DOCSLIB.ORG

The State of Sectarianism in Pakistan

Total Page：16

File Type：pdf, Size：1020Kb

Download full-text PDF Read full-text
The State of Sectarianism in Pakistan THE STATE OF SECTARIANISM IN PAKISTAN Asia Report N°95 – 18 April 2005 TABLE OF CONTENTS EXECUTIVE SUMMARY AND RECOMMENDATIONS................................................. i I. INTRODUCTION .......................................................................................................... 1 II. THE SECTARIAN LANDSCAPE................................................................................ 2 III. SECTARIAN RADICALISM........................................................................................ 5 A. DOMESTIC EXTREMISM AND INTERNATIONAL TERROR .........................................................5 B. SPREADING THE WORD: MADRASA AND MOSQUE.................................................................6 IV. STATE-SANCTIONED EXTREMISM ....................................................................... 7 A. SECTARIAN EXTREMISM AND THE STATE ..............................................................................7 B. ROOTS OF RELIGIOUS EXTREMISM ........................................................................................7 1. The Munir Report ......................................................................................................8 2. Inching ahead.............................................................................................................9 3. Zia's Sunnism...........................................................................................................10 4. External actors and Pakistani sectarianism..............................................................11 5. Sectarianism and the challenges of civilian rule......................................................12 V. REIGN OF TERROR................................................................................................... 14 A. PUNJAB...............................................................................................................................14 1. Southern Punjab.......................................................................................................14 2. Central Punjab .........................................................................................................16 B. THE NORTH WEST FRONTIER PROVINCE.............................................................................17 C. THE NORTHERN AREAS ......................................................................................................19 D. BALOCHISTAN.....................................................................................................................20 E. SINDH .................................................................................................................................21 VI. MUSHARRAF: RESPONDING TO SECTARIAN CHALLENGES ..................... 23 A. PRACTISING MODERATION..................................................................................................23 1. Enforcing the peace .................................................................................................23 2. The politics of sectarianism .....................................................................................24 3. Flawed laws and legal loopholes .............................................................................24 B. FOREIGN HANDS AND "AGENCIES" .....................................................................................28 C. ENGAGING THE CLERGY .....................................................................................................28 VII. CONCLUSION ............................................................................................................. 29 APPENDICES A. MAP OF PAKISTAN ...................................................................................................................31 B. GLOSSARY................................................................................................................................32 C. ABOUT THE INTERNATIONAL CRISIS GROUP ...........................................................................34 D. CRISIS GROUP REPORTS AND BRIEFINGS ON ASIA ..................................................................35 E. CRISIS GROUP BOARD MEMBERS........................................................................................37 Asia Report N°95 18 April 2005 THE STATE OF SECTARIANISM IN PAKISTAN EXECUTIVE SUMMARY AND RECOMMENDATIONS Sectarian conflict in Pakistan is the direct consequence and the leading figures of extremist Sunni organisations of state policies of Islamisation and marginalisation of are free to preach their jihadi ideologies. Leaders of secular democratic forces. Co-option and patronage of banned groups such as the Lashkar-e-Tayyaba, Sipahe religious parties by successive military governments have Sahaba and Jaish-e-Mohammed appear to enjoy virtual brought Pakistan to a point where religious extremism immunity from the law. They have gained new avenues threatens to erode the foundations of the state and to propagate their militant ideas since the chief patrons society. As President Pervez Musharraf is praised by the of jihad, the Jamiat Ulema-e-Islam (JUI) and the Jamaat- international community for his role in the war against i-Islami (JI), have acquired prominent and powerful terrorism, the frequency and viciousness of sectarian roles in Musharraf's political structure. terrorism continues to increase in his country. The Islamisation of laws and education, in particular, Instead of empowering liberal, democratic voices, the graphically illustrates the Sunni sectarian bias of the government has co-opted the religious right and Pakistani state. General Zia-ul-Haq's Islamic penal code, continues to rely on it to counter civilian opposition. By retained by General Musharraf, is derived entirely from depriving democratic forces of an even playing field classical Sunni-Hanafi orthodox sources. The same is and continuing to ignore the need for state policies that true of "Islamic" textbooks in public schools and would encourage and indeed reflect the country's colleges. The Shia minority -- and, in some cases, even religious diversity, the government has allowed the majority Sunni Barelvi sect -- is deeply resentful of religious extremist organisations and jihadi groups, and this orthodox Hanafi Sunni bias in state policies. Within the madrasas that provide them an endless stream of Sunnism itself, the competition for state patronage and a recruits, to flourish. It has failed to protect a vulnerable share in power has turned minor theological debates and judiciary and equip its law-enforcement agencies with cultural differences into unbridgeable, volatile sectarian the tools they need to eliminate sectarian terrorism. divisions. After decades of co-option by the civil-military establishment, Pakistan's puritanical clergy is attempting Constitutional provisions to "Islamise" laws, education to turn the country into a confessional state where the and culture, and official dissemination of a particular religious creed of a person is the sole marker of identity. brand of Islamic ideology, not only militate against Pakistan's religious diversity but also breed discrimination Except for a few showcase "reformed" madrasas, no against non-Muslim minorities. The political use of sign of change is visible. Because of the mullahs' Islam by the state promotes an aggressive competition political utility, the military-led government's proposed for official patronage between and within the many measures, from curriculum changes to a new registration variations of Sunni and Shia Islam, with the clerical elite law, have been dropped in the face of opposition by the of major sects and subsects striving to build up their MMA (Muttahida Majlis-i-Amal) and its madrasa political parties, raise jihadi militias, expand madrasa subsidiaries. Instead, financial and political incentives to networks and, as has happened on Musharraf's watch, the mullahs have raised their public profile and become part of government. Like all other Pakistani influence. The government's approach towards religious military governments, the Musharraf administration has extremism is epitomised by its deals with extremists in also weakened secular and democratic political forces. the tribal areas, concluded through JUI mediation after payment of bribes to militant leaders. Administrative and legal action against militant organisations has failed to dismantle a well-entrenched The anomalous constitutional status and political and widely spread terror infrastructure. All banned disenfranchisement of regions like the Federally extremist groups persist with new labels, although old Administered Tribal Areas (FATA) and the Northern names are also still in use. The jihadi media is flourishing, Areas have turned them into sanctuaries for sectarian The State of Sectarianism in Pakistan Crisis Group Asia Report N°95, 18 April 2005 Page ii and international terrorists and centres of the arms and (c) disband privately-run Sharia courts in the drugs trade. North West Frontier Province (NWFP) and take action against religious organisations Parallel legal and judicial systems, which exist in many operating them; parts of the country with the blessing of the state, undermine the rule of law. The reform of discriminatory (d) do not use zakat or other sources of laws and procedures has, at best, been cosmetic -- they government funding to finance the activities, remain open to abuse by religious fanatics. Bereft of educational or otherwise, of any sect; and independence, the judiciary is unable
Load more

Recommended publications
  • Authoritarianism and Political Party Reforms in Pakistan
    AUTHORITARIANISM AND POLITICAL PARTY REFORM IN PAKISTAN Asia Report N°102 – 28 September 2005 TABLE OF CONTENTS EXECUTIVE SUMMARY AND RECOMMENDATIONS................................................. i I. INTRODUCTION .......................................................................................................... 1 II. PARTIES BEFORE MUSHARRAF............................................................................. 2 A. AFTER INDEPENDENCE..........................................................................................................2 B. THE FIRST MILITARY GOVERNMENT.....................................................................................3 C. CIVILIAN RULE AND MILITARY INTERVENTION.....................................................................4 D. DISTORTED DEMOCRACY......................................................................................................5 III. POLITICAL PARTIES UNDER MUSHARRAF ...................................................... 6 A. CIVILIAN ALLIES...................................................................................................................6 B. MANIPULATING SEATS..........................................................................................................7 C. SETTING THE STAGE .............................................................................................................8 IV. A PARTY OVERVIEW ............................................................................................... 11 A. THE MAINSTREAM:.............................................................................................................11
    [Show full text]
  • Muslim Nationalism, State Formation and Legal Representations of the Ahmadiyya Community in Pakistan
    Politics of Exclusion: Muslim Nationalism, State Formation and Legal Representations of the Ahmadiyya Community in Pakistan by Sadia Saeed A dissertation submitted in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy (Sociology) in The University of Michigan 2010 Doctoral Committee: Professor George P. Steinmetz, Chair Professor Howard A. Kimeldorf Associate Professor Fatma Muge Gocek Associate Professor Genevieve Zubrzycki Professor Mamadou Diouf, Columbia University © Sadia Saeed 2010 2 Dedication This dissertation is dedicated to my parents with my deepest love, respect and gratitude for the innumerable ways they have supported my work and choices. ii Acknowledgements I would like to begin by acknowledging the immense support my parents have given me every step of the way during my (near) decade in graduate school. I have dedicated this dissertation to them. My ammi and baba have always believed in my capabilities to accomplish not only this dissertation but much more in life and their words of love and encouragement have continuously given me the strength and the will to give my research my very best. My father‘s great enthusiasm for this project, his intellectual input and his practical help and advice during the fieldwork of this project have been formative to this project. I would like to thank my dissertation advisor George Steinmetz for the many engaged conversations about theory and methods, for always pushing me to take my work to the next level and above all for teaching me to recognize and avoid sloppiness, caricatures and short-cuts. It is to him that I owe my greatest intellectual debt.
    [Show full text]
  • Migration and Small Towns in Pakistan
    Working Paper Series on Rural-Urban Interactions and Livelihood Strategies WORKING PAPER 15 Migration and small towns in Pakistan Arif Hasan with Mansoor Raza June 2009 ABOUT THE AUTHORS Arif Hasan is an architect/planner in private practice in Karachi, dealing with urban planning and development issues in general, and in Asia and Pakistan in particular. He has been involved with the Orangi Pilot Project (OPP) since 1982 and is a founding member of the Urban Resource Centre (URC) in Karachi, whose chairman he has been since its inception in 1989. He is currently on the board of several international journals and research organizations, including the Bangkok-based Asian Coalition for Housing Rights, and is a visiting fellow at the International Institute for Environment and Development (IIED), UK. He is also a member of the India Committee of Honour for the International Network for Traditional Building, Architecture and Urbanism. He has been a consultant and advisor to many local and foreign CBOs, national and international NGOs, and bilateral and multilateral donor agencies. He has taught at Pakistani and European universities, served on juries of international architectural and development competitions, and is the author of a number of books on development and planning in Asian cities in general and Karachi in particular. He has also received a number of awards for his work, which spans many countries. Address: Hasan & Associates, Architects and Planning Consultants, 37-D, Mohammad Ali Society, Karachi – 75350, Pakistan; e-mail: [email protected]; [email protected]. Mansoor Raza is Deputy Director Disaster Management for the Church World Service – Pakistan/Afghanistan.
    [Show full text]
  • Politics of Nawwab Gurmani
    Politics of Accession in the Undivided India: A Case Study of Nawwab Mushtaq Gurmani’s Role in the Accession of the Bahawalpur State to Pakistan Pir Bukhsh Soomro ∗ Before analyzing the role of Mushtaq Ahmad Gurmani in the affairs of Bahawalpur, it will be appropriate to briefly outline the origins of the state, one of the oldest in the region. After the death of Al-Mustansar Bi’llah, the caliph of Egypt, his descendants for four generations from Sultan Yasin to Shah Muzammil remained in Egypt. But Shah Muzammil’s son Sultan Ahmad II left the country between l366-70 in the reign of Abu al- Fath Mumtadid Bi’llah Abu Bakr, the sixth ‘Abbasid caliph of Egypt, 1 and came to Sind. 2 He was succeeded by his son, Abu Nasir, followed by Abu Qahir 3 and Amir Muhammad Channi. Channi was a very competent person. When Prince Murad Bakhsh, son of the Mughal emperor Akbar, came to Multan, 4 he appreciated his services, and awarded him the mansab of “Panj Hazari”5 and bestowed on him a large jagir . Channi was survived by his two sons, Muhammad Mahdi and Da’ud Khan. Mahdi died ∗ Lecturer in History, Government Post-Graduate College for Boys, Dera Ghazi Khan. 1 Punjab States Gazetteers , Vol. XXXVI, A. Bahawalpur State 1904 (Lahore: Civil Military Gazette, 1908), p.48. 2 Ibid . 3 Ibid . 4 Ibid ., p.49. 5 Ibid . 102 Pakistan Journal of History & Culture, Vol.XXV/2 (2004) after a short reign, and confusion and conflict followed. The two claimants to the jagir were Kalhora, son of Muhammad Mahdi Khan and Amir Da’ud Khan I.
    [Show full text]
  • Adits, Caves, Karizi-Qanats, and Tunnels in Afghanistan: an Annotated Bibliography by R
    Adits, Caves, Karizi-Qanats, and Tunnels in Afghanistan: An Annotated Bibliography by R. Lee Hadden Topographic Engineering Center November 2005 US Army Corps of Engineers 7701 Telegraph Road Alexandria, VA 22315-3864 Adits, Caves, Karizi-Qanats, and Tunnels In Afghanistan Form Approved REPORT DOCUMENTATION PAGE OMB No. 0704-0188 Public reporting burden for this collection of information is estimated to average 1 hour per response, including the time for reviewing instructions, searching existing data sources, gathering and maintaining the data needed, and completing and reviewing this collection of information. Send comments regarding this burden estimate or any other aspect of this collection of information, including suggestions for reducing this burden to Department of Defense, Washington Headquarters Services, Directorate for Information Operations and Reports (0704-0188), 1215 Jefferson Davis Highway, Suite 1204, Arlington, VA 22202-4302. Respondents should be aware that notwithstanding any other provision of law, no person shall be subject to any penalty for failing to comply with a collection of information if it does not display a currently valid OMB control number. PLEASE DO NOT RETURN YOUR FORM TO THE ABOVE ADDRESS. 1. REPORT DATE 30-11- 2. REPORT TYPE Bibliography 3. DATES COVERED 1830-2005 2005 4. TITLE AND SUBTITLE 5a. CONTRACT NUMBER “Adits, Caves, Karizi-Qanats and Tunnels 5b. GRANT NUMBER In Afghanistan: An Annotated Bibliography” 5c. PROGRAM ELEMENT NUMBER 6. AUTHOR(S) 5d. PROJECT NUMBER HADDEN, Robert Lee 5e. TASK NUMBER 5f. WORK UNIT NUMBER 7. PERFORMING ORGANIZATION NAME(S) AND ADDRESS(ES) 8. PERFORMING ORGANIZATION REPORT US Army Corps of Engineers 7701 Telegraph Road Topographic Alexandria, VA 22315- Engineering Center 3864 9.ATTN SPONSORING CEERD / MONITORINGTO I AGENCY NAME(S) AND ADDRESS(ES) 10.
    [Show full text]
  • From the Editor
    EDITORIAL STAFF From the Editor ELIZABETH SKINNER Editor Happy New Year, everyone. As I write this, we’re a few weeks into 2021 and there ELIZABETH ROBINSON Copy Editor are sparkles of hope here and there that this year may be an improvement over SALLY BAHO Copy Editor the seemingly endless disasters of the last one. Vaccines are finally being deployed against the coronavirus, although how fast and for whom remain big sticky questions. The United States seems to have survived a political crisis that brought EDITORIAL REVIEW BOARD its system of democratic government to the edge of chaos. The endless conflicts VICTOR ASAL in Syria, Libya, Yemen, Iraq, and Afghanistan aren’t over by any means, but they have evolved—devolved?—once again into chronic civil agony instead of multi- University of Albany, SUNY national warfare. CHRISTOPHER C. HARMON 2021 is also the tenth anniversary of the Arab Spring, a moment when the world Marine Corps University held its breath while citizens of countries across North Africa and the Arab Middle East rose up against corrupt authoritarian governments in a bid to end TROELS HENNINGSEN chronic poverty, oppression, and inequality. However, despite the initial burst of Royal Danish Defence College change and hope that swept so many countries, we still see entrenched strong-arm rule, calcified political structures, and stagnant stratified economies. PETER MCCABE And where have all the terrorists gone? Not far, that’s for sure, even if the pan- Joint Special Operations University demic has kept many of them off the streets lately. Closed borders and city-wide curfews may have helped limit the operational scope of ISIS, Lashkar-e-Taiba, IAN RICE al-Qaeda, and the like for the time being, but we know the teeming refugee camps US Army (Ret.) of Syria are busy producing the next generation of violent ideological extremists.
    [Show full text]
  • Pakistan, Country Information
    Pakistan, Country Information PAKISTAN ASSESSMENT April 2003 Country Information and Policy Unit I SCOPE OF DOCUMENT II GEOGRAPHY III ECONOMY IV HISTORY V STATE STRUCTURES VI HUMAN RIGHTS VIA. HUMAN RIGHTS ISSUES VIB. HUMAN RIGHTS - SPECIFIC GROUPS VIC. HUMAN RIGHTS - OTHER ISSUES ANNEX A: CHRONOLOGY OF MAJOR EVENTS ANNEX B: POLITICAL ORGANISATIONS AND OTHER GROUPS ANNEX C: PROMINENT PEOPLE ANNEX D: REFERENCES TO SOURCE MATERIAL 1. SCOPE OF DOCUMENT 1.1 This assessment has been produced by the Country Information and Policy Unit, Immigration and Nationality Directorate, Home Office, from information obtained from a wide variety of recognised sources. The document does not contain any Home Office opinion or policy. 1.2 The assessment has been prepared for background purposes for those involved in the asylum / human rights determination process. The information it contains is not exhaustive. It concentrates on the issues most commonly raised in asylum / human rights claims made in the United Kingdom. 1.3 The assessment is sourced throughout. It is intended to be used by caseworkers as a signpost to the source material, which has been made available to them. The vast majority of the source material is readily available in the public domain. These sources have been checked for currency, and as far as can be ascertained, remained relevant and up to date at the time the document was issued. 1.4 It is intended to revise the assessment on a six-monthly basis while the country remains within the top 35 asylum-seeker producing countries in the United Kingdom. 2. GEOGRAPHY file:///V|/vll/country/uk_cntry_assess/apr2003/0403_Pakistan.htm[10/21/2014 9:56:32 AM] Pakistan, Country Information General 2.1 The Islamic Republic of Pakistan lies in southern Asia, bordered by India to the east and Afghanistan and Iran to the west.
    [Show full text]
  • Emergence of Women's Organizations and the Resistance Movement In
    Journal of International Women's Studies Volume 19 | Issue 6 Article 9 Aug-2018 Defying Marginalization: Emergence of Women’s Organizations and the Resistance Movement in Pakistan: A Historical Overview Rahat Imran Imran Munir Follow this and additional works at: http://vc.bridgew.edu/jiws Part of the Women's Studies Commons Recommended Citation Imran, Rahat and Munir, Imran (2018). Defying Marginalization: Emergence of Women’s Organizations and the Resistance Movement in Pakistan: A Historical Overview. Journal of International Women's Studies, 19(6), 132-156. Available at: http://vc.bridgew.edu/jiws/vol19/iss6/9 This item is available as part of Virtual Commons, the open-access institutional repository of Bridgewater State University, Bridgewater, Massachusetts. This journal and its contents may be used for research, teaching and private study purposes. Any substantial or systematic reproduction, re-distribution, re-selling, loan or sub-licensing, systematic supply or distribution in any form to anyone is expressly forbidden. ©2018 Journal of International Women’s Studies. Defying Marginalization: Emergence of Women’s Organizations and the Resistance Movement in Pakistan: A Historical Overview By Rahat Imran1 and Imran Munir2 Abstract In the wake of Pakistani dictator General-Zia-ul-Haq’s Islamization process (1977-1988), the country experienced an unprecedented tilt towards religious fundamentalism. This initiated judicial transformations that brought in rigid Islamic Sharia laws that impacted women’s freedoms and participation in the public sphere, and gender-specific curbs and policies on the pretext of implementing a religious identity. This suffocating environment that eroded women’s rights in particular through a recourse to politicization of religion also saw the emergence of equally strong resistance, particularly by women who, for the first time in Pakistan’s history, grouped and mobilized an organized activist women’s movement to challenge Zia’s oppressive laws and authoritarian regime.
    [Show full text]
  • Juzʾ ʿamma Are As Follows
    Version 12.0 Published in Muharram al-Harām 1442 H. / September 2020 This S tandard Operating Procedure (SOP) was developed based on a compilation of the best available information, knowledge, field experience, and general academic practices to provide guidance to Mahad al-Zahra khidmatguzārs in performing the activities drafted herein, in a consis tent and s tandardised manner. This document does not contain regulatory or s tatutory requirements unless specified. In general, this document should be used as a reference. Differences may exis t between the produced references in this document and what is appropriate under site-specific conditions. This document aims to achieve efficiency, quality output and uniformity of performance, while reducing miscommunication and failure to comply with Mahad al-Zahra regulations. MAHAD AL-ZAHRA SURAT, INDIA 7 MAHAD AL-ZAHRA KARACHI, PAKISTAN 8 MAHAD AL-ZAHRA NAIROBI, KENYA 9 MAHAD AL-ZAHRA MAROL, INDIA 10 (Projection) I INTRODUCTION INTRODUCTION OVERVIEW Mahad al-Zahra is an ins titute for the memorisation of the Holy Quran and the s tudy of Quranic arts and sciences, functioning under the guidance and leadership of al-Dāʿī al-Ajal Syedna ʿĀlī Qadr Mufaddal Saifuddin TUS. This ins titute was originally founded in 1396 H (1976) after al-Dāʿī al-Ajal Syedna Mohammed BurhanuddinRA expressed a wish to see the s tudents of Aljamea-tus-Saifiyah graduating ashuffāz i.e. those who have committed the entire Quran to memory. In 1998, Mahad al-Zahra further expanded by cons tructing a larger, well-equipped and modern s tructure in Surat, India. Overseeing the larger Quranic memorisation project, the ins titute caters to s tudents of different backgrounds including those who are s tudying in educational ins titutes, dedicated camps, schools, and even individual members of the community.
    [Show full text]
  • Senate Foreign Relations Committee
    SENATE OF PAKISTAN PAKISTAN WORLDVIEW Report - 21 SENATE FOREIGN RELATIONS COMMITTEE Visit to Azerbaijan December, 2008 http://www.foreignaffairscommittee.org List of Contents 1. From the Chairman’s Desk 5 2. Executive Summary 9-14 3. Members of the Senate Foreign Relations Committee Delegation to Azerbaijan 17 4. Verbatim record of the meetings held in Azerbaijan: Meeting with Pakistan-Azerbaijan Friendship Group 21-24 Meeting with Permanent Commission of the Milli Mejlis for International and Inter-Parliamentary Relations 25-26 Meeting with Permanent Commission of the Milli Mejlis for Social Affairs 27 Meeting with Permanent Commission of the Milli Mejlis for Security and Defence 28-29 Meeting with Chairman of the Milli Mejlis (National Assembly) 30-34 Meeting with Vice Chairman of New Azerbaijan Party 35-37 Meeting with Minister for Industry and Energy 38-40 Meeting with President of the Republic of Azerbaijan 41-44 Meeting with the Foreign Minister 45-47 Meeting with the Prime Minister of Azerbaijan 48-50 5. Appendix: Pakistan - Azerbaijan Relations 53-61 Photo Gallery of the Senate Foreing Relations Committee Visit to Azerbaijan 65-66 6. Profiles: Profiles of the Chairman and Members of the Senate Foreign Relations Committee 69-76 Profiles of the Committee Officials 79-80 03 Visit to Azerbaijan From the Chairman’s Desk The Report on Senate Foreign Relations Committee visit to Azerbaijan is of special significance. Azerbaijan emerged as an independent country in 1991 with the breakup of Soviet Union, along with five other Central Asian states. Pakistan recognized it shortly after its independence and opened diplomatic relations with resident ambassadors in the two capitals.
    [Show full text]
  • Pakistan Security Research Unit (PSRU)
    Pakistan Security Research Unit (PSRU) Brief Number 6 The 2007 Elections and the Future of Democracy in Pakistan Lt. Gen. Talat Masood [Rted] 1st March 2007 About the Pakistan Security Research Unit (PSRU) The Pakistan Security Research Unit (PSRU) was established in the Department of Peace Studies at the University of Bradford, UK, in March 2007. It serves as an independent portal and neutral platform for interdisciplinary research on all aspects of Pakistani security, dealing with Pakistan's impact on regional and global security, internal security issues within Pakistan, and the interplay of the two. PSRU provides information about, and critical analysis of, Pakistani security with particular emphasis on extremism/terrorism, nuclear weapons issues, and the internal stability and cohesion of the state. PSRU is intended as a resource for anyone interested in the security of Pakistan and provides: • Briefing papers; • Reports; • Datasets; • Consultancy; • Academic, institutional and media links; • An open space for those working for positive change in Pakistan and for those currently without a voice. PSRU welcomes collaboration from individuals, groups and organisations, which share our broad objectives. Please contact us at [email protected] We welcome you to look at the website available through: http://spaces.brad.ac.uk:8080/display/ssispsru/Home Other PSRU Publications The following papers are freely available through the Pakistan Security Research Unit (PSRU) • Brief number 1. Pakistan, Biological Weapons and the BTWC • Brief number 2. Sectarianism in Pakistan • Brief number 3. Pakistan, the Taliban and Dadullah • Brief number 4. Security research in Pakistan • Brief number 5. Al-Qaeda in Pakistan • Brief number 6.
    [Show full text]
  • A Survey of Urdu Literature, 1850-1975 by Shamsur Rahman Faruqi
    Conflict, Transition, and Hesitant Resolution: A Survey Of Urdu Literature, 1850-1975 by Shamsur Rahman Faruqi [Note: the definitive version of this article was published in K. M. George, ed., Modern Indian Literature--An Anthology; Volume One: Surveys and Poems (New Delhi: Sahitya Akademi, 1992), pp. 420-442.] For much of North India, the world changed twice in 1857. It first changed in May, when columns of Company soldiers marched into Delhi and proclaimed the end of Company Bahadur's rule. The world changed again in September, by which time it was clear that the brief Indian summer of Indian rule was decisively over. If the first change was violent and disorderly, it was also fired by a desperate hope, and a burning anger. Anger had generated hope--hope that the supercilious and brutal foreigner, who understood so little of Indian values and Indian culture, could still be driven out, that he was not a supernatural force, or an irrevocable curse on the land of Hindustan. The events of 1857-1858 drove the anger underground, and destroyed the hope. The defeat, dispersal, and death of the rebels signalled the end of an age, and the ushering in of a new order. It was an order which was essentially established by force, but which sought to legitimate itself on the grounds of moral superiority. It claimed that its physical supremacy resulted from its superior intellectual apparatus and ethical code, rather than merely from an advantage in numbers or resources. It was thus quite natural for the English to try to change Indian society from both the inside and outside.
    [Show full text]