the one a prominent classical liberal activist since the 1940s, Kevin Hickson (ed.), The Political Thought of the Liberals and the other the Liberal Democrat Liberal Democrats since 1945 (Manchester University Press, Shadow Chancellor at the time of writing and now Secretary of 2009) State for Business, Innovation Reviewed by Peter Sloman and Skills – has an attractive sym- metry to it. Richard Grayson and Steve Webb correspondingly his is, as Kevin Hickson Webb, and David Howarth – at outline the social liberal case, notes in his introduction, the back. It is striking that not emphasising the extent to which Tthe fourth major academic only have all three parliamentary the social liberal willingness collection of essays on Liberal and contributors had academic careers to use state power to promote Liberal Democrat politics to have of their own, but three of the aca- greater equality and sustain- appeared over the past thirty years, demic contributors (Roy Douglas, ability, as essential prerequisites following on from the volumes Richard Grayson and Alan Butt of freedom, has informed the edited by Vernon Bogdanor and Philip) have also stood as Liberal Don MacIver in 1983 and 1994 and or Liberal Democrat parliamen- a 2007 special issue of the Politi- tary candidates, whilst Duncan cal Quarterly edited by Richard Brack and Russell Deacon are Grayson.1 In contrast to the three also active in Liberal Democrat earlier collections, however, this politics. book focuses almost exclusively on The quality of the contribu- issues of political thought and pol- tions is consistently high through- icy development within the party. out. In the thematic chapters, Matt In its organisation and intellectual Cole on constitutional reform, approach, it represents a compan- Russell Deacon on decentralisa- ion volume to The Political Thought tion, Duncan Brack on political of the Conservative Party since 1945, economy and Alan Butt Philip also edited by Hickson,2 and it has on internationalism all provide a dual objective of drawing schol- lively and comprehensive accounts arly attention to centrists within of Liberal (Democrat) thought the party as well as to strands of and policy on the model of the thought on the right and left, and essays in the Bogdanor volume. of fostering interaction between Although the volume was pub- academics and active politicians in lished well before the 2010 elec- the discussion of political thought. tion, journalists and scholars This latter ambition is achieved looking to set the policies of the by bookending six thematic chap- coalition government in the con- ters with contributions outlining text of Liberals’ historic policy classical liberal, social liberal, and commitments will find these centrist approaches to Liberal chapters invaluable. In a spirited political thought at the front of the chapter on social morality, Bruce book, and with commentaries by Pilbeam argues that rhetorical parliamentary exponents of these fidelity to the writings of John approaches – Vince Cable, Steve Stuart Mill has not prevented

42 Journal of Liberal History 69 Winter 2010–11 reviews mainstream of Liberal Democrat Overall, how- yet their concerns for free trade, may, of course, have prevented thought. Mark Garnett and David land value taxation, and a smaller this. Overall, however, this is an Howarth search for a Liberal ever, this is or simpler state indicate the influ- extremely valuable addition to Democrat centre, though they ence of a distinctive classical the literature on post-war Liber- find it in rather different places: an extremely liberal tradition within the party, alism, combining scholarly rigour Garnett in the idea of Liberalism which is not fully captured by with often passionate argument as a force for political moderation, valuable the more philosophical criteria about the nature of Liberalism embodied by successive party Howarth uses. Perhaps this bears and its implications for the future leaders since the Thorpe era and addition to out Howarth’s suggestion, in of the party. Hickson and his con- reconstructed in a centre-right his contribution to the present tributors should be congratulated direction under Menzies Camp- the literature volume, that Liberal thought has on their achievement. As with bell and Nick Clegg; Howarth in on post-war frequently been at its most fertile many similar academic texts, the a ‘core liberalism’ where Liber- and distinctive where classical and price (£60) will be prohibitive for als can unite around the goal of Liberalism, social liberal ideas have interacted many; but it is well worth read- a society in which individuals and combined. ing, so you should certainly get enjoy the freedom and capacity to combining In a couple of respects, the vol- your library to buy it. make their own life choices. ume falls slightly short of what it One paradoxical achievement scholarly might have been. Recurrent hints Peter Sloman is a doctoral student of the contributions to this vol- of divergent Liberal views on at The Queen’s College, Oxford. ume is to reveal just how difficult rigour with the welfare state – from Cable’s His research focuses on economic pol- classical and social liberalism – not reminder that Jo Grimond sup- icy development in the Liberal Party, to mention the ‘centrist’ strand often pas- ported education vouchers, to 1929–1964. of Liberal thought – are to pin Grayson’s observation that social down. Hickson, in the introduc- sionate argu- liberals have tended to support 1 Vernon Bogdanor (ed.), Liberal tion, suggests that the distinction diversity of provision in the pub- Party Politics (Oxford, 1983); Don between classical and social liber- ment about lic services in principle but to shy MacIver (ed.), The Liberal Demo- alism is broadly analogous to that away from it in practice – suggest crats (1996); Political Quarterly, 78, 1 between negative and positive the nature that a chapter on social policy (2007), special issue on the Liberal liberty, but alternative definitions might have been well justified. Democrats. appear throughout the volume: of Liberalism Perhaps, too, the commentaries 2 Kevin Hickson (ed.), The Political for instance, Douglas argues that and its impli- by Cable, Howarth and Webb at Thought of the Conservative Party ‘classical liberalism pivots on the end of the book would have since 1945 (Palgrave Macmillan, the idea of personal liberty’ and cations for been of greater value if they had 2005). notes that classical liberals dif- discussed the arguments devel- 3 David Howarth, ‘What is social fer amongst themselves over the the future of oped in the preceding chapters as liberalism?’, in Duncan Brack, legitimacy of state intervention well as the influence of the dif- Richard S. Grayson and David to remedy ‘extreme disparities the party. ferent ideological traditions on Howarth (eds.), Reinventing the of wealth and poverty’, whilst contemporary Liberal Democrat State: Social Liberalism for the 21st Grayson suggests that the classi- policy; the compilation schedule Century (Politico’s, 2007). cal–social liberal distinction may be most useful as a shorthand means of distinguishing between less and more egalitarian and sta- tist positions in Liberal Democrat policy debates. Both Grayson and Of pies and politics Brack allude approvingly to David Howarth’s argument, developed Ophelia Field, The Kit-Cat Club: Friends Who Imagined a in the 2007 volume Reinventing Nation (HarperPress, 2008) the State, that most self-described economic liberals in the party Reviewed by Mark Pack are actually not classical liberals – defined by a belief ‘that all the ounded in the late 1690s into the Kit-Cat Club, a pioneer state should do is guarantee rights by London bookseller in mixing politics, culture and and then move out of the way’ – FJacob Tonson, utilising the professional interests in one club, but ‘minimalist’ social liberals, premises and consuming the food such areas having previously been who share with more ‘maximalist’ of pie-maker Christopher Cat, kept separate in organisations social liberals a recognition that the Kit-Cat Club evolved into that served but the one niche. political freedom requires a meas- a club with a cast of prominent The combination of the rich and ure of material redistribution but members of the cultural, politi- politically powerful with artists stop short of recognising Rawl- cal and social circles of the time. and authors in search of patron- sian supplementary fairness prin- The origins of the club were age was an effective one and, in ciples as justifications for further literary, with Tonson regularly contrast to the highly stratified intervention.3 Both of the ‘clas- feeding aspiring authors at Cat’s nature of society at the time, the sical liberal’ authors in this book pub in return for the promise of club was a meritocratic forum, can be regarded in Howarth’s a first publication option on their founded and hosted by non- terms as minimalist social liberals; works. Over time this evolved aristocrats. However, its place in

Journal of Liberal History 69 Winter 2010–11 43 reviews

members as part of a deliberate Robert Walpole and a clutch of Whig policy to create a wider peers and MPs. Nine Kit-Cat sympathetic climate of opinion. members served on the 1708 They aided supportive writers commission which drew up plans and encouraged complimentary for the union between England cultural trends, including tolera- and Scotland. Three of the four tion, at a time when political dis- members of the Whig Junto putes often featured questions of were Kit-Cat members. In 1709 nationality or religion. a Kit-Cat held every senior post The presence on the throne in Ireland’s colonial administra- of a Dutch King – William III – tion save one. For all but nine also spurred the club’s members years between 1714 and 1762 the to sketch out a strengthening of prime minister was a Kit-Cat English identity. Their choice of Club member (and eight of those food – pies – was English rather years had the brother of a Kit-Cat than Continental cuisine, and member in the office). And so on. its members looked to develop a However, whilst such activi- strong English strand in the arts. ties are well documented in this The literary magazine was born book, less clear is how impor- from the club’s membership, with tant the club itself was. It may The Tatler and then The Spectator have brought influential people appearing. The latter, in particu- together, but were they any the lar, championed English culture more influential for the club’s in the form of Shakespeare, Mil- existence? Had it not existed, ton and Spenser. Not all their would the cast of people or their moves succeeded (an attempt to influence have been significantly rebuff Italian opera with a new different? Many of the club’s form of English opera did not members were boyhood friends take off) but sufficient were suc- after all, and it is unlikely that cessful to help shape a new Eng- the absence of the Kit-Cat Club lish sense of culture, including would have resulted in them not history has suffered somewhat manners and styles of speaking continuing to know and commu- because, as G. M. Trevelyan put which brought different parts nicate with each other via other it, ‘All the good talk over the pies of the social spectrum together means. As a forum for bringing and wine, Congreve’s wit, Whar- rather than driving them apart. men together to eat and drink (for ton’s fascinating impudence, and The turn of the century saw an the Kit-Cat club was an exclu- Addison’s quiet humour, is lost unusually high number of elec- sively male enterprise), fostering forever without record. The Kit- tions and, in a period long before personal relations, spreading news Cat Club had no Boswell.’ the development of party head- and offering opportunities, the This lengthy work – over 500 quarters, the Kit-Cat Club often club provided the networking pages including index, along with acted as an informal organising benefits that other clubs – and a pointer to further information point for Whigs, helping to coor- indeed particular schools and uni- online – seeks to remedy this and dinate several key individuals who versities – have provided at other concentrates primarily on five sought to exercise electoral influ- times. The Kit-Cat Club had a men from amongst the fifty-odd ence. However, just as electoral stellar cast that makes its story an members: Joseph Addison, Wil- needs helped create a role for the interesting and lively one, but the liam Congreve, Richard Steele, club, so the later reduction in elec- book does not make the case that Jacob Tonson and John Vanbrugh. toral pressure as a result of the pas- it had any special influence beyond In politics, the club brought sage of the Septennial Act (which that provided by numerous other together a group of influential moved elections to a nominal networking opportunities. players who pursued an ultra- seven-year cycle) and the domi- What the book does unques- Whig course; whilst in poetry, nance of the Whigs under Walpole tionably do, though, is provide theatre and music the club helped reduced the call for the club’s detailed and enjoyable portraits of to shift authority from the Court political role and helped explain some of the individuals and activ- both through its patronage role its decline in the second and third ities at the centre of political and for performers and artists and decades of the eighteenth century. cultural life at the time. Detailed also through its role in setting Although Tonson’s death in 1736 research is presented through a trends in fashion and man- marks a formal end to the club’s vivid account as the people and ners. The club’s role in Whig life, the changed political circum- their times are brought to life. politics was reinforced by the stances and the deaths of other key Tory–Whig ‘paper wars’, with the initial members had long since Mark Pack ran the Liberal Democrat club’s marshalling of writers and taken the edge off its role. 2001 and 2005 internet general election patronage an important weapon The Kit-Cat Club certainly campaign and is now Head of Dig- in these propaganda exchanges. brought together influential ital at MHP Communications. He Government posts and sinecures people who played a major role also co-edits Liberal Democrat Voice were deployed to support club in shaping their age, including (www.LibDemVoice.org).

44 Journal of Liberal History 69 Winter 2010–11 Letters

James Bryce Liberals and the left In Journal of Liberal History 66 (1888), that he knew more Ararat in 1876 (being later In relation to the special (spring 2010) David S. Pat- about the US Constitution President of the Alpine Club issue of the Journal of Liberal terson, in his article on Emily than anyone in the US. He in 1899–1901). History on Liberals and the Hobhouse, referred to James served in four Liberal admin- His younger brother, Left (issue 67, summer 2010), Bryce, who in 1914–15 led the istrations, being Under-Sec- John Annan Bryce (who also Jo Grimond’s statement in UK investigation into Ger- retary at the Foreign Office attended the High School Colne Valley in 1963 that he man atrocities in Belgium, in 1886, Chancellor of the of Glasgow and thereafter wanted to abolish the work- as a ‘venerable and respected Duchy of Lancaster in 1892– the Universities of Glasgow ing class is typical. In a lecture scholar-diplomat’. The Rt 94, President of the Board of and Edinburgh and Balliol he gave to a summer school Hon. Sir James Bryce, OM, Trade in 1894–95 (when he College, Oxford), after a for young Americans in July GCVO, FRS (Viscount Bryce also chaired a Royal Com- distinguished career overseas 1968 (which I organised at from 1914) was, of course, mission on Secondary Educa- (during which he was a mag- Westfield College, University very much more than that. tion) and Chief Secretary for istrate in Bombay and a mem- of London), he made it abun- After attending the High Ireland in 1905–07 (having ber of the Legislative Council dantly clear that he considered School of Glasgow (two years been born in Belfast in 1838). of Burma), was Liberal MP for the era of class-based politics behind Sir Henry Campbell- He was responsible for a wide Inverness Burghs in 1906–18. in Britain to be over. The Bannerman, nearly a century range of legislation includ- As H.H. Asquith wrote, ‘If special interests he thought ahead of the undersigned, ing, appropriately, the 1886 I was asked who among the might then justify seeking and where his father, Dr International Copyright persons directly or indirectly separate representation were James Bryce, was a math- Act, wrote other books on involved in politics in our women, youth and ethnic ematics master in 1846–74), history, democracy, inter- time was the best educated, I monitories. he attended the Universities national relations, jurispru- would be disposed to single I think Matt Cole’s article of Glasgow and Heidelberg dence, travel and biography, out James Bryce. No man in suffers from concentrating on and Trinity College, Oxford. contributed the chapter on these days can take all knowl- the period 1959 to 1964. I sev- He was elected a Fellow of ’Flora’ to his father’s The edge for his province, but eral times heard Jo formulate Oriel College, Oxford in Geology of Arran and Clydes- Bryce came as near to being the objective of replacing the 1862, called to the English dale, participated in the what may be called a universal Labour Party between 1956 Bar (Lincoln’s Inn) in 1867 Hague Tribunal in 1913 and specialist as any of his con- and 1959 (e.g. Cambridge Uni- and served as Regius Profes- was President of the Sir Wal- temporaries.’ More recently versity Liberal Club, spring sor of Civil Law at Oxford in ter Scott Club of Edinburgh there have been significant 1959). After the relatively 1870–93. in 1914–19. He also served on references to James Bryce in disappointing 1959 election He was Liberal MP for the Royal Commission on Stephen Graubard’s The Presi- result he was forced to retreat Tower Hamlets, London in the Medical Acts, as Presi- dents (Allen Lane/Penguin to the immediately doomed 1880–85, and for Aberdeen dent of the British Academy, Books, London, 2004) in the strategy of ‘realignment’. Most South from 1885 until he as a Carnegie Fund Trustee Preface and the Appendix of my closest political allies was appointed Ambassador for the Scottish Universities, (‘Bryce’s and Tocqueville’s joined the Labour Party in the to the United States in 1907 had honorary degrees from America – A Prefiguring of early 1960s because whatever when it was said, as from his thirty-one universities and 20th Century America?’) the virtues of Grimond’s ‘rea- The American Commonwealth found time to climb Mount Sandy S. Waugh lignment’, it was not worth Liberal History 300 years of party history in 24 pages The Liberal Democrat History Group’s pamphlet, Liberal History: A concise history of the Liberal Party, SDP and Liberal Democrats, has been revised and updated to include the 2010 election and the formation of the coalition.

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Journal of Liberal History 69 Winter 2010–11 45 letters perpetual Tory rule. Many 2010) has identified the geog- the Gower Liberal Associa- first met Charlotte, whom he came back in the SDP in the raphy of the Liberal Democrat tion, which met on 19 August married in 1860. 1980s. My attempt to square failure in the election of 2010, 1905 for the first time for five Thus Henry (CB) and the circle was to radicalise the he has missed the failure of years: it discovered that both Charlotte first met six years party’s 1948 co-ownership policy and tactics. Nick Clegg its chairman and treasurer before their marriage and not policy to make it compatible made the party attractive to were actually dead! The sit- in the year of their marriage, with Labour’s Clause IV (see many voters but his appeal ting Liberal MP was standing as stated by Roy Hattersley in the New Orbits pamphlet, was very general: he failed down and there was no can- his error-strewn short biog- Controlling Interest). to give voters a sufficiently didate. Intense local bickering raphy, Campbell-Bannerman Foreign issues were of specific and urgent reason for between different areas in (2006). The Peto family was course important to Young voting Liberal Democrat. the constituency then led to represented by Sir Samuel’s Liberals pre-1965: Suez was The crucial stage was the the contest for the candidacy eldest son and heir, Sir Henry my initial motive, others second leaders’ debate on between T. Jeremiah Wil- Peto (2nd Norfolk Baronet had done National Service foreign affairs, when Gordon liams, a wealthy Morriston from 1889) as a family pall- in Kenya or Aden. Michael Brown, questioned about the tinplate owner, and Jay Wil- bearer at CB’s funeral in Mei- Steed happened to be in war in Afghanistan, indicated liams, a highly suspect finan- gle, Perthshire on 28 April South Africa at the time of the that he was willing to fight cier of local origins. 1908. Sharpeville massacre. Perhaps further wars in the Yemen Jeremiah (despite his name) The Campbell Adamson it was different outside Cam- and in Somalia – but was not won comfortably, 14 districts descendants of Sir Samuel and bridge, but our anti-American challenged by either Clegg or to 7; 165 ‘delegates’ to 110; Ann Peto and James Alex- demonstrations were against Cameron. This was Clegg’s and 2,801 votes to 2,251, but ander Campbell continue to the Bay of Pigs invasion and I opportunity to denounce the primary left much bad own and occupy most of the only kept the University Lib- the failing war and advocate blood. It certainly distracted Stracathro Estate in Forfar- erals in the local ‘Hands Off withdrawal from Afghani- the Gower Liberals over shire (Angus) which CB’s Cuba’ Committee by secur- stan, a policy that would have voter registration, and helped father purchased in 1847. ing the latter’s promise to do attracted many voters from towards Jeremiah’s defeat Hugh A. Campbell Adamson absolutely nothing during the Labour and the Conservatives. in the general election two of Stracathro and his elder Cuban missile crisis of 1962. His failure was no surprise. months later, by yet a third brother, James S. Campbell Peter Hain was much Under Charles Kennedy the Williams, Labour’s John (a Adamson of the nearby Care- disappointed with the 1970 party had acquired a distinctive miners’ agent who had con- ston, are the nearest living election result ( stance, including its opposi- sidered running in the Liberal relatives of CB. took me to a meeting Hain tion to the Iraq war, but this primary himself!). At least, James Alexander Campbell convened) and probably led a was steadily thrown away though, the rejection of Jay – whose daughter-in-law, Mrs further outflow of talent. under his successors and by Williams was fortunate, since Morton Campbell, acted as Historians of the Young the party’s foreign policy he was later imprisoned for CB’s hostess after he became Liberals do not give enough spokesmen, and forgery. a widower in 1906 – was a emphasis to the Union of Michael Moore, who tamely The Gower primary was Conservative MP in 1880– Liberal Students. In 1962 endorsed Labour–Tory sup- unique in Welsh political his- 1906. Sir Basil Edward Peto societies in both Cambridge port for the Afghan war. tory. But it may have been a (created a Devonshire Baronet and Oxford were created, The Liberal Democrat symptom of weakness rather in 1927), a younger son of Sir with over 1,000 paid members failure in 2010 was thus one than vitality amongst local Samuel by his second mar- (though many were social of judgement and policy, and Liberals, as they geared them- riage, was Conservative MP members, or politicos from perhaps, of political courage. selves up to confront the chal- for Devizes in 1910–18 and the other parties) and our vot- Dr Martin Pugh lenge of the working class. for Barnstaple in 1922–23 and ing strength at the Llandudno Kenneth O. Morgan 1924–35, although the whip Assembly was significant. We was withdrawn from him for secured the reference back The Gower primary of 1905 a few months in 1928. Major of the draft transport policy, In his excellent account of Samuel Morton Peto and Basil Arthur John Peto, a which in our view wrongly the elections of 1910 ( Journal his relatives younger son of Sir Basil, was endorsed the Beeching Plan of Liberal History 68, autumn As from Robert Ingham’s Conservative MP for King’s for the railways. 2010), Mark Pack refers fasci- review in the Journal of Lib- Norton, Birmingham) in I’m sure there is a connec- natingly to the ‘open primary’ eral History 68 (autumn 2010) 1941–45. Sir Basil’s grandson, tion to the years Peter Hellyer held in the Gower constitu- of Adrian Vaughan’s Samuel Sir Christopher Henry Chris- describes. He wonders where ency in November 1905 to Morton Peto – A Victorian topher Peto (3rd Devonshire are today’s Red Guards. decide on the Liberal candi- Entrepreneur (2009), Sir Samuel Baronet from 1971) was Con- Surely the SDP bureaucratised date. I hope I may venture (created a Norfolk Baronet servative MP for Barnstable in everything in order to tame a comment, since the only in 1855) was the father of 1945–50. ‘Liberal anarchism’? account of it that I know of in Ann Peto who married James Dr Sandy S. Waugh Dr Peter Hatton print is my own very first arti- Alexander Campbell (the cle, published (alas!) 51 years elder brother of Sir Henry ago, in a totally obscure pub- Campbell-Bannerman) in The 2010 election: missed lication probably unknown to 1854. Ann’s bridesmaid was a opportunity any other living reader. former school friend, (Sarah) While John Curtice ( Journal The primary arose because Charlotte Bruce, and that was of Liberal History 68, autumn of the moribund nature of when Henry (as best man)

46 Journal of Liberal History 69 Winter 2010–11 Journal of Liberal History 69 Winter 2010–11 47 A Liberal Democrat History Group evening meeting the great reform act of 1832: legacy and influence Soon after becoming Deputy Prime Minister, Nick Clegg promised ‘the most significant programme of reform by a British government since the 19th century … the biggest shake-up of our democracy since 1832’. But how do the Coalition Government’s constitutional changes actually compare to the changes brought in by the Great Reform Act of 1832?

Dr Philip Salmon of the History of Parliament Trust will talk about the background to the passing of the Great Reform Act and its impact on British political history. Dr Mark Pack, co-editor of Lib Dem Voice and former Head of Innovations at Liberal Democrat HQ, will draw comparisons between 1832 and the Coalition Government’s reform agenda. Chair: William Wallace (Lord Wallace of Saltaire, government whip in the Lords).

7.00pm, Monday 24 January 2011 (immediately following the History Group AGM at 6.30pm) Lady Violet Room, , 1 Place, London SW1A 2HE

A Liberal Democrat History Group fringe meeting lords reform 1911–2011 The 1911 Parliament Act, introduced in the wake of the rejection by the House of Lords of Lloyd George’s People’s Budget and the two general elections of 1910, was the first successful reform of the powers of the upper house and gave constitutional supremacy to the elected House of Commons.

Now, one hundred years after the 1911 Parliament Act, the Liberal Democrat History Group’s fringe meeting will examine the development of Lords reform since and look forward to the Coalition’s plans for the most far-reaching changes to the House of Lords since the Liberal government’s reforms of 1911 ended the upper house’s ability to block legislation.

Speakers will include , Lib Dem spokesman on Constitutional Reform in the House of Lords; others to be announced. Chair: Baroness Ros Scott.

8.00pm, Friday 11 March 2011 Suite 3, Jurys Inn Hotel, Sheffield