The Ukrainian Weekly 2007, No.23
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The OSCE Secretariat bears no responsibility for the content of this document PC.DEL/185/21 and circulates it without altering its content. The distribution by OSCE 11 February 2021 Conference Services of this document is without prejudice to OSCE decisions, as set out in documents agreed by OSCE participating States. ENGLISH only Statement in response to the issue raised by the Russian delegation “On violations of freedom of the media in the OSCE Area” As delivered by Ambassador Yevhenii Tsymbaliuk, Permanent Representative of Ukraine to the International Organizations in Vienna, to the 1302nd meeting of the Permanent Council, 11 January 2021 Madam Chairperson, As Ukraine was mentioned in the statement of the Russian Federation I feel myself compelled to exercise the right of reply. Ukraine recognizes the fundamental importance of the freedom of expression, and free, independent and pluralistic media as a core element of democracy. We believe that the free media and the professional journalism play a decisive role in the processes of democratic transformation in Ukraine. At the same time the continued Russian armed aggression remains the biggest challenge to the media freedom and the security in Ukraine, as the Russian Federation exploits the media as an instrument of its hybrid warfare. Disinformation is an important part of this warfare. It should be remined that immediately after Russia occupied Crimea, it prohibited the Ukrainian television broadcasts. Later, it did the same in the temporarily occupied regions of the eastern Ukraine. Ukraine has undertaken various measures to protect itself, which included establishing a number of fact-checking initiatives since 2014. -
Svoboda Party – the New Phenomenon on the Ukrainian Right-Wing Scene
OswcOMMentary issue 56 | 04.07.2011 | ceNTRe fOR eAsTeRN sTudies Svoboda party – the new phenomenon on the Ukrainian right-wing scene NTARy Me Tadeusz A. Olszański ces cOM Even though the national-level political scene in Ukraine is dominated by the Party of Regions, the west of the country has seen a progressing incre- ase in the activity of the Svoboda (Freedom) party, a group that combines tudies participation in the democratically elected local government of Eastern s Galicia with street actions, characteristic of anti-system groups. This party has brought a new quality to the Ukrainian nationalist movement, as it astern refers to the rhetoric of European anti-liberal and neo-nationalist move- e ments, and its emergence is a clear response to public demand for a group of this sort. The increase in its popularity plays into the hands of the Party of Regions, which is seeking to weaken the more moderate opposition entre for parties (mainly the Yulia Tymoshenko Bloc). However, Svoboda retains its c independence from the ruling camp. This party, in all likelihood, will beco- me a permanent and important player in Ukrainian political life, although its influence may be restricted to Eastern Galicia. NTARy Me Svoboda is determined to fight the tendencies in Ukrainian politics and the social sphere which it considers pro-Russian. Its attitude towards Russia and Russians, furthermore, is unambiguously hostile. In the case of Poland, ces cOM it reduces mutual relations almost exclusively to the historical aspects, strongly criticising the commemoration of the victims of the Ukrainian Insurgent Army’s (UPA) crimes. -
FROM DESPAIR to HOPE LGBT Situation in Ukraine in 2014
FROM DESPAIR TO HOPE LGBT situation in Ukraine in 2014 LGBT Human Rights Nash Mir Center Council of LGBT Organizations of Ukraine Kyiv 2015 From Despair to Hope. LGBT situation in Ukraine in 2014 This publication provides information that reflects the social, legal and political situation of the LGBT (lesbian, gay, bisexual and transgender) community in Ukraine in 2014. Here are to be found data and analyses on issues related to the rights and interests of LGBT persons in legislation, public and political life, public opinion, and examples of discrimination on the ground of sexual orientation etc. Authors: Andrii Kravchuk, Oleksandr Zinchenkov Project Manager of Nash Mir Center: Andriy Maymulakhin The authors would like to thank NGOs Association LGBT LIGA, Gay Forum of Ukraine, Lyudy Bukoviny, LGBT Union You Are Not Alone and all active participants in the LGBT Leaders e-mailing list and Facebook groups who collect and exchange relevant information on various aspects of the situation of LGBT people in Ukraine. Very special thanks to J. Stephen Hunt (Chicago, USA) for his proofreading of the English text and long-lasting generous support. The report is supported by Council of LGBT Organizations of Ukraine. The report “From Despair to Hope. LGBT situation in Ukraine in 2014” was prepared by Nash Mir Center as part of the project “Promoting LGBT rights in Ukraine through monitoring, legal protection & raising public awareness”. This project is realised by Nash Mir in cooperation with the Norwegian Helsinki Committee, within the framework of the program "Promotion of human rights and rule of law for lesbian, gay, bisexual and transgender persons in Ukraine" which is funded by the Norwegian Ministry of Foreign Affairs. -
Kremlin-Linked Forces in Ukraine's 2019 Elections
Études de l’Ifri Russie.Nei.Reports 25 KREMLIN-LINKED FORCES IN UKRAINE’S 2019 ELECTIONS On the Brink of Revenge? Vladislav INOZEMTSEV February 2019 Russia/NIS Center The Institut français des relations internationales (Ifri) is a research center and a forum for debate on major international political and economic issues. Headed by Thierry de Montbrial since its founding in 1979, Ifri is a non-governmental, non-profit organization. As an independent think tank, Ifri sets its own research agenda, publishing its findings regularly for a global audience. Taking an interdisciplinary approach, Ifri brings together political and economic decision-makers, researchers and internationally renowned experts to animate its debate and research activities. The opinions expressed in this text are the responsibility of the author alone. ISBN: 978-2-36567-981-7 © All rights reserved, Ifri, 2019 How to quote this document: Vladislav Inozemtsev, “Kremlin-Linked Forces in Ukraine’s 2019 Elections: On the Brink of Revenge?”, Russie.NEI.Reports, No. 25, Ifri, February 2019. Ifri 27 rue de la Procession 75740 Paris Cedex 15—FRANCE Tel. : +33 (0)1 40 61 60 00—Fax : +33 (0)1 40 61 60 60 Email: [email protected] Website: Ifri.org Author Dr Vladislav Inozemtsev (b. 1968) is a Russian economist and political researcher since 1999, with a PhD in Economics. In 1996 he founded the Moscow-based Center for Post-Industrial Studies and has been its Director ever since. In recent years, he served as Senior or Visiting Fellow with the Institut fur die Wissenschaften vom Menschen in Vienna, with the Polski Instytut Studiów Zaawansowanych in Warsaw, Deutsche Gesellschaft für Auswärtige Politik in Berlin, the Center for Strategic and International Studies, and the Johns Hopkins University in Washington. -
The Ukrainian Weekly 2007, No.26
www.ukrweekly.com INSIDE: • Auto accident alters lives of families in Ukraine, U.S. — page 3. • Philadelphia celebrates 95th anniversary of Plast — page 9. • ‘Bereza Kartuzka’ documentary premieres in Montreal — page 13. HE KRAINIAN EEKLY T PublishedU by the Ukrainian National Association Inc., a fraternal non-profitW association Vol. LXXV No. 26 THE UKRAINIAN WEEKLY Sunday July 1, 2007 $1/$2 in Ukraine Bush unveils memorial Latest poll says four political forces to victims of communism likely to be elected to next Rada by Nina Brantley by Zenon Zawada The Razumkov Center is among the U.S.-Ukraine Foundation Kyiv Press Bureau most respected polling and research cen- ters in Ukraine, supported by 57 govern- WASHINGTON – Twenty years to the KYIV – Four political forces would ments and private organizations, including day when U.S. President Ronald Reagan qualify for the Verkhovna Rada if elec- Ukraine’s Ministry of Foreign Affairs, the stood in Berlin and asked then-Soviet tions were held today, according to a sur- U.S. Embassy in Ukraine and the Morgan, leader Mikhail Gorbachev to “tear down vey of 11,000 Ukrainians in 403 locations, Stanley and Co. investment bank. this wall,” a memorial to commemorate conducted between May 31 and June 18 Almost 79 percent of respondents said the victims of communism was dedicated by the Kyiv-based Razumkov Center for they will vote in the September 30 parlia- in Washington by the current U.S. presi- Economic and Political Research. mentary elections, while 10 percent said dent, George W. Bush. The Party of the Regions would win 37 they won’t. -
The Pennsylvania State University Schreyer Honors College
THE PENNSYLVANIA STATE UNIVERSITY SCHREYER HONORS COLLEGE DEPARTMENT OF GLOBAL AND INTERNATIONAL STUDIES OLIGARCHIC PLURALISM IN THE 2014 EUROMAIDAN: HOW THE RISE OF OLIGARCHS IN GOVERNMENT SHAPED DEMOCRACY UN UKRAINE SIOBHAN FRANCES LEONARD SPRING 2020 A thesis Submitted in partial fulfillment of the requirements for a baccalaureate degree with honors in Comparative Literature and International Studies with honors in Global and International Studies Reviewed and approved* by the following: JOSEPH WRIGHT PROFESSOR OF POLITICAL SCIENCE Thesis Supervisor JONATHAN ABEL PROFESSOR OF COMPARATIVE LITERATURE AND JAPANESE Honors Adviser * Electronic approvals are on file. ABSTRACT During the 1990s, Ukraine experienced a change in its political system, becoming a nominal liberal democratic with contested multiparty elections in combination with post-Soviet oligarch community. These newly established dimensions impacted two major revolutionary periods in Ukraine, dating from 1992-2004 and 2005-2014, reaching a climax of violent civil unrest during the Ukrainian Revolution of 2014. The Ukrainian Revolution, also known as the Euromaidan and Revolution of Dignity, illustrates the stages of modernization in a post-Soviet society. The Euromaidan mobilized a variety of regional and ethno-linguistic groups to demand political and economic reform. Members of oligarch clans, consisting mostly of ethnically Russian economic elites, are often appointed in regional government positions largely in the East, and hold substantial power in Ukrainian politics. My research question poses: “How did oligarchic concentration of economic and media power influence government functions such as public service delivery, and shape corruption patterns preceding the protest uprising in 2014?” In my thesis, I seek to study the impact of oligarch clans as holding centralized power, and how this system may affect Ukrainian national politics as seen under the leadership of former democratically elected, Pro-Russian president, Viktor Yanukovych, during the Ukrainian Revolution of 2014. -
OSCE Parliamentary Assembly to Hold Annual Session in Kyiv Latest
INSIDE: • Auto accident alters lives of families in Ukraine, U.S. — page 3. • Philadelphia celebrates 95th anniversary of Plast — page 9. • ‘Bereza Kartuzka’ documentary premieres in Montreal — page 13. HE KRAINIAN EEKLY T PublishedU by the Ukrainian National Association Inc., a fraternal non-profitW association Vol. LXXV No. 26 THE UKRAINIAN WEEKLY Sunday July 1, 2007 $1/$2 in Ukraine Bush unveils memorial Latest poll says four political forces to victims of communism likely to be elected to next Rada by Nina Brantley by Zenon Zawada The Razumkov Center is among the U.S.-Ukraine Foundation Kyiv Press Bureau most respected polling and research cen- ters in Ukraine, supported by 57 govern- WASHINGTON – Twenty years to the KYIV – Four political forces would ments and private organizations, including day when U.S. President Ronald Reagan qualify for the Verkhovna Rada if elec- Ukraine’s Ministry of Foreign Affairs, the stood in Berlin and asked then-Soviet tions were held today, according to a sur- U.S. Embassy in Ukraine and the Morgan, leader Mikhail Gorbachev to “tear down vey of 11,000 Ukrainians in 403 locations, Stanley and Co. investment bank. this wall,” a memorial to commemorate conducted between May 31 and June 18 Almost 79 percent of respondents said the victims of communism was dedicated by the Kyiv-based Razumkov Center for they will vote in the September 30 parlia- in Washington by the current U.S. presi- Economic and Political Research. mentary elections, while 10 percent said dent, George W. Bush. The Party of the Regions would win 37 they won’t. -
Presidential Election in Ukraine Implications for the Ukrainian Transition Presidential Election in Ukraine Implications for the Ukrainian Transition
Helmut Kurth/Iris Kempe (Ed.) PRESIDENTIAL ELECTION IN UKRAINE IMPLICATIONS FOR THE UKRAINIAN TRANSITION PRESIDENTIAL ELECTION IN UKRAINE IMPLICATIONS FOR THE UKRAINIAN TRANSITION KIEV – 2004 The following texts are preliminary versions. Necessary corrections and updates will be undertaken once the results of the election process are final. These preliminary versions are not for quotation or citation, and may only be used with the express written consent of the authors. CONTENTS Preface ................................................................................. 5 Timm Beichelt/Rostyslav Pavlenko Presidential Election and Constitutional Reforms in Ukraine ............................................................................ 7 Olaf Hillenbrand Consensus-Building and Good Governance – a Framework for Democratic Transition ........................... 44 Oleksandr Dergachov Formation of Democratic Consensus and Good Governance ....................................................... 71 Oleksandr Sushko/Oles Lisnychuk The 2004 Presidential Campaign as a Sign of Political Evolution in Ukraine....................................... 87 Iris Kempe/Iryna Solonenko International Orientation and Foreign Support of the Presidential Elections ............................................ 107 5 Preface Long before Kiev’s Independence Square became a sea of orange, it was clear to close observers that the presidential election in 2004 would not only be extremely close and hard fought, but also decisive for the country’s future development. Discussions -
Ukraine 7 Years On- April 2021
The occasional papers of the Centre for Historical Analysis and Conflict Research 18 ARES& ATHENAAPRIL 2021 A very modern ‘fog of war’ 18UKRAINE: SEVEN YEARS ON CHACR FOREWORD As production of this special edition of Ares & Athena neared completion, news reports had begun to circulate concerning large-scale Russian military movements close to Ukraine and the Crimea. An echo of the not-too-distant past, such stories highlight how the events of 2014 – and their repercussions – continue to shape and affect stability and security on NATO’s borders. Seven years on, there is a lot to reflect on and learn from what happened in Eastern Ukraine and Crimea, in respect of both preventing future hostilities and understanding the nature of 21st century warfare. Consequently, CHACR is very pleased to have writer and journalist David Patrikarakos author this issue, which About the Author explores his first-hand experiences of reporting from David Patrikarakos is a writer and analyst. He is the author Ukraine and reflections on why and how events there of War in 140 Characters – a book on information war that marked the start of a new era in the history of conflicts. emerged from his coverage of Russia’s war in Ukraine. The then head of the British Army, General Sir Nicholas Carter, The thoughts presented, although Ukraine-specific, reflect a cited the book as an example to UK forces in countering much wider debate on the subject of the perceived thresholds influence operations, as did Admiral James Foggo, former of conflict; see, for example, the CHACR articles (available Commander of NATO Forces Europe. -
Turkey-Ukraine Relations: High Potential, Low Voltage
TURKEY-UKRAINE RELATIONS: HIGH POTENTIAL, LOW VOLTAGE INTERNATIONAL STRATEGIC RESEARCH ORGANIZATION Habibe Özdal Center for Eurasian Studies Viktoriia Demydova USAK Policy Brief No: 03 December 2011 TURKEY-UKRAINE RELATIONS: HIGH POTENTIAL, LOW VOLTAGE Center for Eurasian Studies Habibe Özdal Viktoriia Demydova USAK Policy Brief No: 03 December 2011 INTERNATIONAL STRATEGIC RESEARCH ORGANIZATION Uluslararası Stratejik Araştırmalar Kurumu CENTER FOR EURASIAN STUDIES Eurasia covers a wide area ranging from the Baltic to the Pacific. The region, with its natural resources and sources of energy, has seen waves of dramatic political change over the centuries. The changing political structure of the region, the presence of never-ending conflicts, and international actors’ interest in the region are aspects of Eurasia’s complexity and dynamism. The Center for Eurasian Studies contributes to area studies conducted within USAK under the assumption that social reality is a very complex phenomenon and can only be dealt with through the use of different methods and disciplines. The main goal of the Center is to carry out a vigorous analysis of Eurasia and offer policy recommendations. To this end, the Center prepares reports and studies on the region as well as risk analyses. By organizing roundtable meetings and conferences, the Center also functions as a platform where different ideas and opinions can be expressed. The Center contributes to academic literature in the field by carrying out studies and publishing the refereedJournal of Central Asian and Caucasian Studies (JCACS) twice a year. The Center’s wide-ranging research benefits from sources written not only in English but also in regional languages. -
Local Networks and Socio-Political Transformations in Ukraine Honorata Mazepus , Antoaneta Dimi
When Business and Politics Mix: Local Networks and Socio-Political Transformations in Ukraine Honorata Mazepusa*, Antoaneta Dimitrovaa, Matthew Frearb, Dimiter Toshkovc, and Nina Onopriychukd a Institute of Security and Global Affairs, Leiden University, Turfmarkt 99, 2511 DP, The Hague; b Institute for History, Leiden University, P.N. van Eyckhof 2, 2311 BV Leiden; c Institute of Public Administration, Leiden University, Turfmarkt 99, 2511 DP, The Hague; d Political Science and Public Administration, Vrije Universiteit Amsterdam. De Boelelaan 1105, 1081HV Amsterdam; The Netherlands *Corresponding author. Email: [email protected] This paper investigates whether and how patronage networks affect the progress of socio-political reforms at the local level in Ukraine. It contributes in three ways to the study of networks and transitions of socio-political orders: first, it provides rich empirical study using primary (interview) and secondary data; second, it focuses on the local rather than national level and analyses three understudied cases of networks (Kharkiv, Mykolaiv, and Ivano-Frankivsk); third, theoretically it relates the studies of patronage networks in post-communist setting to a broader framework of limited access orders. Our findings show that although multiplicity of networks might be a necessary condition for the opening of access to political and economic resources, it is not a sufficient one. Also, the presence of multiple networks is not necessary for high level of citizen satisfaction with public goods provision—a single dominant network might achieve a relatively high level of citizen satisfaction too. Keywords: local networks; Ukraine; patronage; limited access orders; satisfaction with public goods provision 1 1. Introduction Social networks are ubiquitous in social, economic, and political life (Collier 2016, 10). -
Ukraine's Security Forces: Bloated, Incompetent and Still Neo-Soviet Taras Kuzio
Eurasia Daily Monitor -- Volume 10, Issue 22 Ukraine’s Security Forces: Bloated, Incompetent and Still Neo-Soviet Taras Kuzio More than 20 years after independence, Ukraine’s security forces are over-manned, incompetent and largely remain neo-Soviet in their operating culture. On January 18, the prosecutor’s office accused former Prime Minister Yulia Tymoshenko of being in league with Pavlo Lazarenko (prime minister in 1996–1997) for the murder of Donetsk oligarch Yevhen Shcherban. Allegedly, she paid $2.329 million from her accounts, while Lazarenko paid another half a million dollars in cash for the murder (http://www.gp.gov.ua/ua/news.html?_m=publications&_t=rec&id=115177&fp=40). When asked why the prosecutor’s office had not initiated these criminal charges when he was in power, former Ukrainian President Leonid Kuchma replied, “The Prosecutor-General [Mykhaylo] Potebenko, in his reports, said at the time there were no grounds for legal action [against Tymoshenko]. And that is it.” “And against Lazarenko, at that time, there were [grounds for opening a case],” Kuchma added (http://www.pravda.com.ua/news/2013/01/24/6982168/). Interviewed on Russian television, Kuchma remains adamant that Tymoshenko had nothing to do with the murder of Shcherban (http://www.pravda.com.ua/news/2013/02/3/6982753/). Under Presidents Kuchma and Viktor Yushchenko, Ukraine’s moribund security forces and prosecutor’s office were unable to find evidence linking Tymoshenko to the Shcherban murder. The new “information” against Tymoshenko is part of a concerted campaign to remove her forever from Ukrainian politics and “prove” to the West her case is allegedly not political.