Mapping of Dialogue Initiatives to Resolve the Conflict in Ukraine
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Action Plan of the Government for 2016
Action Plan of the Government for 2016 1 Goal set by the Government Ukraine is currently under exception circumstances having survived deep political and economic crisis against the background of Crimea occupation and war in the East. However, a reason of such crisis is deeper that current political and economic shocks or Russian aggression. Procrastination with the necessary reforms throughout the course of 25 years of independence resulted in it. Ukraine is one of the weakest reformers among Eastern European countries, i.e. changes that happened in the country from the time of collapse of the communist camp are not as great as those in the neighbouring EU member states. Consequences of such procrastination turned out to be disastrous for the Ukrainians. Starting from the 90s being somewhere at one level of economic development with such countries as Poland, Slovakia and Romania we are now trailing them multiple times. The rates of economic growth in Ukraine are much lesser than the growth rates of the economies of our Western neighbours. Salaries of the Ukrainians are 3 to 5 times lowers that the salaries paid to the Poles, Slovaks and Romanians. Nevertheless, Ukrainians can catch up with its neighbours and achieve the same level of economic development and welfare. Quality human capital, advantageous geographical position and powerful base of natural resources create high potential not only to overcome the crisis but also for rapid development of the country. Such potential can be implemented only by means of drastic and effective European reforms, which should bring results visible for the people. The goal set by the Government is to ensure growth of the people's standard of living and improve quality due to sustainable economic development. -
Fascism, Russia, and Ukraine by Timothy Snyder | the New York Review of Books Page 1 of 8
Fascism, Russia, and Ukraine by Timothy Snyder | The New York Review of Books Page 1 of 8 Font Size: A A A March 20, 2014 Issue Fascism, Russia, and Ukraine Timothy Snyder This article will appear in the coming March 20, 2014 issue of The New York Review. Valery Sharifulin/ITAR-TASS/Corbis The opposition leader Vitali Klitschko attending a protest rally in Maidan square, Kiev, December 16, 2013 The students were the first to protest against the regime of President Viktor Yanukovych on the Maidan, the central square in Kiev, last November. These were the Ukrainians with the most to lose, the young people who unreflectively thought of themselves as Europeans and who wished for themselves a life, and a Ukrainian homeland, that were European. Many of them were politically on the left, some of them radically so. After years of negotiation and months of promises, their government, under President Yanukovych, had at the last moment failed to sign a major trade agreement with the European Union. When the riot police came and beat the students in late November, a new group, the Afghan veterans, came to the Maidan. These men of middle age, former soldiers and officers of the Red Army, many of them bearing the scars of battlefield wounds, came to protect “their children,” as they put it. They didn’t mean their own sons and http://www.nybooks.com/articles/archives/2014/mar/20/fascism-russia-and-ukraine/?... 20/02/2014 Fascism, Russia, and Ukraine by Timothy Snyder | The New York Review of Books Page 2 of 8 daughters: they meant the best of the youth, the pride and future of the country. -
Ukrainian Civil Society from the Orange Revolution to Euromaidan: Striving for a New Social Contract
In: IFSH (ed.), OSCE Yearbook 2014, Baden-Baden 2015, pp. 219-235. Iryna Solonenko Ukrainian Civil Society from the Orange Revolution to Euromaidan: Striving for a New Social Contract This is the Maidan generation: too young to be burdened by the experi- ence of the Soviet Union, old enough to remember the failure of the Orange Revolution, they don’t want their children to be standing again on the Maidan 15 years from now. Sylvie Kauffmann, The New York Times, April 20141 Introduction Ukrainian civil society became a topic of major interest with the start of the Euromaidan protests in November 2013. It has acquired an additional dimen- sion since then, as civil society has pushed for reforms following the ap- pointment of the new government in February 2014, while also providing as- sistance to the army and voluntary battalions fighting in the east of the coun- try and to civilian victims of the war. In the face of the weakness of the Ukrainian state, which is still suffering from a lack of political will, poor governance, corruption, military weakness, and dysfunctional law enforce- ment – many of those being in part Viktor Yanukovych’s legacies – civil so- ciety and voluntary activism have become a driver of reform and an import- ant mobilization factor in the face of external aggression. This contribution examines the transformation of Ukrainian civil society during the period between the 2004 Orange Revolution and the present day. Why this period? The Orange Revolution and the Euromaidan protests are landmarks in Ukraine’s post-independence state-building and democratiza- tion process, and analysis of the transformation of Ukrainian civil society during this period offers interesting findings.2 Following a brief portrait of Ukrainian civil society and its evolution, the contribution examines the rela- tionships between civil society and three other actors: the state, the broader society, and external actors involved in supporting and developing civil soci- ety in Ukraine. -
Resuscitate Healthcare
#8 (114) August 2017 First conclusions in the Supreme Old and new promising sectors Student activism in Ukraine Court selection process of Ukraine’s agriculture and post-Soviet states RESUSCITATE HEALTHCARE WWW.UKRAINIANWEEK.COM Featuring selected content from The Economist FOR FREE DISTRIBUTION CONTENTS | 3 BRIEFING 32 Merchants of peace: How the “civil 4 Crime and (illusory) punishment: war” rhetoric is used to gain political What counterarguments Berkut capital lawyers use in Maidan trials 34 Student force: The strengths and POLITICS weaknesses of Ukrainian youth movements 7 Delay in court: First results in the selection of candidates for the 38 Between Komsomol and protests: Supreme Court The trajectory of student movements in former USSR countries over the past ECONOMICS 25 years 10 Cultivating change: Production and NEIGHBOURS export transformations in Ukraine's 40 Michael Binyon on divides agricultural industry in the UK’s political establishment 14 Payback time! Is Ukraine ready to pay as Brexit talks start back the bulk of its external debts? 42 Karl Schlögel: 18 An uneven recovery: How the “We have to fight for Ukraine to once economy of regions has changed over again get in the center of attention in the past three years European affairs” German historian on Ukraine FOCUS on the European mental map 22 Seeing the obvious: Why Ukraine’s and the challenges of the new current healthcare system must be historical situation changed HISTORY 24 A major deficit: Staff and funding as the key driver of transformation 46 A view from 2017: -
FROM DESPAIR to HOPE LGBT Situation in Ukraine in 2014
FROM DESPAIR TO HOPE LGBT situation in Ukraine in 2014 LGBT Human Rights Nash Mir Center Council of LGBT Organizations of Ukraine Kyiv 2015 From Despair to Hope. LGBT situation in Ukraine in 2014 This publication provides information that reflects the social, legal and political situation of the LGBT (lesbian, gay, bisexual and transgender) community in Ukraine in 2014. Here are to be found data and analyses on issues related to the rights and interests of LGBT persons in legislation, public and political life, public opinion, and examples of discrimination on the ground of sexual orientation etc. Authors: Andrii Kravchuk, Oleksandr Zinchenkov Project Manager of Nash Mir Center: Andriy Maymulakhin The authors would like to thank NGOs Association LGBT LIGA, Gay Forum of Ukraine, Lyudy Bukoviny, LGBT Union You Are Not Alone and all active participants in the LGBT Leaders e-mailing list and Facebook groups who collect and exchange relevant information on various aspects of the situation of LGBT people in Ukraine. Very special thanks to J. Stephen Hunt (Chicago, USA) for his proofreading of the English text and long-lasting generous support. The report is supported by Council of LGBT Organizations of Ukraine. The report “From Despair to Hope. LGBT situation in Ukraine in 2014” was prepared by Nash Mir Center as part of the project “Promoting LGBT rights in Ukraine through monitoring, legal protection & raising public awareness”. This project is realised by Nash Mir in cooperation with the Norwegian Helsinki Committee, within the framework of the program "Promotion of human rights and rule of law for lesbian, gay, bisexual and transgender persons in Ukraine" which is funded by the Norwegian Ministry of Foreign Affairs. -
A President's Portrait in Domestic Protest
A President’s Portrait in Domestic Protest: 133 The Anatomy of Hate A President’s Portrait in Domestic Protest: The Anatomy of Hate Natalia Lysiuk Taras Shevchenko National University of Kiev Kiev, Ukraine Abstract The extreme level of tension during the Euromaidan in Ukraine has caused a real explosion of urban post-folklore creativity. These folklore forms have many distinctive features of traditional folklore, but they are also characterized by their means of transmission. For instance, anonymous inscriptions could appear anywhere. Such texts have their own dramaturgy, and they recreate the development of the Euromaidan events (from simple appeals to give people an opportunity to determine their own destiny to openly hostile discourse that portrayed the former President of Ukraine, Victor Yanukovich, as the main enemy of the Euromaidan). Among those attested: distortions of Yanukovich’s name; demonstration of contempt for his image; insults; mention of his criminal past and ongoing corruption; and prophecies of his fate. One of the defining features of such texts is the violation of prohibitions on the use of dysphemisms and vulgarity as a verbal weapon against an enemy. We will also discuss the basic functions of protest folklore and hate speech. Crowds on the Maidan (author’s photo) The Euromaidan was the second Ukrainian revolution of this century. It was a public protest that took place in the main Kiev’s square Maidan Nezalezhnosti (Maidan) from November 2013 until February 2014. It was characterized by an unprecedented rise of patriotism and strengthening of national identity (as reflected in the wide usage of national colors, symbols, and images). -
Migration and the Ukraine Crisis a Two-Country Perspective This E-Book Is Provided Without Charge Via Free Download by E-International Relations (
EDITED BY AGNIESZKA PIKULICKA-WILCZEWSKA & GRETA UEHLING Migration and the Ukraine Crisis A Two-Country Perspective This e-book is provided without charge via free download by E-International Relations (www.E-IR.info). It is not permitted to be sold in electronic format under any circumstances. If you enjoy our free e-books, please consider leaving a small donation to allow us to continue investing in open access publications: http://www.e-ir.info/about/donate/ i Migration and the Ukraine Crisis A Two-Country Perspective EDITED BY AGNIESZKA PIKULICKA-WILCZEWSKA & GRETA UEHLING ii E-International Relations www.E-IR.info Bristol, England 2017 ISBN 978-1-910814-27-7 (paperback) ISBN 978-1-910814-28-4 (e-book) This book is published under a Creative Commons CC BY-NC 4.0 license. You are free to: • Share – copy and redistribute the material in any medium or format • Adapt – remix, transform, and build upon the material Under the following terms: • Attribution – You must give appropriate credit, provide a link to the license, and indicate if changes were made. You may do so in any reasonable manner, but not in any way that suggests the licensor endorses you or your use. • Non-Commercial – You may not use the material for commercial purposes. Any of the above conditions can be waived if you get permission. Please contact [email protected] for any such enquiries, including for licensing and translation requests. Other than the terms noted above, there are no restrictions placed on the use and dissemination of this book for student learning materials / scholarly use. -
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I I EURO-ASIAN JEWISH CONGRESS I I I I I I I I I ANTISEMITISM IN EURASIA- I 2013 I by Vyacheslav Likhachev I and Semen Charny I Issue# 10 I I I KYIV I 2014 I I I Special Report: Anti-Semitism and the Ukrainian Political Crisis, January 2014 I By Vyaches/av Ukhachev I At the end of January, the political crisis caused by a standoff of the government, basing its power on violence and a mechanism suited to repressions, against the active part of Ukrainian society, spilling out onto the streets, has reached its peak. After the peaceful protests were brutally dispersed on November 30, 2013, I the confrontation turned violent. In the many fights with riot police that took place on December 1, 2013, on Bankovaya street, and January 19-23 on Grushevskogo street, thousands of protesters had been wounded and five were killed. I Against the backdrop of global events in which hundreds of thousands people are involved, the problems of anti-Semitism and the safety of the Jewish community naturally become relevant. Besides natural· and quite justified concerns, the "Jewish topic" that interests us has not been lost in a sea of topics more I important to the country and society. ')ews and Euromaidan" is a topic that doesn't leave the pages of many media, not just Jewish ones. It is very noticeable due to reasons I shall examine somewhat later; first, it seems to me to be necessary to contextualize it properly. I Hundreds of thousands of people have gone out onto the streets of Ukrainian cities. -
ONE STEP FORWARD, ONE STEP BACK an Assessment of Freedom of Expression in Ukraine During Its OSCE Chairmanship
ONE STEP FORWARD, ONE STEP BACK An Assessment of Freedom of Expression in Ukraine during its OSCE Chairmanship December 2013 Table of Contents I. Summary & Recommendations 1 II. OSCE and the Domestic Legal Framework 3 III. Freedom of Expression: Broadcast & Print Media 6 IV. Ethics of the Media 11 V. Violation of Journalists’ Rights 12 VI. Access to Public Information 15 VII. Conclusion 16 About Freedom House and the Institute of Mass Information 17 Background Information: Freedom House has been engaged on the ground with the Institute of Mass Information and others on the interrelated issues of freedom of expression and corruption. Together with the Institute of Mass Information, we have a unique vantage point into the challenges and opportunities for the freedom of expression in Ukraine, especially as they pertain to journalists and activists, gained through our support for training journalists and the establishment of an independent platform (Nikorupciji.org) to investigate and cover instances of corruption at the local level. Freedom House has consulted with the government of Ukraine to share our concerns about how gaps between laws and practice in protecting the freedom of expression have a corrosive effect on the prospects for democratic advancement. We look forward to continuing this engagement. Given the importance of this year for Ukraine we commissioned a special report to assess Ukraine’s progress on freedom of expression commitments in the human dimension. 1 I. Summary & Recommendations: Ukraine, its Chairmanship of the OSCE, and Freedom of Expression 2013 is the first year Ukraine has held the Chairmanship in Office (CIO) of the OSCE since it became a participating state in the organization in 1992. -
The Months of Ukrainian Protests Labelled As “Maidan” Have Captured the World News Media with Vivid Pictures of Shooting, Fire and Barricades
Who are the protesters in Ukraine? The months of Ukrainian protests labelled as “Maidan” have captured the world news media with vivid pictures of shooting, fire and barricades. But who are the protesters and how did it all begin? Ukrainian revolt started in November 2013 when the protestors, mostly students and professionals from Kiev, protested against the failure to sign the Association Agreement with the with the European Union. Protesters gathered at the Maidan (in Ukrainian = Square) of Independence in the Centre of Kiev and remained for the rest of the night. The name of the square lent its signature to the months of protest that followed, which became known simply as “Maidan”, or "EuroMaidan". On the 30 th November a force from the Bierkut (internal police) arrived and brutally beat the unarmed students who were sleeping in the square and one was killed. The next day thousands of people came to Maidan of Independence to protest against the violence. They demanded that the assailants should be called to justice and the Minister of Internal Affairs resign. There was no reaction from the Government. The spurious reason given by the authorities for the treatment of the protesters was that they were preventing the erection of the official Christmas tree in the square, something which no-one believed. From that time onwards the campers on the square started to organise themselves and to escalate their demands to include the release of political prisoners, protection from police violence and the release of Julia Timoshenko (an opposition politician imprisoned by the current regime on charges of tax evasion). -
“THE PRICE of FREEDOM” Summary of the Public Report of Human Rights Organizations on Crimes Against Humanity Committed Durin
“THE PRICE OF FREEDOM” Summary of the public report of human rights organizations on crimes against humanity committed during the period of Euromaidan (November 2013 – February 2014) 1. Causes of Euromaidan protest movement. Following the election of Viktor Yanukovych as a President of Ukraine in February 2010, the group in power started to centralize control over the country. It is not by chance that in October 2010 the Constitutional Court of Ukraine took a decision on restoring the Constitution of 1996 with a whole range of additional presidential powers1. The strengthening of authoritarian regime was accompanied by worsening social and economic conditions and increased poverty of population. The unprecedented scale of corruption led to the loss of credibility by key state institutions, discontent and public protests. The state authorities considered rights and freedoms such as freedom of expression, freedom of peaceful assembly and association, the right to fair trial, and the right to private life to be a threat to development and existence of the authoritarian rule. Consequently, the following year human rights organizations reported systemic attacks on rights and fundamental freedoms2 by the government, as well as the return to the infamous practice of political persecutions3. Opposition politicians4, journalists5, human rights defenders, public activists6, and active youth became victims of repressions. Both legal means (unlawful arrests, fabricated 1 In 2011, the Constitutional Court unlawfully cancelled amendments to the Constitution adopted in 2004 and restored the Constitution of 1997. This Constitution provided for broad presidential powers. 2 See Annual human rights report Human rights in Ukraine – 2012, http://helsinki.org.ua/en/index.php?r=3.3.1.9. -
Ioulia Shukan Embarking on the Routes of Revolution: Why and How
Ioulia Shukan [Paryż] ● ● ● ● ● ● Embarking on the routes of revolution: why and how ordinary Ukrainian citizens joined their forces on the Maidan ( Winter 2013–2014) Wrocławski Rocznik Historii Mówionej Rocznik VII, 2017 ISSN 2084-0578 DOI: 10.26774/wrhm.172 The Maidan was a large-scale protest movement which sparked off on 21 November 2013 in Kyiv, in the Independence Square, a city-center loca- tion (Maidan Nezalezhnosti)1. Several hundred individuals – journalists, citizen activists and students – gathered there to voice their opposition against the decision of the country’s President, Viktor Yanukovych, to sus- pend the signing of the Association Agreement with the European Union, scheduled for the following week. Following a violent police intervention launched on the night of 29 and 30 November to rid the place of protesters, the movement turned into a mass rebellion of ordinary citizens who, from 1 December on, pursued the permanent occupation of the square. Before- hand, the large majority of those people had distanced themselves from political life, and had not been involved in any civic activism and exercised their citizen’s rights occasionally on election days: in fact, 92% of them were not members of any political party, trade union or association2. 1 This paper was written within the framework of the “3 Revolutions” project imple- mented by the College of Europe in Natolin. 2 Survey carried out by the “Democratic Initiatives” foundation, in cooperation with the International Institute of Sociology in Kyiv, December 7–8, 2013, see: http://dif. org.ua/article/maydan-2013-khto-stoit-chomu-i-za-shcho (access: 10.09.2017).