Tämän teoksen sähköisen version on julkaissut Suomalaisen Kirjallisuuden Seura (SKS) Creative Commons -lisenssillä: CC BY- NC-ND 4.0 International. Lisenssiin voi tutustua englanniksi osoitteessa: https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-nc- nd/4.0/legalcode
Suomalaisen Kirjallisuuden Seura on saanut sähköisen julkaisuluvan teoksen oikeudenhaltijoilta. Mikäli olette oikeudenhaltija, jota SKS ei ole tavoittanut, pyydämme teitä ystävällisesti ottamaan yhteyttä SKS:aan. FINNISHCONSUMPTION
FINNISHCONSUMPTION AnEmergingConsumerSociety betweenEastandWest
Editedby VisaHeinonen&MattiPeltonen
FinnishLiteratureSociety•Helsinki StudiaHistorica83
ISBN978-952-222-522-1 ISSN0081-6493 www.finlit.fi
Painotyö:HansaprintOy,Vantaa2013 CONTENTS
Acknowledgements...... 7
Introduction:TheFormationoftheFinnishTypeofConsumer SocietybetweentheEastandtheWest,the1950sand1960s...... 10 VisaHeinonen
PARTI.THEMAKINGOFTHEFRUGALCONSUMER
TheFinnishConsumerMentalityandEthos:AttheIntersection betweenEastandWest...... 42 VisaHeinonenandMinnaAutio
ACountryofDecentConsumers:TheRoleofAlcohol inEverydayFinnishLifeinthe1950s...... 88 MattiPeltonen
ImaginingEconomy.FinlandiaNewsreelsBuildingupsharedImagery inthe1950sandearly1960s...... 104 MinnaLammiandPäiviTimonen
Anglo-AmericanPopMusic,FinnishTango,andtheControversial ImagesofModernityinFinlandinthe1960s...... 124 JannePoikolainen
5 PARTII.CONSUMPTIONASSPECTACLE: AGEOFTHETELEVISION,AFFLUENCE ANDMEDIATISATIONOFCONSUMERSOCIETY
TelevisionCreatingFinnishConsumerMentalityinthe1960s.... 154 JukkaKortti
TheLegalizingofRouletteandChangesinFinnishConsumer Cultureinthe1960sand1970s...... 180 RiittaMatilainen
AccidentalTraders–FinnishTouristsintheSovietUnion inthe1950s–1970s...... 206 HannaKuusi
FromBackgroundtoForeground:MusicProductsforProduction andConsumptionSpaces...... 230 KaarinaKilpiö
Afterword SummerhousesandSaunas,ParksandLibraries –PlacesofPrivateandPublicConsumptioninFinland...... 254 MattiPeltonenandVisaHeinonen
Listofcontributors...... 260
6 ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS
This book is the result of hard work of devoted people. The idea to produce a collection of texts examining the emerging Finnish consumer society originated in discussion in our KuMu-seminar that we started as a part of post-graduate training project funded partiallybytheUniversityofHelsinki.Asaby-productaresearcher community called the Transformation of the Consumer Society (in Finnish Kulutusyhteiskunnan Muutos or in short KuMu) was born.Wewouldliketothankverymuchallthescholarswhohave participatedourseminarsandcontributedtodiscussionsduringthe years.Theresearchcommunitycontinuesitswork.Especially,wewould like to thank Professor Emerita Anne Murcott and Professor Frank Trentmann (Birkbeck College, University of London) for valuable ideasandpointingouttheimportanceofinternationalcomparisons, whenourprojectwasinitsinitialstate.Also,wewouldliketothank theanonymousrefereesselectedbytheFinnishHistoricalSocietyto evaluateourmanuscriptforverygoodandencouragingcomments,our publisherTheFinnishLiteratureSocietyfortakingourmanuscriptto theirpublishingprogramandRaunoEndénfortakingcareofourbook projectasthepublisher’srepresentative.
VisaHeinonenandMattiPeltonen Helsinki,November2013
7 HelsinkiWorker’s MotoristClub’smembers gatheredaroundanew Triumphmotorcycle inHakaniemi,Helsinki, in1952.Photographer YrjöLintunen(Kansan Arkisto).
INTRODUCTION:THEFORMATION OFTHEFINNISHTYPEOFCONSUMER SOCIETYBETWEENTHEEAST ANDTHEWEST,THE1950SAND1960S
VisaHeinonen
INTRODUCTION
After the Second WorldWar, Finland experienced very rapid social structuralchangeandurbanizationespeciallyduringthe1960s.Modern convenienceslikerunningwaterandanindoortoiletbecameeveryday necessitiestomanyFinnishhouseholds.Thestandardoflivingrose rapidly. Following the international trend, increasing individualism proceeded slowly and was related to the rising commercial culture. Especiallyfromthe1960sonwards,phenomenalikeadvertisingand fashionbecameimportantarenaswherethepopularcultureflourished. WhatwerethespecialfeaturesofthetransitionprocessoftheFinnish consumersociety?HowdidtheFinnishcasestandoutfromboththe USandWesternEuropeandevelopmentandfromthedevelopmentin EasternEuropeancountries? The essential concepts under scrutiny are the consumer society and its transition. The emphasis of this introductory article is on the post- Second World War decades until the 1980s. Methodologically, the focus is on historical comparison of the crucial trends in social structural change in society in Finland. The Finnish transition will be compared to the trajectories apparent in some Western European countries like Sweden, Norway, Denmark, Germany and England. Finland is a very
10 interesting case of consumer society transition between the West and the East. The Soviet Union became an important partner in economic cooperation soon after the war, because of the bilateral trade treaty. At the same time, American influences like advertising and commercial popular culture broke through in Finland. During the 1920s and 1930s Finland still received its most important cultural influences from Germany. The American influence in business life started to increase gradually during the 1950s. The advertising business in particular embraced American advertising and marketing ideas during the 1950s and 1960s. The retailing models like self-service, the new ideas of housing and suburban building and the influences of commercial youth culture and music came from the United States, often via Sweden (Pantzar 2000; Heinonen 1998; Heinonen & Konttinen 2001; Kilpiö 2005; Kortti 2003; Lammi 2006; Peltonen, Kurkela & Heinonen 2003). The transition towards a modern consumer society in Finland during the first three post-war decades was interestingly characterized by both Eastern and Western influences adapted from the neighbouring countries of Sweden and the Soviet Union, the most important trading partners being West Germany and the United Kingdom, other Western and Eastern European countries and also from the other side of the Atlantic Ocean.
FROMRATIONINGANDSCARCITYTOTHE BREAKTHROUGHOFTHEMODERN CONSUMERSOCIETY
SoonaftertheSecondWorldWar,Finnsfacedthebitterfactofhaving beenonthelosingsideinthewaralongwithcountrieslikeGermany andItalyinEuropeandJapanoutsideEurope.Finlandgotcaughtup inthewarbecauseofbeingattackedbySoviettroopsintheautumn of1939.TheWinterWarlasteduntilMarch1940.Afteraninterim peace,FinlandbecameinvolvedinawaragaininJune1941,thistime alliedwithGermanywhichhadattackedtheSovietUnion.Afterthe bitter and hard years 1942 and 1943, Finland finally succeeded in detachingitselffromthewarwiththeSovietUnionbyconcludinga truce.ThedefeatinthewarcostFinnsaveryheavyprice.TheSoviet
11 Unionrequiredthatitsformerallies,theGermanforces,hadtobe expelledfromLapland,FinlandlostmostoftheKarelianIsthmusand other territories and the Soviet Union claimed reparation payments of300millionUSdollarstobepaidmostlyintheformofindustrial goods(Eloranta&Kauppila2006,225–226;Heinonen1998,179). Theextremeshortageofalmosteverythingwasrelievedonlybyslow efforts in foreign trade with Sweden. The material and financial support in the form of credit in favourable terms given by Sweden wasespeciallyimportantimmediatelyafterthewar.In1945Finland’s mostimportanttradingpartnerswereSweden,theSovietUnion,Great BritainandDenmark(Aunesluoma2011,94–99;Pihkala1988,22). SoonthereaftertheSovietUnion,GermanyandtheUnitedStatesalso becameimportant. When foreign trade was started after the war, consumer goods became available little by little. The Soviet Union, Germany and the UK were the most important trade partners of Finland for several decades after the war (Pihkala 1988, 73). During the 1950s the trade between Finland and Sweden was at an exceptionally low level, but the importance of Sweden soon gained strength in the 1960s (Aunesluoma 2011, 216). Since then Sweden has remained among the most important trading partners. The trade between Finland and the Soviet nionU was bilateral: Finland imported mostly raw materials from the Soviet Union and exported the products of the wood and metal-processing industries, the textile industry and food products. According to the trade agreement of 1947 the Soviet Union received a most-favoured nation treatment (Pihkala 1988, 23). In 1948 Finland and the Soviet Union concluded the YYA Treaty (The Agreement of Friendship, Cooperation and Mutual Assistance), which was the basis of Finno-Soviet relations 1948–1992. The strict rationing of foodstuffs and other consumer goods and raw materials established during the war lasted for many years after the end of the war. The rationing of necessities and foodstuffs like meat, bread, milk, potatoes and salt was abolished gradually in 1947–1949. The Ministry of Supply, founded in 1939, was closed ten years later. (Heinonen 1998, 181–182.) The last ration cards were abolished in 1954, when coffee and sugar were also finally released from control. However, even after abolishing the rationing system the state controlled the Finnish economy and consumption in many ways, including price
12 control. Most of the Finnish foreign trade was gradually liberated 1955–1957 (Aunesluoma 2011, 155). On the whole, Finland was gradually integrated into the international economic order established after the Second World War by joining organizations like GATT (The General Agreement on Tariffs and Trade) in 1950 and the United Nations in 1955, thus, becoming a member of the United Nations at the same time as many smaller or less- developed European countries like Albania, Austria, Bulgaria, Portugal, Hungary, Ireland, Italy and Romania and some Asian countries. Finland and Spain were the only Western European countries which did not receive any money from the 13 billion US dollar Marshall aid that was distributed as reconstruction help. It is interesting that Eric Hobsbawm mentions both countries as ‘dramatic examples of industrial revolution’ (Hobsbawm 1995, 261). The economic boomrelated to the Korean War helped the recovery, and Finland managed to pay the last installment of the reparations to the Soviet Union in September 1952. During the 1950s, the economic fluctuation was quite marked and influenced the employment situation of the economy. For example, during the winter of 1957–1958 the number unemployed was nearly 100,000, which meant about 2.5 per cent of the whole population. The economic environment was very favourable for Finland when the world economy grew very quickly between the 1950s and the 1970s, the industrial output of manufactures quadrupling and world trade growing tenfold (Hobsbawm 1995, 261). In international relations the signing of the Treaty of Rome in the spring of 1957 was a very important and far-reaching occasion that established the European Economic Community (EEC) by France, West Germany, Italy, Belgium, the Netherlands and Luxemburg. At the same time the Nordic countries negotiated for a deeper economic co- operation, and Finland participated in the negotiations too (Aunesluoma 2011, 176–179). The plan was to establish a Nordic customs union. However, the plan between the Nordic countries was invalidated, when Great Britain, Sweden, Denmark, Norway, Austria, Switzerland and Portugal started negotiations that led to the founding of the European Free Trade Area (EFTA) by signing the Stockholm Treaty in January 1960. Shortly thereafter, Finland concluded a free-trade agreement with the newly founded free-trade area.
13 METHODOLOGICALANDTHEORETICAL ORIENTATIONSANDCONNECTIONS TOEARLIERSTUDIES
Thus,thestartingpointofourcollectionofarticlesistheexamination ofthemaincharacteristicsoftheemergingmodernconsumersocietyin Finlandduringthepost-SecondWorldWardecades.Weapproachour researchsubjectfromthepointofviewofmodernhistoricalresearch andespeciallyeconomicandsocialhistory.However,thecontemporary scientificdiscourseconcerningconsumption,consumersandconsumer societyisstronglymulti-disciplinary.Thewritersofthisvolumedraw inspiration from social scientific discussions. The literature dealing withconsumersocietiesandtheirtrajectorieshasincreasedveryfast in the last couple of decades. For example, John Brewer and Roy Porter (1993), John Brewer and FrankTrentmann (2006), Lizabeth Cohen(2003),GaryCross(1993;2000),VictoriadeGrazia(2005), BenFine(2002),SheldonGaronandPatriciaMaclachlan(2006),Eric Hobsbawm(1995),JenniferLoehlin(1999),NeilMcKendricketal. (1983),DanielMiller(1995),JamesObelkevichandPeterCatterall (1994),KristinRoss(1996),RobertaSassatelli(2007),JulietSchorand DouglasHolt(2000),SusanStrasseretal.(1998),FrankTrentmann (2006)andRosalindWilliams(1982)havepresentedvaluableinsights intotheexpandingliteraturedealingwithconsumersociety.However, theUnitedStateshasbeenaparadigmaticexampleoftheconsumer societydevelopment.Thisinternationaldiscussionhasinspiredus. Our methodological approaches follow the currents in the historical sciences, which have emerged with the rise of new interactive discussions between historical and social sciences. In addition to consumption and consumer history, themes and theoretical approaches like history of mentalities, history of addiction (alcohol, gambling), media history, cultures of youth and history of popular music have caught our attention. Our research materials have been manifold from statistical data to newsreels, magazines, oral history materials and archive materials like reports and memorandums. The writers’ previous research based on advertisements, short films and other material has also been utilized in composing an overall picture of the main trajectories of the post-war decades. Finally, we have focused on
14 the themes of consumption of popular music, television and young consumers as elements in the consumer society. These are interesting topics that have not been researched intensively until now. Actually one can speak about youth as a consumer group just since the 1960s, when social values started to become more liberal and youngsters had some pocket money of their own. Holiday travel to the Soviet Union is a new and interesting research topic as well. The emphasis in the articles is, firstly on shaping citizens into consumers, secondly on consumption of popular culture and media, and, thirdly, on leisure consumption. Thus, many interesting and important aspects of consumption are beyond the scope of this volume. The writers of this volume have already earlier examined trajectories of consumer society from a variety of viewpoints. Furthermore, Kirsti Ahlqvist et al. (2008) have studied the long run of Finnish consumption, Mika Pantzar (2000) has studied the adaption of household technology in Finland, Kirsi Saarikangas (2002; 2006; 2009) and Anneli Juntto (1990) housing, Johanna Hankonen (1994) city planning from the point of view of consumer society, Minna Lammi home-making (2009), Minna Sarantola-Weiss (2003) furnishing in Finnish homes, Timo Toivonen (1992; 1994; 1996) social classes and consumption, Vesa Muttilainen (2002) debt problems in the Finnish consumer society, Kirsti Ahlqvist (2010) societal governing of consumption and compilation of statistics on it and Mirja Liikkanen et al. (2009) have studied leisure consumption during the decades under scrutiny. Modernisation is discussed in several articles of our article collection. According to Bendix ([1964]1996, 6) modernisation means all social and political changes that followed industrialisation in the West. These changes include urbanisation, transformation of the occupational structure, increased social mobility, expanding education and political changes. These changes have been observed in all European societies during the latter half of the 20th century and all over the world as well. In the social sciences and especially in development economics, modernisation has been widely discussed especially during the 1950s and 1960s. One of the most influential researchers of modernisation was the economic historian Walt W. Rostow, who summarized his views concerning modernisation in an important book on stages of economic development (Rostow 1960). Although Rostow emphasized
15 the stage of mass-consumption as the highest stage in economic development, he joined the strong tradition of productionist theories which has dominated economic theorizing since Adam Smith and his work on political economy. Walt Rostow (1960, 12) called his theory “a dynamic theory of production”. Still during the 1960s and 1970s production dominated the discussions concerning modernisation. In the new research on the consumer society, consumption has even been considered to be the driving force of societal change, or at least as important as production and technological change. The conception of the consumer as the ideal type of citizen and free enterprise as vehicle for promoting democracy broke through in the USA, as ideological objectives, soon after the Second World War. During the Cold War, the United States offered its allies in Western Europe monetary help as investments and material support. During the period 1948–1951 the USA donated some 100 billion dollars as Marshall Aid to Western European countries, excluding Spain and Finland. Moreover, the ideology of American consumer society was connected to the Marshall Plan (Cohen 2006, 58; Kroen 2004, 728). The boost the Marshall Plan provided in terms of investments and the favourable economic environment that it provided resulted in rapid economic growth throughout the world lasting from the beginning of the 1950s until the 1970s. Many scholars have referred to the Kitchen Debate between the Soviet Premier Nikita Khrushchev and the US Vice President Richard Nixon in 1959 at the American Trade Exhibition in Moscow (e.g., Marling 1994, 243–283; May 1988, 162–182; Rosen- berg 1999; Oldenziel, Zachmann, Carbone and Reid in Oldenziel & Zachmann 2009a; Reid 2002; 2005). At least part of its fame is based on the fact that the debate was televised (Chernyshova 2013, 185). This debate has been seen as a symbolic occasion or crystallization of the ideological front line in the Cold War: A fundamental controversy between the two superpowers (Oldenziel & Zachmann 2009b, 8). Nixon emphasized the freedom of choice, private consumption and kitchen utensils. Khrushchev for his part tried to shift the attention towards public services, education, public day care, housing, health care and citizens’ right to work (Reid 2002, 225). Basically, it was the confrontation between the free market economy represented by the West under the baton of the United States as the leading economic power and
16 the state-controlled planned economy camp led by the Soviet Union. In this composition Finland was interestingly situated between the neutral Sweden, which did not participate in the Second World War, and one of the winners of the war, the Soviet Union. Friendly relations towards the Soviet Union formed the very backbone of Finnish foreign policy after 1945. The new orientation in Finland’s foreign policy offered prerequisites for adoption of influences from both the East and the West. An interesting crystallization of the Western ideological idea of freedom of choice in Finland was the book Valinnan yhteiskunta (The Society of Choice) written by three vital social scientists Klaus Waris, Erik Allardt and Osmo A. Wiio (1970). One common thread in the articles of this volume is the objective of comparative approach. Comparisons can illustrate resemblance and differences in the consumer society development of the nations compared. However, comparisons require basic information from the cases compared. There is a growing literature concerning development of consumer society in different European countries. Some examples are Ross’s (1996) study on France, Söderberg’s (1998) study on Sweden, Chernyshova’s (2013) study on the Soviet Union, Crew’s (2003) and Loehlin’s (1999) studies on Germany and de la Bruhèze’s, Oldenziel’s and others (2008) study on the Netherlands. These basic case studies in single European countries offer possibilities to do more comparisons in the future. Hence it is possible to clarify the overall picture of the consumer societies in Europe and also worldwide.
THEBREAKTHROUGHOFTHEMODERN CONSUMERSOCIETYINFINLAND
Thefavourableeconomicdevelopmentafterthewarscreatedastrong basis for the breakthrough of the modern consumer society. The consumersocietyhasbeendefined:
…asasystemwherewantsaresatisfiedthroughamarketorasasociety withmassproductionandmassmarketingofgoods;itcanbebased upontheroleconsumptionplaysinidentityformationorasapervasive element in the society studied. There will probably never develop
17 aconsensusarounddefinitionslikethese,butthatisnotnecessaryas longastheconceptiscontextualized.(Löfgren1990,12)
PaulGlenniehaslistedthegeneralcharacteristicsofconsumersocieties agreed upon by many historians: growing consumption per capita, intensifying production of commodities and efficient distribution systems,anexpandingsocialdivisionoflabourandincreasingsocial mobility, growing individualism, and consumer acquisitiveness (Glennie1995,165).InFinland,theaverageannualgrowthofprivate consumptionwasalmostfourpercentperyearbetween1950and1985. Atthebeginningofthe1950s,thegrowthofconsumptionwasfaster thaneverbefore.(Heinonen1998,282;Virén1989,174.)However, thefluctuationwasquiteconsiderablebecauseoftheheavydependence onexportsuccess,especiallyinthewood-processingindustry. The growth of productivity in the Finnish economy developed favourably after the wars. From 1946 to 1960 the annual growth of productivity was approximately 4.5 per cent in industry and in services three per cent. Across the whole Finnish economy, the percentage was around four per cent during the same period of time. (Hjerppe 1988, 95.) Company distribution channels developed rapidly and innovations like self-service came to Finland in the late 1940s. Self-service stores had been tested in the USA during the First World War and became more common there during the 1930s (Bowlby 2000, 31, 137–140). In Sweden, self-service was tried already during the Second World War and the first store was opened in 1947. The first self-service stores opened in France, Germany, Finland and Denmark in 1948 and in Norway a year later. (Bowlby 2000, 160; Heinonen 2000, 15; Hentilä 1999, 305–306; Spiekermann 2006, 159.) Trade expanded quite rapidly as soon as the rationing system was dismantled, and as the number of shops increased from some 30,000 in 1952 to over 40,000 in 1964. During the 1960s, the number of shops remained more or less the same. During the 1950s, the number of staff increased from 100,000 to 160,000 and then to 166,000 in 1964–1970. During the 1970s, the number of both the shops and staff gradually started to diminish. The number of department stores in Finland increased from two to nine between 1952 and 1970. (Pihkala 1982, 454–455.) Thus the domestic trade and its distribution system clearly strengthened, which provided
18 new opportunities for consumers. The expansion of trade offered new jobs. In the Finland of the 1950s, the transition in the social division of labour meant an increase in services, although agriculture and forestry were still the most important sources of livelihood. During the 1960s, industry and services employed two-thirds of Finns, while the rest worked in agriculture, forestry or some other industry. Finally, Paul Glennie (1995) emphasizes growing individualism and consumer acquisitiveness, often connected with fashion and advertising as core characteristics of a modern consumer society. In Finland, American advertising was an important model for the advertising business after the wars (Heinonen, Kortti & Pantzar 2003). On the whole, advertising and media were very important intermediaries of the American way of life and the influence of the consumer society. Soon after the rationing system was abolished and consumer markets were developing, fashion was promoted in women’s magazines in particular. The Marimekko Company is an example of a Finnish success story in the fashion business. The company, established in 1951, became very well-known all over the world during the 1960s. The esthetics of Marimekko was based on good designers like Maija Isola, Vuokko Askolin and Annika Rimala, who designed simple and bright clothes and used beautiful colours. During the 1950s, the American influences filtered into Finland via Sweden. Other than advertising, American movies and the emerging commercial youth culture, the refrigerator, other household appliances and a large kitchen symbolized the American way of life, both in Finland and in Sweden during the 1950s (Löfgren1990, 25; Pantzar 2000). Although Sweden has been characterized as the most Americanized nation in Europe (Löfgren 1993, 190; Ehn, Frykman & Löfgren 1993, 62–63), the same could be said about Finland as well. In the Finnish context, the Americanization was mostly based on ideas and cultural goods, which were heavily promoted on the commercial television established in Finland in 1957. The most important models of Finnish advertising were adapted from the United States. (Heinonen, Kortti & Pantzar 2003, 6, 9–10, 19–21; Kortti 2007a.) Consumption has been one of the oldest and strongest forms of Americanization (O’Dell 1997, 28). The US model has certainly affected the process of transition towards a modern consumer society both in Sweden
19 and in Finland. However, a large stream of emigrants had already left Finland and Sweden during the late 19th century and the first decades of the 20th century, as in so many European countries, for the United States, the ‘land of opportunity’. Living on the frontier may have been easier for peasants from Nordic countries and Northern Europe on the whole. Thus, the influences from the other side of Atlantic Ocean were frequently adapted through relatives and family members. Later, especially after the Second World War, the media played a decisive role as an intermediary of news, commodities, symbols and other influences from the USA. The 1960s was the decade of the breakthrough for the modern consumer society as well as the great structural change in Finland.
THESOCIALANDECONOMICPREREQUISITES OFCONSUMPTIONUNDERSTRICTREGULATION
AlthoughtheSovietUnionwastheenemyduringthewars,itgradually becameaveryimportanttradingpartnerandmarketforFinnishexports. IntheSovietsociety,theKhrushchevera1953–1964wascalled‘the Thaw’andmeantchangesintheeconomy.Housing,agriculture,trade andconsumerdemandbecameprioritiescomparedtotheStalinera (Nove1982,358).TheKhrushchevadministrationaimedatreducing the wage differentials and narrowing the urban-rural gap. Almost everyonewasexperiencingsomeincomeincreasesintheSovietUnion (Nove1982,347–349;Millar1985,695).DuringtheThaw,GNP increasedatanaveragerateofsomesixpercentannually.Theincrease slowedtofivepercentduringthe1960sandtofourpercentforthe period 1970–1978. The economic growth driven by consumption ended with the increased military expenditure during the Brezhnev era,1966–1982(Millar1985,695).IntheSovietUnion,theeveryday experienceofordinarycitizensandconsumerswasmarkedbyqueuing, an underground economy or black market and reciprocal exchange organized among relatives, neighbourhood networks and friends (Millar1985,698–703).Intheearly1980s,itwasreportedthatSoviet consumersstoodinqueuesfor30–40percentoftheirshoppingtime andstillafurther20percentqueuingtopayfortheirpurchases,andit
20 tookmanyconsumersevenseveralyearswaitingtoacquiregoodslike TVsetsandrefrigerators(Chernyshova2013,89,192).Theunofficial economicactivitywaswell-knowninallEasternEuropeancountries under‘realsocialism’,asthefollowingquotationconcerningtheEast Germanrealitydemonstrates:
Colleagues helped each other with the acquisition of scarce goods andeverybodywasalwayslookingoutforanythingthatmightbeon salesomewhereandforqueues(asignthatsomethingscarce,thatis, valuable,wasforsale).(Veenis1999,93)
ThePolishexperienceaftertheStalineraconsolidatedthesamekind ofchangesthattookplaceKhrushcheveraintheSovietUnion.New privateshopsandkioskswereopenedandsmallprivatebusinesseslike taxiservices,restaurantsandtailorswereestablishedinthenewpartial marketeconomyafter1957.Elementsofmodern‘consumerculture’ likefashionmagazines,advertisements,neonlightsandWesternmovies alsobecameavailabletothePolishpublictosomedegree.(Crowley 2000, 41–44.) However, the authorities, censorship and ideological propagandainthesocialistrealityensuredthatthecitizensdidnotget tooexcitedaboutthetemptationsoftheWesterntypeofconsumer society. During the 1950s, scarcity, thrift, target-saving and principles like rationalization predominated in the emerging modern Finnish consumer society. Finland managed to preserve its social system after the wars, but the bitter defeat and the closeness of the Soviet Union imposed conditions that limited freedom of action. For example, the war indemnities to the Soviet Union limited the growth of domestic consumption until 1952. Saving and rational planning of household finances were important elements of household as well as public finance. Banks encouraged citizens to start saving by becoming account holders and start systematic saving for some specific target like an apartment, decisive measures being taken to encourage home saving and house ownership. (Juntto 1990, 208–211; Kuusterä 1995; Lammi 2009, 536–537.) Beside an apartment, an important objective of saving was durable goods. The acquisition of washing machines, refrigerators and motor vehicles required saving in advance and planning of consumption
21 decisions (Lehtonen & Pantzar 2002, 214). The target saver became one of the heroes of the decade for whom the banks competed in advertising savings accounts, monetary transactions and targeted loans (Lehtonen & Pantzar 2002, 215; Pantzar 2000, 66–70). During the 1950s, the overall savings and investment rates in Finland were very high compared to many other Western countries. During the 1950s, household appliances offered new freedom to Finnish women at home and authority at the same time, because they were able to control the monetary expenditures and timetables of the household (Kortti 2003, 254–265; Kortti 2007a). Women were mostly making the everyday consumer decisions of the household. The theme of freedom from house-work was exploited in advertising household appliances (Pantzar 2000, 59–63), advertisements strongly emphasizing efficiency in use of time as well as monetary savings. Liberty as a central theme was strongly present in the advertising of banking services: a saver could free him/herself from the fetters of personal debt (Heinonen & Konttinen 2001, 142, 203; Pantzar 2000, 72–73). Saving and thrift were really heavily emphasized both in public debate and for private households. The agrarian values like frugality and self-sufficiency were the central moral elements in the peasant economic ethos that was the ruling value system in agrarian Finnish society during the 19th century and up to the Second World War. Agrarian virtues like thrift and self-sufficiency dominated as the core moral principles. Citizens were advised to avoid wasting foodstuffs and raw materials, to repair worn-out clothes instead of immediately buying new ones, to pick berries and mushrooms and to pay for purchases in cash. (Heinonen 1998, 157–163, 230–236, 377–381; Huttunen & Autio 2010, 146–147, 150–151.) On the one hand, the powerful emphasis on self-sufficiency and household thrift can be understood as a consequence of wars – the Civil war in 1918 and the Second World War – and a poor background. Finland was still an underdeveloped peripheral agrarian country at the beginning of the 20th century. On the other hand, the strong Protestant heritage in all Nordic countries explains the appreciation of temperance and moderation and the rejection of luxury (Daun 1998, 187–190; Sørensen & Stråth 1997). Besides, since no genuine domestic royal court existed in Finland as in Sweden, Denmark and Norway, egalitarianism as one of the core values
22 of the peasant society was relatively strong. However, frugality, patience and orderliness were traditionally virtues appreciated in many societies, as in both East and West Germany, as Ina Merkel (1998, 284, 287) has pointed out. But Finland remained predominantly agrarian until the 1960s, and the social structural change took place over a rather short time compared to Central European societies or even Denmark and Sweden.
THEDECADEOFTHEGREATSTRUCTURAL CHANGE:THE1960S
The 1960s was the decade of a great structural transformation in Finland.PeoplemovedfromthecountrysidetocitiesortoSweden tofindwork.Thelivingstandardrose,andpeopleboughtdurables like cars and television sets.The structure of consumption changed insuchawaythatagrowingproportionofhouseholdexpenditures was used on housing, transport, recreation and miscellaneous consumption,includingtravellingabroad.Theratioofhousingand heatingexpendituresofthetotalexpendituresgrewduring1950–1975 fromunderninepercenttoasubstantial16percent,theexpenditure ontransportfromnearlysixpercenttoalmost15percentandthe proportionofrecreationalexpendituresfromfiveandahalfpercentto almosteightpercent(Laurila1985,50).Duringthe1960s,material welfarewasclearlyimprovingfollowingthedrudgeryoftheprevious decade. In 1961, Finland concluded a free-trade agreement FINN- EFTA withThe European FreeTradeAssociation (EFTA) that had been founded in 1960 in Stockholm (Aunesluoma 2011, 189–213; Pihkala1988,40–42).However,theSovietUniondemandedthesame rightsinthemutualtradebetweenFinlandandtheSovietUnionthat alltheEFTAcountriesenjoyed.Thesearrangementsledtoapowerful economicandsocialstructuralchangeandthegradualtighteningof westerneconomicrelations,althoughthebilateraltradewiththeSoviet Unionmaintaineditsimportance.Newtradingpossibilitiesresultedin thegrowthofforeigntrade,inbetteravailabilityofconsumergoods andintheliberationofcarimports,forexample.Afterthemid-1960s theFinnishexportofindustrialproductstoSwedishmarketsincreased
23 considerably,whichsymbolizedthenewpositionofFinlandmoving amongtheotherNordiccountriesasaprosperousindustrialcountry. Indeed,inthebeginningofthe1970sSwedenoutstrippedtheSoviet UnionamongFinland’smostimportanttradingpartners(Aunesluoma 2011,218;342).ThematerialstandardoflivingofFinnishcitizens was increasing and the world of consumer goods for consumers expanding. The number of Finnish households owning a refrigerator rose from 11 per cent in 1956 first to 44 per cent in 1966 and then to 84 per cent in 1976. The proportion of those owning a washing machine rose from 19 per cent in 1956 first to 53 per cent in 1966 and then to 67 per cent in 1976 (Kortti 2003, 254; Kortti 2007a.) For example, the number of households with a refrigerator in West Germany rose from 10 per cent in 1955 to 51 per cent in 1963 (Wildt 1998, 307). In the UK, the corresponding figures were 8 per cent in 1955 and 85 per cent in 1975 (Obelkevich 1994, 145). West Germany during the 1950s offers an interesting point of comparison with Finland, because Germany was on the losing side in the Second World War. Working- class households still lived on very tight budgets during the late 1950s (Wildt 1998, 305). In East Germany, or the German Democratic Republic (GDR), founded in 1949, the communist ideology stressed the satisfaction of the basic needs of citizens. Instead of producing more consumer goods like refrigerators and televisions, the ideologists sought alternatives to the western models of limitless consumption and a throwaway culture. The East Germans had to wait patiently for the delivery of a refrigerator, or a washing machine, and on average from eight to fifteen years for a private car. (Merkel 1998, 285–288, 292.) Thus, in the East Germany the distribution ofconsumer durables was based on a waiting list instead of market demand, because the production of staple foodstuffs and basic goods was prioritized. The waiting time for a car in the GDR increased to 14 years between the 1960s and the end of the 1980s (Merkel 2006, 252). Finns had similar experiences simply because the rationing system existed until the end of the 1940s, the war reparations to Soviet Union limited the potential to produce consumer goods for the Finnish market and the amount of foreign currency available for payment of imported goods was limited by the success of exports.
24 If the domestic appliances like refrigerators, vacuum cleaners and washing machines arrived in Finnish households during the 1950s, the next decade was characterized by the triumph of television and the private car (for details, see Kortti 2007b; Toiskallio 2001). The 1960s was the decade of the private car in both Finland and Sweden. The importation of cars into Finland was finally freed from import regulations in 1962 when Finland concluded the FINN-EFTA agreement in 1961. (Söderberg 1998, 75; Toivonen 1996, 35–36.) At the end of the 1960s, the number of private cars in Finland already exceeded 700,000 and the number of television licenses was about one million. Beside cars and television, the commercial youth culture gained strength in Finland (see Heinonen 2003; 2005; Peltonen, Kurkela & Heinonen 2003). The youth culture developed in the West represented a new source of purchasing power and was essentially international (Hobsbawm 1995, 326). The emerging commercial Finnish youth culture received its influences mostly from the United States, but Western Europe, particularly countries like the United Kingdom and Sweden were also important sources. For the first time, youngsters had considerable sums of money and young people became a target group for advertising (Heinonen 2003, 459; Ruohonen 2001, 29, 489). The position of Finland between East and West became quite clear in the supply of both Eastern and Western consumer goods. For example, Eastern European and Soviet cars were available in Finland. A Soviet Moskvich, Volga, Gaz and later Lada, an East German Wartburg and Trabant or a Czechoslovakian Škoda could often be seen on Finnish roads. At the beginning of the 1960s, a private car was still a relatively expensive durable for an average Finnish household, and the prices of the Eastern bloc cars were clearly lower than the Western ones. For example, the Czechoslovakian Škoda was among the most popular cars from the late 1950s to the liberalization of import of cars in 1962 (Mauranen 2005, 203). However, the Finnish market for private cars was very different from the markets in other Western European countries and a Western car was a status symbol for most Finns throughout the period, although some people bought Eastern cars for political reasons as supporters of the political left. The availability of Eastern consumer goods and durables like cars in Finnish consumer markets can largely be explained by the bilateral nature of the trade. All the possible import
25 goods were welcome, because Finland wanted to increase its own export. The low price of Eastern cars was surely an important factor concerning their import. The economic historian Walt W. Rostow (1960, 11, 77, 83–87) un- derscored the symbolic significance of private cars in modern consumer society. According to him, ‘the cheap mass automobile with its quite revolutionary effects – social as well as economic – on the life and expectations of society’ (Rostow 1960, 11) was the crucial element in the process of achieving the age of mass-consumption. In the case of Finland, the paradox is the fact that until the early 1960s most auto- mobiles were imported from the Soviet Union or some East European country. For example, the important vehicle of Americanisation, the American car, was too big or too expensive for a long time for Finnish consumers (see Jukka Kortti’s chapter in this book). As already pointed out, the everyday life of citizens in the Soviet Union was eased during the Khrushchev rule in the 1960s. Consumer goods became more freely available than before and the possession of goods was no longer considered to be a negative thing (Gurova 2006, 95). The ideological competition between the Soviet Union and the West, especially the United States, was very intense. Nevertheless, influences from the Western consumer culture and fashion penetrated even Soviet society, although in the official rhetoric Western influences were damned as bourgeois decadence. For example, the Beatles had many secret admirers among Soviet youth during the 1960s but were strictly condemned by the ideological propaganda of the communist party. And the reality in Soviet Union was characterized by queuing, scarcity and informal economic arrangements. Olga Shevchenko (2002, 155–156) has pointed out that at the beginning of the 21st century Russian people still remembered very clearly the experiences of the rationing system from the 1980s. Consumer durables were often preserved even when new ones were bought in case of extraordinary circumstances (ibid. 154). However, the 1960s was a period of accelerating transformation in Finland as in most Western countries. New subcultures and popular movements, individualism, the rise of young people, advances in technology, the increase in international interaction, improvements in material life, new permissiveness and many other phenomena that
26 Arthur Marwick (1998, 16–20) has listed are observable in Finland. However, in the late 1960s the anti-American movement was not so strong in Finland as in many other European countries (cf. Kuisel 1993, 7–10, 65–69, 236–237; O’Dell 1997, 160–198). The rise of youth and youth subcultures was an important phenomenon. The intergenerational balance of power and the relationships between older and younger generations were shaken. Rock music, youth fashion and customs were criticized by many representatives of older generations who had experienced the trials and hardships of war time. However, after the 1960s the tensions between generations gradually moderated as in many Western countries. Women’s liberation had a favourable point of departure in the Nordic countries and thus in Finland, because Nordic women had been relatively independent from the early 20th century and Finnish women participated in numbers in the labour force. Egalitarianism alongside permissiveness was an important legacy that made it easier for many people to accept high taxes as the cost of a welfare society. Social democrats together with the agrarian centre party formed many governments together during the 1960s and 1970s and managed to bring Finland closer to the welfare model of other Nordic countries. The enforcement of social welfare reforms like primary school reform and the establishment of public health centers took place during the 1970s as the public sector expanded. Reforms like public health centres and comprehensive school free of charge for all were implemented, and thus public expenditure increased. Until the 1970s, Finland had gone through a rapid structural change and the breakthrough of modern consumer society. During 1960–1980, the proportion of people living in cities and population centres grew from 38 per cent to 60 per cent and that of people earning their living in agriculture and forestry fell from 32 per cent to nine per cent (Statistics Finland). Finland did not join the European Economic Community (EEC) but signed after complicated negotiations a free trade agreement with the community which came into effect at the beginning of 1974. Finland signed similar agreements with all the countries of the Council for Mutual Economic Assistance (COMECON), which included, apart from the Soviet Union, all the socialist countries of Eastern Europe, Mongolia, Cuba and Vietnam from 1978 onwards. The agreement with the EEC led gradually to an increase in foreign trade with many Western
27 European countries. The agreement with COMECON countries did not have any large economic effects (Aunesluoma 2011, 276; Pihkala 1988, 56). In socialist countries foreign trade was strongly state controlled. However, the availability of foodstuffs and some consumer goods imported from behind the Iron Curtain was much better than in other Western European countries. In 1972, an international consumer goods exposition was organised in Helsinki, offering vacuum cleaners from the GDR, Hungarian textiles, Polish enamel pots, Romanian vegetables and buckets made of aluminium from the Soviet Union to Finnish consumers (Sarantola-Weiss 2008, 169). Canned vegetables, fruits, caviar and crab meat from the Soviet Union were available, especially in the shops of the co-operative stores like Elanto in Helsinki. Russian cuisine was also well-known in Helsinki for historical reasons and the closeness of the city of Leningrad, which many Finnish tourists visited, as shown in Hanna Kuusi’s chapter in this book. The structure of the bilateral trade between Finland and the Soviet Union changed considerably between the 1950s and 1970s. In the beginning of the 1950s Finland imported mostly agricultural products, fossil fuels including petroleum and metals from the Soviet Union. In the 1970s the import of agricultural products was not important. Since the 1950s the import of machinery, raw wood and especially energy from the Soviet Union increased heavily, and the share of raw oil was finally almost 80 per cent of the total import. The Finnish export to the Soviet Union consisted mostly of the products of metal, wood processing and the consumer goods industries. (Aunesluoma 2011, 343–345.) On the whole, the 1950s, 1960s and 1970s meant a rising material standard of living for many Finns. New consumer goods were available, and people bought them as soon as they could afford to. The hire- purchase system gradually became general, at least for the purchase of durables like refrigerators, freezers, washing machines, television sets and motor vehicles. All these consumer goods were purchased mostly by families, a fact which emphasised family-centred lifestyle and privacy. However, despite the rapid transformation some things remained as they traditionally had been. People used to go to sauna on Saturdays at least in the countryside and at their summer cottages. Finns have been very enthusiastic users of summer cottages (see Juntto
28 & Vilkko 2005; Karisto 2006). Kesämökki (summer cottage) means something similar to a Finn to sommarstuga to a Swede or dacha to a Russian. Although a summer cottage was still some kind of luxury during the 1960s, the number of cottage-owners has steadily risen since the sixties (Melasniemi-Uutela 2004, 147). Time spent at the cottages has also increased significantly. Despite the rapid structural change, modernisation and the seduction of consumer society, Saturday night sauna, a summer cottage and perhaps ice-fishing during winter time represent marked continuity in Finnish culture even during the 21st century. The contemporary Finnish way of life is an interesting mixture of Western and Eastern influences in the north-eastern corner of Europe.
CONCLUSION
ThetransformationofFinlandintoamodernconsumersocietyand the special characteristics of the Finnish case between the East and theWestofferaninterestingpointofviewonthediscussionabout consumersociety.ItiseasytoagreewithFrankTrentmannthatinorder tounderstandconsumptionasasocialphenomenonandavarietyof trajectories of transformation taking place all over the world better, weneedmorehistoricalcasestudies(seeBrewer&Trentmann2006; Trentmann2004;2006;2009).TheFinnishcaseisaninterestingone, whichillustratesthetrajectoryofmodernconsumersocietyfromthe pointofviewofasmallNordiccountrydevelopingfromapooragrarian peripheryspecializinginprocessingforestryproductsforworldmarkets intoarichwelfaresocietyspecializingmoreinhightechnology,witha goodeducationalsystemandasolidsocialsystem. As I have pointed out, as an emerging consumer society after the Second World War Finland received influences both from the East and the West. A certain openness in adapting quickly to new technology like household appliances or cars, new institutional phenomena like the self-service store, new media like television and new promotional tools like American advertising models is a sign of pragmatism (cf. Pantzar 2000; Kortti 2003; Heinonen & Konttinen 2001; Heinonen, Kortti & Pantzar 2003). It has been maintained that during the post-war decades
29 the Finnish political elite was very loyal to the Soviet Union, but the people were more willing to adopt the models of good society from the West. As a loser in the Second World War, Finland had not very many real choices during the Cold War period but had to cope as well as possible with its Russian neighbour. The bilateral trade arrangement was in the end not at all a bad one for Finland during the oil crises of the 1970s, for example. In the early 1980s, trade between Finland and the Soviet Union was already a quarter of all Finnish foreign trade (Hobsbawm 1995, 375). However, this was an exception, and the long- run share of the trade with the Soviet Union stayed clearly under 20 per cent of the Finnish foreign trade (Hjerppe 1990, 156-163). Finally, the mutual trade between Finland and the Soviet Union collapsed in the end of the 1980s to be recovered later with Russia. And the fact is that during the post-war decades the standard of living of ordinary people in Finland increased markedly particularly from 1960 to 1990. It remains to be seen how Finland will manage to maintain its prosperity now as a member of the European Union since 1995 and a small remote country between the East and the West. This volume proceeds as follows. The first part of the volume analyses the making of the frugal consumer during the post-Second World War decades. This part of our collection stresses the influence of older aspects of the Finnish mentality towards the role of consumption in everyday life. Visa Heinonen and Minna Autio examine the Finnish consumer mentality and ethos. They also make comparisons between Finland and the neighbouring countries Russia and Sweden. Matti Peltonen analyses Finnish everyday life in the 1950s from the point of view of alcohol consumption and attitudes towards drinking. He points out that strict restrictions and their broad acceptance by both the political elite and the majority of the population mainly determined the development of the drinking culture in Finland. Minna Lammi and Päivi Timonen investigate newsreels presented in cinemas during the 1950s as representations of the economy. They emphasise that these short films demonstrated the central role played by President Urho Kekkonen as a strong leader of the nation. The first part of the book ends with Janne Poikolainen’s scrutiny of Finland’s popular music scene and its interesting division into two quite different sub-cultures in the beginning of the 1960s, together with the influences coming from abroad.
30 The second part of the book concentrates on consumption as spectacle in the Finnish context. First, Jukka Kortti analyses the breakthrough of the television in the Finnish society of the 1960s and its influence on the Finnish consumer mentality. He gives a versatile general view of television as a new media and important part of developing consumer culture. Second, Riitta Matilainen offers a cross-section to a developing gambling culture and legalisation of roulette in Finland. She examines the introduction of other forms of gambling, such as Lotto, as well. Third, Finnish tourism to the Soviet Union is studied by Hanna Kuusi in her article by using oral history material. An interesting finding in her study is the extent of illegal trading that occurred during the travels in spite of quite severe sanctions. In the final article Kaarina Kilpiö examines the styles and development of background music in the marketing context in Finland.
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37
PARTI. THEMAKING OFTHEFRUGAL CONSUMER Moskvichcar surroundedby theparticipants ofthe International YouthFestivalin Moscow1957. Photographer unknown (Kansan Arkisto).
THEFINNISHCONSUMERMENTALITY ANDETHOS:ATTHEINTERSECTION BETWEENEASTANDWEST
VisaHeinonen&MinnaAutio
INTRODUCTION
Nowadays,arisingnumberofconsumerresearchersagreeontheidea thatthemotivesunderlyingconsumerchoicearenotsimplyrational butemotionalaswell.Themultidisciplinaryconsumerresearchsince the1980shasenrichedourunderstandingofconsumptionandcon- sumersfromthepointofviewofsociological,economic,psychological, historical, anthropological and communicational research; e.g., con- sumermentalityandtheethosofconsumptionareratherchallenging researchareasthathavebeendiscussedbysomeclassicslikeThorstein VeblenandGeorgSimmelandsomecontemporaryscholarslikeColin Campbell.Veblen(1899)andSimmel(1900)wrotetheirclassicworks atthebeginningofthe20thcentury.Veblenwroteaboutconspicu- ousconsumptionandpecuniaryemulationamongnewlyrichpeople duringhistimeintheUnitedStates.Histheoryoftheleisureclass canbeinterpretedasadescriptionofaconsumermentalityinwhich status-seekingpeopletrytoshowtheirprosperitybylavishconsump- tion.GeorgSimmelwroteaboutcitylifeandmodernconsumersin a20th-centurymetropolis,whereanewkindofconsumermentality emerged.ColinCampbell’s(1987)subjectwasthemodernconsumer mentality which first appeared among upper-class women in Great Britainatthebeginningofthe19thcentury.Thesewomenhadfree
42 time to spend consuming and plenty of money available.This new mentalitywastheresultofnewopportunitiestoconsumeenabledby the18th-centuryindustrialrevolution,thespiritoftheromanticethos andrisingprosperity. Theobjectiveofthisarticleistogiveanoverviewoftheresearch concerningtheconsumermentalityandethosinFinland.Wediscuss the Finnish case in its historical and social context and also offer a comparative perspective. Because Finland is sited geographically, culturallyandpoliticallybetweentheEastandtheWest,tobeprecise, betweenSwedenandRussia,thelocationhasplayedaveryimportant role in the history of the nation. The Finnish consumer mentality andethoshavepreviouslybeenstudiedbyAutio(2006),Autioand Heinonen (2004), Autio, Heiskanen and Heinonen (2009), Autio, HuttunenandPuhakka(2010),Heinonen(1998;1999),Heinonen andPantzar(2002),HuttunenandAutio(2009;2010),Huttunenand Lammi(2009)andLehtonenandPantzar(2002).Ouraimis,firstly, todrawtogether,sumupandelaboratethefindingsofthesestudies. Secondly,weputtheseresultsinacomparativeperspectivewiththe neighbouringcountriesinboththeEastandtheWest. Thearticleproceedsasfollows.Firstly,wediscusstheconceptsof mentalityandethosandtheiruseindiscussionsinhistorical,social scientific and humanities studies. The relationship between these conceptsandtheconceptofworld-viewwillbeclarifiedforthereader. Secondly,wefocusonthegeneralconceptofmentalityinacomparative perspectiveandthoroughlyanalysethehistoricalphasesinthetransition of the Finnish consumer mentality.We argue that the mentality of scarcitytransformssomewhatintoamentalityofabundance.Wethen compareourresultstomentalitiesintheneighbouringcountries,Russia andSweden.Thesecomparisonsarebasedonhistoricalstudies,the researchofethnologistsandtheabove-mentionedstudiesbyFinnish scholars,includingourselves.Swedenhasbeenamodelofmodernisation andthedevelopmentofaconsumersociety.Atthebeginningofthe 21stcentury,FinlandhasslowlyreachedthesamestageasSwedenas amodernisedconsumersociety,whileRussiaisstillontheroadtoan abundantsociety.ThementalitiesofFinnishandSwedishconsumers seemtohavedevelopedintoakindofmentalityofmoderation.At thesametime,Russianconsumersarestillstrugglingwiththeconflict
43 betweentemptationsofabundanceandtheneedforamoremoderate wayoflivingcausedbythelimitationsofglobalsustainability.
MENTALITY,WORLD-VIEWANDETHOS
Thehistoryofmentalitiesgrewasacurrentofhistoryresearchinthe 1960s.Itsrelationshiptodisciplineslikeethnology,sociology,social psychologyandanthropologyisclose(LeGoff1978,245–246).The termmentalitéwasintroducedbytheFrenchanthropologistLucien Lévy-Bruhl(Burke1986,444).Researchintothehistoryofmentalities has been on everyday life and common people instead of the elite, theirlivesandthegreatestachievementsofscienceandart.Theleading scholars of the history of mentalities like Jacques Le Goff, Georges Duby,Philippe Ariès, Emmanuel Le Roy Ladurie, Carlo Ginzburg, Robert Darnton and Natalie Zemon Davis have used new types of sources.Thesehavebeentrialdocuments,postersandotherobjectsof popularculture,privatediariesanddescriptionsofrituals,festivalsand riotsbythecommonpeople(Peltonen1992a,16).Intheirstudies,these historiansofmentalitieshaveexaminedmentalitiesinmedievalFrance, likeLeGoffandDuby,childhoodinearliercenturiesandattitudes to death, like Ariès, the world-view of an Italian heretic miller like GinzburgandmedievallifeinaremotePyreneanvillagelikeLeRoy Ladurie.Mentalitiesaremostlycollectivebynatureandcloselylinked tosocialstructuresandthesocialdynamic(LeGoff1978,257).Peter Burke(1986,439)hasevensuggestedthenamehistoricalanthropology ofideasformentality.Hehasalsodrawnattentiontotheresemblance tosomeinterpretationsofsocialanthropology. ApartfromtheFrenchscholars,classicsinthestudyofmentalities arethesociologistNorbertElias’s1989studyofGermansandhisstudy oftheEuropeancivilisationprocess(Elias1978;1982),thefolklorist AlanDundes’s1984studyofGermanculturethroughfolkloreandthe studyoftheSwedishmentalitybytheethnologistÅkeDaun(1998). According to Elias, it is possible to learn about the translation of Westerncivilisationbystudyingthehistoryofindividualsandsocieties sidebyside.EliasstudiedthehandbookofmannerswrittenbyErasmus of Rotterdam and other guides to good manners and pointed out
44 howthedisplayofemotionsgraduallybecameshamefulandchanged frompublictoprivate.Medievalhumanbeingschangedintomodern humans,whocontrolledtheirfeelingsandemotionsandmasteredthe rulesofconduct.Thedivisionbetweenpublicandprivatespheresof life deepened.Thus, the elite in European societies shaped popular conceptionsofconductinthedirectionofself-restraintandcontrol ofdesires. ThehistorianMarkkuHyrkkänen(2002,110),specializinginthe historyofideas,hasclarifiedtherelationshipbetweenmentalityand world-viewbycharacterisingmentalityasanunconsciousaspectofthe world-view.Likemanyotherhistorians,heemphasizestheelusiveand somewhathazycharacteroftheconcepts.Theconceptofworld-viewhas beendiscussedbymanycultureresearchers.Anthropologists,folklorists, ethnologistsandhistorianshaveechoedthismultidimensionalconcept. OrvarLöfgren(1981,26-27)hasincludednotionsofhumannature, conceptions of the ego, images of society and social stratification, notionsofwork,perceptionsoftimeandspaceandimagesof‘good life’amongthepossibleconstituentsofaworldview. Theconceptofthementalityhasexplanatorypower,andisbasedon astancetowardsavarietyofdimensionsofhumanexistence(Hyrkkänen 2002, 99). Thus all realms or dimensions of human existence can be examined by the history of mentalities. Peter Burke (1986) has characterisedamentalityasa‘systemofbeliefs’.Thus,thedefinition anddescriptionofamentalitycouldmeantrackingandshowingthe conceptualrelationshipsbetweenthebeliefs(Burke1986,442,444). Besidebeliefsystems,Burke(1992,91)alsoreferstotermsusedby sociologistslike‘modesofthought’or‘cognitivemaps’.Mentalitiesare collectivementalphenomenathatare,likeWeberianidealtypes,typical inparticularculturesandcircumstancesduringcertainperiodsoftime. Mentalitiesusuallychangeratherslowlybutmayalsochangerapidly. However, mentalities are not only ideological phenomena but are relatedtocollectivehumanbehaviour,rituals,andmanners.Scholars candrawconclusionsaboutmentalitiesbyobservingandinterpreting everyday living, practices, manners, behaviour, clothing and all the typical features of everyday life not always documented in writing. Thus, paintings, folklore, proverbs, clothes, furniture and material objectsmaybeimportantsourcesforhistoriansofmentalities.
45 Manyhistoriansofmentalitieshaveassumedthatbyscrutinising a mentality it is possible to access the preconditions of action and thinkingliketheideasofwhatisrightandwhatiswrong(Hyrkkänen 2002,94).Theseideasandmoral,normativeandevaluativeaspectsof aculturehavetogetherbeendefinedasanethos,whereasthecognitive andexistentialaspectshaveoftenbeencalledaworld-view(Dundes 1971,102;Geertz1968,303).Thus,anethosmeansaculturalsystem, asystemofethicalandaestheticvaluesandnorms(Ahlman1939,18– 19,99–103).Themeaningofgoodandbadisdefinedbythesevalues and norms. For example, norms and rules in human society spring fromthebeliefsystemthatincludestheconceptionsofgoodandbad (Alasuutari2007,56).Thiskindofbeliefsystemcanbecalledanethos. Furthermore,anethoscanbeinterpretedlikeadiscourse:aculturally typical and commonly acceptable way of discussing consuming, for example(Huttunen&Autio2010).Thus,theconsumerethosincludes guidelines and norms governing how a virtuous consumer should behaveinasocietyandwhatacceptedlifestylechoicesare.Furthermore, aconsumerethosembracestheappreciationofmoneyandwealthin society–whatis‘good’and‘bad’lendingandspending.
MENTALITIESFROMACOMPARATIVE PERSPECTIVE
It is always interesting to make comparisons between neighbouring countries.Thedifferencesandsimilaritiesbetweenthecountriesmaybe basedonmanycultural,socialandeconomicfactorsbesideshistorical circumstances.BecauseofFinland’sgeopoliticalpositionastheportal betweentheEastandtheWest,ideasandtechnologyhavecirculated frombothdirectionsandshapedtheFinnishsocietyanddomesticspaces inmanyways(Saarikangas2009,286).Finland,anindependentnation since1917,usedtobeapartoftheSwedishKingdomuntil1809, whentheRussiansconqueredtheterritorythatbecameaGrandDuchy andtheRussianEmperoritsGrand-Duke.AsaGrandDuchy,Finland wasautonomousinthesensethattheoldlegalsystemwasmaintained andtheGrandDuchyhaditsowncentraladministrationalongside theSenateasthehighestorgan(Heikkinenetal.2000,21).Thusthe
46 Swedish cultural tradition was very strong and Swedish was spoken by the ruling class. During the 19th century, Russian and German influencesonFinnishculturegrewgradually.Atthesametime,Swedish influencesremainedquitestrong.Aboveall,the19thcenturymeant thestrengtheningoftheFinnishnationalidentityfollowingtheriseof thenationalistideologyamongmanyEuropeannations(Hobsbawm 1990).TheFinnishnationalistideologywascalledFennomaniaand itsproponentsFennomans.Animportantreformwastheadoptionof universalsuffragethattookplacein1906,secondintheworldjustafter NewZealand.AfterthedeclarationofindependenceinSeptember1917 andthecruelcivilwarinthespringof1918,Finnsstartedtobuildan independentnationstate.The1920sand1930smeantaperiodofthe preliminarystageoftheconsumersocietyinFinland(Heinonen2000, 10–13).Inthisstage,themonetaryeconomyfinallybrokethroughin theFinnishcountryside,thedistributionsystemforconsumergoods developed,marketsforcinema,recordsandotherproductsofpopular culturewereestablishedandthepressandmodernadvertisingexpanded. Laterweexaminethebreakthroughofthemodernconsumersocietyin Finlandasthebackgroundtotheconsumermentality. The fundamental features of the Russian mentality have been describedbythePolishphilosopherJasinowskiasfollows:collectivism, maximalism,utopianism,anddualityinthinking(Brzechczyn2008, 830).TheRussianmentalityhasbeenlargelyshapedbytheByzantine heritageandtheOrthodoxreligion.However,duringthe1920s,soon after the revolution and the civil war, a scarcity of consumer goods andtheNewEconomicPolicy(NEP)touchedpeople’severydaylives economically. During the dismal times of Stalin’s rule, risk-taking wasanecessityforeffectiveagencyineconomicrelationsandhighly esteemedbypeople.Tosurviveineverydaylife,peopleadoptedakind of gambling behaviour and even mentality.This was the antithesis of the rational planning mentality (Five Year Plan) which came to dominate the regime (Fitzpatrick 1999, 221). Although the rulers triedtoinculcateasenseofrationalplanninginthemindsofSoviet citizens,risk-takerswerehighlyvalued.ThehistorianSheilaFitzpatrick hasarguedthatsocialistrealisminartwasaStalinistmentalityaswellas anartisticstyle(Fitzpatrick1999,9).Theevolvingrelationshipbetween theproducersandtheconsumersofsocialistrealistproducts,madethis
47 artisticcurrentintomuchmorethananartisticstyleduringtheStalinist eraandinto‘theproductofthemassesfrombelow,answeringtheir needforaccessibilityandaparticularkindofrealisminart’(Barker 1999,29).Socialistrealismaimedatpromotingthepoliticalgoalsof socialismandcommunism.Insocialistrealisticart,theeverydaylife ofordinarysovietcitizensinthenewsocialiststatewasglorifiedand presentedashappy,busy,industriousand,aboveall,abetterlifethan undercapitalism.Intheartworks,thesacrificesoftheworkersand heroiclabourerswerepicturedanddescribedromantically.Artworks ofsocialistrealistaestheticsweretypicallyUtopianrepresentationsof ahappyeverydaylifeinthesocialistfuturesociety.Futureoptimism, happinessandjoywereemphasized(Crowley&Reid2010,4).Inshort, socialistrealismpresentedrealityandeverydaylifeinagreatlyidealised, embellishedandabstractedway(Gronow2003,150). TheSwedishmentalityhasbeenstudiedbytheethnologistsÅke Daun(1998)andBillyEhn,JonasFrykmanandOrvarLöfgren(1993). AccordingtoDaun(1998,36)Swedeshavebeendescribedasquiet, serious,constrained,sad,shallowlyfriendly,precise,asocial,inflexible, arrogantandexaggeratedlycautious.Shyness,independence,aversion of conflicts, reserve, honesty, a tension between collectivism and individualismandmodestyarecharacteristicsoftheSwedesintheir socialrelations(Daun1998,46–127;Ehnetal.1993,54,132).These characteristicscanbegeneralisedtocharacteriseNordicpeoplemore generally:thesamefeaturescanbeidentifiedmoreorlessamongthe Danes,theNorwegiansandtheFinns.Onecouldspeakaboutaspecial Nordicmentality(seeSørensen&Stråth,eds.1997).Besides,Daun (1998,69)pointsoutthatitisimportantforaSwedetobeadecent manorwoman.Swedeshavealsoclaimedtobewell-organisedand controlled or even too controlled like the Germans (Ehn, Frykman &Löfgren1993,33).Lastly,sincethe1960s,rationalityandfuture orientation have strengthened among the Swedes (Daun 1998, 88). Swedenhasoftenbeenlabelledasamodelmodernistnation.During the1950s,Swedenwasseenastheprototypeofamodernsociety(Ehn etal.1993,65).TheNordicwelfaresocietymodelhasalsobeenclaimed tooriginateinSweden,wherethestatehasbeenpowerfulsincethetime ofKingGustavIVasainthe16thcentury.Besidemanysimilarities, therearecertainlymanycharacteristicsincommonbetweentheNordic
48 countries.However,Nordiccountrieshavestrongculturaltiesanda commonhistoricalheritage.FinlandbelongedtotheSwedishkingdom forseveralhundredyearsuntil1809,andNorwaybecameindependent in1905afterhavingbeenapartoftheDanishkingdommanycenturies andindynasticunionwithSwedenduring1814−1905. NinaWitoszek(1997,73)haspointedoutthattheEnlightenment isthefoundingtraditionofcultureinScandinaviancountries,meaning Sweden,NorwayandDenmark.Secondly,shestressestheimportance of Christianity in the success, strength and ethical rectitude of the Nordic Enlightenment. These factors partly explain the powerful modern and rational features in all these societies. The Lutheran traditionwasespeciallypowerfulinalltheNordiccountries,including Finland,althoughitbecameapartofRussianEmpireatthebeginning ofthe19thcentury.Duringthe16thcentury,theLutheranreformation realisedintheNordiccountriesbroughtthechurchandthestatecloser toeachother,and,accordingly,itbecamethefundamentalprinciple ofNordicsocialorganisationtoseethateverybodyworkedandthus brought his/her contribution to society (Stenius 1997, 161–165). Thus, diligence became a greatly valued virtue and the Weberian protestantworkethicbecameearlyaprimaryethosofsociety.Max Weber([1904–1905]1980,226)evenmentionspeasantswhenwriting aboutLutheranism.IntheLutheranheritage,theideasofstabilityand continuityareimportantandconformityisvalued(Stenius1997,167). InalltheNordiccountries,thepeasantrywasaveryimportantpolitical force. As Henrik Stenius (1997, 168) has shown, the landowning peasantwasaprototypeoftheNordiccitizen,andegalitarianismwas acommonobjective,althoughthepoorlandlesspeoplehadnorolein theformationofthepoliticalculture. ThecentralfeaturesoftheWeberianprotestantethicwere,firstly, theimportanceofindividualityinCalvinism;secondly,amodestor evenasceticwayoflifeandstrictself-control,and,thirdly,animportant roleforreligionineverydaylife(Weber[1904–1905]1980,76,113). InProtestantism,religiousasceticismwasapartoftheeverydaylives ofordinarypeopleinsteadofcharacterizingmonasticlife.Anessential feature of Protestant asceticism was hard work, which has been highlyvaluedintheFinnishpeasantsocietyaswell.Besides,honesty, patience,friendliness,diligenceandself-controlweredesirablevirtues
49 (Heinonen1998,138;1999,77).Seriousnessandmodestywerealso basicvirtues.Publicenlightenmentandpopulareducationgrewasa social movement among the Finnish elite during the 19th century. Theeducatorsemphasisedthespiritofenterprise,thrift,methodand discipline(Heinonen1998,138).Thus,theProtestantbeliefinhard workandthevirtuesmentionedabovewerethebasicelementsofthe prevailingmentalityofFinnsduringthe19thcenturyandthefirsthalf ofthe20thcentury.Wewillcallthismentalitythementalityofscarcity thatmanifesteditselfintheFinnishcultureasafundamentalconcern withsaving.Thescarcitycausedbyharshnaturalconditionswasself- evidentinthefactthatthepeasantsandothercommonpeopledid nothavethecouragetotranscendtheasceticwayoflifeevenintheir fantasies(Apo1987,119).Weexaminethementalityofscarcityinthe nextsection.
THEMENTALITYOFSCARCITY ANDNEEDLESSCONSUMPTION
The starting-point in considering the ethos in the sphere of the economycanbeseenasrelatedtothequestionoftheallocationof resources.Economiccategorieslikeproduction,consumptionorsaving areimportant,andhistoricalexperiencesofthenationandthepeople largely determine the prevailing value system and thus the ethos. FinlanddevelopedduringthelasthundredyearsfromapoorNorthern periphery into a Nordic welfare society. Education, hard work, the developmentofdemocraticinstitutions,fairlyequalopportunitiesfor everybodytoearnhisorherlivingandthespiritoffreeenterprisehave allplayedimportantrolesinthisprocess. InFinnishproverbs,conventionalexpressionsandfolklore,theideal person has been described as industrious, prudent, persistent, calm andfrugal(Heinonen1998,12;Stark2011,55).Thesecharacteristics reflectthefundamentalvaluesoftheagrariancultureinFinlandduring the19thcenturyandtheearly20th.Thestruggleforsurvivalinfood production and providing shelter was the first consideration of the everydaylivesofmostpeople.Materialscarcityandpoverty,theausterity oftheenvironmentandclimateandtheunpredictabilityoflifetouched
50 almosteverybody(Stark2011,388).Thepeasantswerewellawareof thenecessitytoprepareforbadharvestsbecauseofharshexperiences intimespast(Heinonen1998,32–33).Finnshadexperiencedmany wars,firstasapartoftheSwedishKingdomandthenasaRussian GrandDuchysince1809.Duringthe19thcenturytheycametosuffer thegreatfaminefrom1866to1868.Theestimatedmortalityratein normalconditionsduringthelate-1860swasaround50,000people. However,theexcessmortalityduringthesethreeyearswas132,000 (Pitkänen1991,207–208).Thismeantapproximatelyeightpercent inapopulationoftwomillionpeople. Averyimportanteconomicobjectivewasself-sufficiency.Akind ofnostalgiaconcerningself-sufficiencyhasemergedinresearchinto elderly people’s life-stories (Huttunen & Autio 2009, 250, 258; Stark2011,352).Besidebeinganeconomicprincipleinthepeasant agriculturaleconomy,self-sufficiencybecameanimportanteconomic policyobjectiveduringthe1920sand1930s(Heinonen1998,33,54; 1999,77–78).Themostimportantformofself-sufficiencywasasmall farm.InNovember1918,aftertheCivilWar,anewtenancylawwas passed.Itgavesmallleaseholderstherighttoclaimtheownershipofthe farmtheycultivated(Peltonen1992b,423).Thenumberofsmallfarms increasedrapidlyaftertheagriculturalreformsatthebeginningofthe 1920s,andover50,000smallfarmsbecameindependent.Agriculture wasstillthemostimportantsourceoflivelihoodinthe1920s.Two smallfarmers’organisationsactedaspressuregroupsforthesmallfarmer population.(Heinonen1998,127–131.)Theprotectionisteconomic policygainedstrengthoverallbetweentheworldwars,theexperience oftheGreatDepressionatthebeginningofthe1930shavingincreased thepopularityofprotectionismandself-sufficiency. The principle of self-sufficiency became rooted in the collective experiencesoftheFinnishpeasantryoverhundredsofyearsasthey tried to earn their living by practising agriculture in the Northern climate and the harsh natural conditions. Because of uncertainty concerningharvestsandpossiblescarcityoffood,savingresourceswas anecessity.Thisundeniablefactwasbehindthementalityofscarcity (Heinonen 1998; 1999). Firstly, saving resources meant saving of money.Forexample,thesavingsbanksencouragedsavingamongevery social group, including the young and children. During the 1930s,
51 savingsinpublicexpendituresandthestatebudgetwerecarriedout. IntheyearsoftheSecondWorldWar,Finnsfacedextremescarcityand strictrationingoffoodandotherconsumergoods.Secondly,saving resourcesmeantsavingtime,inpracticerationalisationofwork,both inmaterialproductionandinthehousehold.Thirdly,itmeantsaving workbyintroducingmachines.(Heinonen1998,32–45;1999,79– 82.)Economisingandthefrugaluseofgoodswastaught,especially to housewives by women’s household organisations (see, Heinonen 1998;Huttunen&Autio2009,250–251).Adeeply-rootedaversionof needlessandunnecessary‘consumption’,dandyismandwasteofmoney dominatedordinarypeople’sideaofconsumptioningeneral. In1900,some52percentoftheconsumerexpendituresofFinnish householdswentonfoodanddrink.InDenmarkandNorway,the correspondingproportionwas41percent.(Laurila1985,50–56.)At thattimeFinlandwasanautonomousgrandduchyoftheRussianempire andoneofthemostagrariancountriesinEurope,withapopulationof 2.7millionpeopleofwhom87percentwerelivinginthecountryside. Fortyyearslater,theFinnishpopulationwas3.6millionandtheratio ofthoselivingonthecountrysidehadfallento73percent.In1960, thecorrespondingpopulationwas4.4.millionandtheproportionof peoplelivinginprovincialregionswas62percent.Atthebeginning ofthe1960s,one-thirdofFinnsstillearnedtheirlivinginagriculture andforestry.(Heinonen1998,54,247;Peltonen1992b,266.)The 1960swasthedecadeofthebreakthroughofthemodernconsumer societyinFinland(Heinonen1998,246–256;Heinonen2000).The rapidstructuralchangeisanimportantexplanatoryfactorbehindthe Finnishconsumermentality. AnimportantphaseintheprocessofformingofthemodernFinnish consumersocietywastheriseoftheco-operativemovement,which tookplaceintheearly20thcentury.Itsrootsgobacktotheworkofthe Rochdaleweavers,whowerethepioneersoftheco-operativemovement thatoriginatedinEnglandduringthe1840s(Hilton2003,36,80). InFinland,theco-operativemovementstartedoriginallyasproducer co-operatives,whenThePellervoSocietywasestablishedin1899.The co-operativeretailcompanySOKwasestablishedin1904.TheFinnish co-operative movement was divided into two parts in a meeting of
52 1916:theSOKorganizationrepresentedthepoliticalright,whilethe so-calledprogressiveco-operatives(E-movement)wasestablishedby socialdemocratsandsocialists(Heinonen1998,154–157).Thedivide betweenthetwoco-operativemovementswasprofound.Theprogressive E-movementhasstronglyemphasizedconsumerissuessincethe1920s. They provided consumer information, produced short propaganda filmsandorganizedmeetingstodiscusstopicalthemesofconsumerism andinformhomemakersabout,howtoorganizehouseholdworkand consumptionefficiently.ThisforcedtheSOKorganizationtorespond andstartconsumerinformationworklaterduringthe1940s.Thewar yearsandtheendofthe1940swasaperiodofextremescarcity.Bothco- operativemovementsandthehouseholdorganizationsliketheMartha Organization,TheAgriculturalWomenandsmallfarmersassociations organizedalotofdomesticadvicegivenbyprofessionalfemaleadvisors toalleviatetheeffectsofeconomicallyhardtimes. Theprocessthatledtothebreakthroughofthemodernconsumer societystartedduringthe1950s.OncetheindemnitiestoSovietUnion were paid out in 1952 the consumer markets developed favourably andnewconsumergoodsflowedintothemarkets.MaijaJärventaus- Sorsimo,whoworkedattheSOKretailco-operativeasanadviser,chief of experimental cuisine and later the whole household department talkedinaninterviewaboutherexperiencesasanadviser:
Italkedaboutsomenewproducts.Somebodytheresaid:“Youcan’t evensaysomethinglikethat.Itismisleading.Therecannotbeanyfine goodsinacan.”Thereissomuchbarter-economy-spiritinadvising, teaching and everything in advisory organizations.The selection of goodsstartedtogrowsofast.Itwasdifficult.(Heinonen1998,290)
Thetransitiontoamodernconsumersocietytookplaceduringarather briefperiodfromthe1950stothe1970s(Heinonen2000,14–16).The samekindoftransformationtookplaceinGermany,despitetheirmajor defeatintheSecondWorldWar.AlthoughWestGermanyreceived MarshallAidanddebtornationsweregivenrelieffromtherepayments oftheirdebts,thenationaleconomicpropagandastronglyemphasized theidealsofthriftyconsumersandhouseholdsthatdidnotlivebeyond
53 theirmeans(Wildt2003,225–227).Thus,stressingthementalityof scarcitywasespeciallynecessaryinthecountriesthatwereonthelosing sideafterthewar. Duringthe1950s,theextremeausteritywasgraduallyrelieved.Itcan bearguedthatthemodernconsumersocietybrokethroughduringthe 1960s,whenthematerialstandardoflivingslowlyincreasedandmore economicresourceswereavailabletoconsumers.Asmentionedabove, theconsumermentalitythatprevailedbeforethebreakthroughofthe modernconsumersocietyandatleastuntilthe1970sand1980swasthat ofscarcity.Theessentialelementofthementalitywasamoderateand modestattitudetowardsconsumption,theuseofmoneyandespecially pleasures(Autioetal.2010,111).Resistingandpreventingneedless andunnecessaryconsumptionhasalsobeenamarkedfeatureofthe Finnishconsumermentality.Peasantsactingasagriculturalproducers mustrefrainfrompleasuresandluxuryforthefutureandavoidneedless and unnecessary consumption (Heinonen 1998, 33; Autio et al. 2010,105).Forexample,intheresearchmaterialcollectedbyKaisa HuttunenandtheFinnishLiteratureSocietyin2007,whichconsists of53consumerlife-storiesneedlessconsumptionappearsassomething tobeavoided(Huttunen&Lammi2009,92).1Intheirlife-stories, theconsumersdonotidentifythemselvesasbeinglarge-scale,massor conspicuousconsumers.Theyemphasisethattheirconsumerchoices werebasedontheirbasicneeds.Manyofthewritersoftheconsumer life-storiesdisapprovedopenlyextravagantandwastefulconsumption (Huttunen&Lammi2009,93),whichstrengthensourargumentabout thedominanceanddurabilityofthementalityofscarcity. Strong disapproval of needless consumption was expressed by severalyoungpeopleintheresearchmaterialthatMinnaAutio(2006) gathered for her dissertation. Unnecessary consumption attracted a variety of meanings by way of speaking of dissipation, thrift and ecological ethicality (Autio 2006, 100–106). The youngsters in Autio’sresearchmaterialsawpleasuressuchasspendingtimeincoffee houses, smoking, drinking alcoholic beverages, partying and even
1 For more precise description of this collected consumer life-story material, see Huttunen&Lammi2009;Huttunen&Autio2009;Huttunen&Autio2010,147;Autio, Huttunen&Puhakka2010,98.
54 eatingoutasunnecessary.Manyofthemregrettedthemoneyspent ontheseamusementsandpleasures.Oneexampleofdisapprovalof needlessconsumptionisstatedbyanunemployedMasterofScience inEconomicsandBusinessAdministrationinapublicationonstories writtenbyunemployedpeople:
Needlessconsumptiondecreases,whenonehastimeandaneconomic reason to look for other pleasures than the swift splendour of consumption. I do not miss those consumption parties, where the livingroomfurniturewasreplacedaccordingthecolourtrends,clothes wornacoupleoftimesweretakentotherubbishdumpandeveryone ofdrivingagetrundledupwithhisorherownbanger,pollutingthe airandwastingnaturalresources.Idonotmissshoppingtripswiththe ferryboatsgoingtoSwedenthatwereclosedfloatinghotels.(Laaksonen &Piela1993,188)
Thisquotationisanexampleofacritiqueofneedlessconsumption basedonanxietyforthestateoftheenvironmentaffectedbyincreasing consumption. Eija Stark (2002, 516) has identified disapproval of extravagant consumptioninherstudyaswell.Credit,overindulgenceandlavish consumptioniscondemnedbythewritersoftheautobiographicalstories inherresearchmaterial.Theabandonmentofrawmaterialsandgoods whentheystillwereusableisalsoconsideredasneedlessconsumption (Stark2002,517;2011,354).Parsimonyisseenasacrucialvirtue.Why hasparsimonybeensoveryimportantavirtue?InFinnishsociety,the landlesspoorpeopleformedagrowingsocialclassinthecountryside atthebeginningofthe20thcentury.Theirexperienceofpovertyand habituationtofatemadethempassiveandhumble(Haatanen1968, 307–308;Stark2011,143).Thematerialwealthofthepoorwasvery modest,andtheycouldeasilybeidentifiedbecauseoftheraggedand dirtyappearancethatresultedfrompoorlivingconditionsandthelack ofhygiene.Scarcity,shortageandevenoccasionalhungeraswellasa battleforsurvivaloftenconcernedwomenasresponsibleforthefoodand shelterofchildreninthelastresort(Stark2011,259;Virkkunen2010, 74–90).TheAmericananthropologistOscarLewishaswrittenabout thecultureofpovertythatisverymuchacultureofmaterialdaydreams
55 andabidtofulfilthesedaydreams(Lewis1989,260,456;Stark2011, 282).Thedaydreamersoftenknewthattheydaydreamedaboutthe unattainable,butthedreamkeptthemgoing.Inlife-storiesanalysedby KaisaHuttunenandMinnaAutio(2009)andEijaStark(2011,352), thewordconsumptionwasunderstoodnegativelyinmanycases.The writers of the life-stories did not consider themselves as consumers. Besides, the word ‘consumer’ still had a political sense during the 1950sinFinland:themembersoftheso-calledE-movementorleft- wing retail co-operative movement spoke about consumers in their educationmaterialandpropaganda(Heinonen1998,290–291).This characterisesthespecialmeaningandpoliticalnatureofconsumption andtheconsumerinFinlandinthefirsthalfofthe20thcentury.
THEMENTALITYOFABUNDANCE
After the breakthrough of the modern consumer society in Finland during the 1960s, the mentality of consumption gradually started to transform as well. Many new consumer goods like private cars, householdmachines,homeentertainmentelectronicsliketelevisionsets andmeansofmodernconsumptionsuchasself-servicegroceriesand othernewchannelsofdistribution,hirepurchase,modernmeansof communication,advertisingandmarketing,modernmacroeconomic managementofdemandandincreasingconsumerspurchasingpower made the increase in consumption possible. In 1965, the Finnish government enacted a piece of legislation that enabled the gradual transformationtoafive-daysworkingweek(Heinonen2008,5).Thus, Saturdaysbecameholidaysandleisuretimeexpanded.The1970smeant aperiodofexpandingpublicconsumptioninpublic,educationand socialservices.Besides,thepublicregulationofconsumptiongained strength,andin1978theConsumerProtectionLawcameintoeffect. TheFinnishconsumersocietyofthelatterhalfofthe1980scan withgoodreasonbecharacterisedasanaffluentsociety.Theeconomic growthwasquitesteadyandunemploymentwasnotabigproblem. Thelevelofgeneralwelfareincreased,andFinnishsocietygainedon theotherNordicsocietiesasawelfaresociety(Heinonen2000,18). Duringthelatterhalfofthe1980sinparticulartheconsumptionof
56 cultureandleisureservices,booksandmagazinesandpackagedtours increasedsignificantlyinallhouseholdgroups(Räsänen2008,132- 140).Theopportunitytoconsumemediaincreased.Cabletelevision expandeditsoperation,localradiostationsstartedtooperatein1985 andFinlandreceivedathirdtelevisionchannelin1986(Heinonen& Konttinen2001,216–217).Animportantandeconomicallysignificant reformwastheliberationoffinancialmarketsthattookplaceduring the decade.This reform enabled easier lending and competition on interestratesbetweenprivatebanks,wheastheBankofFinlandhad previouslyimposedthegeneralinterestrate.Peoplebegantoborrow moneytofinanceeventhepurchaseofconsumergoods,andprivate consumptionincreasedsteadily.TheDirector-generaloftheBankof Finland,RolfKullberg,labelledthesituationas‘consumercelebration’. Thisrathermoralisticcharacterisationcanbeinterpretedasawarning againstconsumptionbasedonconsumptioncredit.Peopleboughtnew fashionableconsumergoodslikeVHSrecorders,waterbedsandbaking machinesandtravelledtodistantresortsmorethanbefore.However, the1980smeantagrowingawarenessofenvironmentalmenacesin Finlandasinsomanyindustrialisedcountries. The consumer celebration of the 1980s ended suddenly with an overheatedeconomy,aseverecurrentaccountdeficitandindebtedness problemsforsmallfirmsandhouseholds.Thefollowingdecadestarted withcompulsorydevaluationofthecurrency,anunstableeconomy, bankruptciesandrapidlyincreasingunemployment.Thedeepeconomic depressionaffectedmanyfirmsandhouseholdsseverely.Severelong- termunemployment,indebtednessandincreasinginequalitybecame thescourgesofsociety.Finlandwentthroughaseriousbankingcrisis, whichledtomergers,aneedforpublicsupportandreorganisation in the banking business. (Kiander & Vartia 1998; Kiander 2001.) During the depression, Finnish households reduced consumption ofclothesanddurableslikecars,householdmachinesandfurniture aswellastraveling.Theconsumptionofstimulantslikealcoholand tobacco,eatingoutandleisureexpenditurealsoreducedsignificantly. (Ahlqvist&Ylitalo2009;51;Maula,Pantzar&Raijas1995,7–8.) Some underprivileged people even had to cut expenditure on food andhealthcare.Leisureexpendituresdecreasedbysome14percent (Ylitalo2009,116).However,afterthedifficultyearsof1991−1992,
57 economicgrowthacceleratedagain,industrialproductionandexports recovered,slowlybutgraduallyrelievingunemploymentandbringing theeconomybacktoafavourablegrowthtrack. In1995FinlandjoinedtheEuropeanUnion,whichincreasedthe importofconsumergoodsfromEuropeancountries.Theconsumer needs bottled up during the economic depression and crisis were relievedbyincreasingexpendituresonconsumergoodsandservices. Consumers who had maintained their jobs also bought new cars, renewedtheiroldmachineryandspentmoneyonmobilephonesand informationtechnology.FormostFinns,thenewmillenniumstarted withthesuccessofNokiaCorporationandpositiveexpectationsforthe future.Fromthe1980sto2006,consumerexpenditureonfoodhad diminishedamongallsocialgroupsandexpenditureonhousingand transporthadincreased(Ahlqvist&Ylitalo2009,66).Thebeginning ofthenewmillenniumsawrisingdisposableincomeformostFinns. Finnishhouseholdexpenditureoninformationtechnology,clothesand shoesincreasedsignificantly(Ahlqvist&Ylitalo2009,52).Between 2001and2006,thedisposableincomesofFinnishhouseholdsincreased by16percentandleisureexpenditureby32percent(Ylitalo2009, 117).However,thefirstdecadeendedasanewageofuncertaintyand diminishingexpectationswithaglobalfinancialcrisiscausedbythe unhealthydevelopmentinhousingandfinancialmarketsthatspread fromtheUSAtoEurope.Despitetheeconomicrecession,stronggrowth continued in the new economic giants China, India, and Brazil. In thesecountriesagrowingmiddle-classstartedtoadoptconsumerhabits andconsumptionstylesthathadpreviouslybeentheprivilegeofthe WesternhemisphereincludingJapanandrichoil-producingcountries. Theglobalisationprocessaccelerated. In the context of socio-economic development, the Finnish con- sumermentalityofscarcitythatwasinheritedfromtheearlierstagesof consumersocietylostitsdominantpositionandanewkindofmental- itywasemerging.Thisnewmentality,whichcanbecalledthemental- ityofabundance,gaineditsstrengthfromtheaffluenceandwelfare thatgraduallyaccumulatedasaconsequenceofeconomicandsocial reforms,favourabledevelopment,betteravailabilityofconsumergoods, housing,education,healthandsocialservicesandarisingstandardof
58 living.Duringthe1970sand1980s,theintrinsicfeaturesofmodern consumersocietylikemedia,advertising,fashionandthecommercial youthculturewerestrengthening.Theconsumers’opportunitiestore- ceivestimulusandinformationaboutnoveltiesandalsotoconsume grewbetterthaninpreviousdecades.Finlandreachedthestageofama- turemodernconsumersociety.However,thismentalityofabundance meantanewandlessmoralisticattitudetowardsconsumption. Thenewmentalityrecogniseshumanwantsbesideneedsasdrivers ofconsumerchoice.Behindtheneeddiscourseisthepuritan-inspired utilitarianphilosophyofcomfortandsatisfaction,andconsumption basedonneedsissubstantiallyreplacementconsumption(Campbell 1998, 237). The want discourse is based on a Romantic-inspired philosophyofpleasure-seeking.Pleasureisaqualityofexperiencewhich israthersubjective.Thisdivisionbetweenthetwodiscoursesreflects thevaluationofproductionoverconsumptionthathasbeenembodied ineconomicsandmanyprevailingtheoriesofconsumption(Campbell 1998,238).Theemphasisinthenewmentalityofabundanceismoving slightly towards the want discourse, and strong moralistic attitudes towardsconsumptionassuchdiminish.Inamaturemodernconsumer society,aconsumercanenjoyevenwhenabstainingfromconsumption. ThesociologistTuro-KimmoLehtonen(1999,18–35)andhiscolleague PasiMäenpää(Lehtonen&Mäenpää1997,158,163)havediscussed interestingexamplesofFinnishconsumersenjoyingforbearance.The relationshipbetweenself-controlandpleasureisaninterestingmotive of consumer behaviour in a consumer society,because some of the pleasureofshoppingisoftenbasedonthestateofexpectationeven iftheexpectationsarenotfulfilled.Nextwearegoingtoexaminethe consumerethos.Aconsumerethosisanelementofamentality.Since anethosoffersguidelinesandincludesconceptionsofgoodandbad, itisavaluesystemofculturallytypicalandcommonlyacceptedideas ofwhatisacceptableconsumption,consumerbehaviouranduseof money.Ourfindingsarebasedontheresearchconductedbyourselves andourFinnishcolleagues.
59 THECONSUMERETHOSINPRACTICE: TOWARDSAMIDDLE-CLASSETHOS
Asarguedbefore,Finnishconsumerculturehasnotbeenveryfavour- abletotheenjoymentofconsumption,atleastintherhetoricofeve- rydaylanguageandinideologicalterms(Pantzar1996;Wilska2002, forinstance).Inourculture,apuritanmodeloftheprudent,rational consumerwhoisincontrolofhis/herwantsandemotionshasbeen, andstillis,influentialamongconsumers.Wehavealonghistoryofbe- ingeconomicalandcarefulconsumers,andself-controlisstillregarded asavirtue(Lehtonen1999;Autio2006).AccordingtoVisaHeinonen (1998), this Finnish way of thinking, based on Protestantism, can beinterpretedasa‘peasanteconomicethic’,whichderivesfromthe Scandinavianpeasantethos(Sørensen&Stråth1997),inwhichavirtu- ousconsumerisseenaseconomicalinbothmoneyandmaterial,saving andself-sufficiencybeingthecentralmoralities.Furthermore,avirtu- ousconsumerwasexpectedtobeahardworking,reasonableandfrugal subject(seeTable1).Peasantsshouldalsodenythemselvespleasuresfor thesakeoffuturesuccess,andtheywereguidedtoavoidunnecessary spending(Heinonen1998,33). The opposing ‘twin brother’ of the Protestant ethic is hedonistic ‘modernism’withitsvaluesofinstantgratification,pleasureandegoistic individualism (Sulkunen 2009, 58).This hedonistic ethos gradually becameestablishedasFinlandchangedfromanagrariansocietytoa middle-classsociety(Alestalo1990,215–217)–oneofpaidlabour and significant free time, the ideals of consumption being formed accordingly. For Finland, this meant that the way of thinking that emphasisedself-sufficiencywasnolongerasnecessarytomakeendsmeet asithadbeeninapeasantsociety.Ever-growingconsumption,material affluenceandenjoyingallthishadtobeadaptedtoathoroughlypuritan peasanttradition.Theagrariantraditionbasedonself-sufficiencyand economising thus began to give way as urbanisation and prosperity spread.AccordingtoPuhakka(2010),amiddle-classconsumerethos wasconstructedinitsplace,allowingoneselfthenewconsumeritems andservicesandenjoymentbroughtbyahigherstandardofliving, grantedthatthesearecarriedoutinmoderationandwithoutboasting (Table1).
60 Table1. Consumerethos,agencyandrelationtomoney,consumption, wayofbeing,workinglifeandhedonism.
Agrarian/peasant Middle-class Consumerethosof consumerethos consumerethos economism Agency Producer Worker,consumer Consumer,investor
Economy Frugality Moderation Maximizingprofit Self-sufficiencyand Useoffundsearned Calculatinguseof frugaluseofmaterial: throughpaidlabour: money:theaimis theaimistomake theaimistospend toacquireasmuch endsmeetwithasfew inmoderationthe material/“quality” resourcesaspossible moneyonehasearned withaslittlemoneyas andmakeone’sown onlivingreasonably possible asmuchasonecan, comfortably toavoidspending money Consumption Buyingaslittleas Wantingto‘keepup Utilizingvarious possiblefromthe withprogress’,but consumerskills: market notbeingthefirstto takingadvantageof getanythingnew sales,offers,loyalty cards,socialbenefits, etc.,andincurring debtsandinvesting inordertopromote wealth Wayofbeing Modesty Ordinariness Competence Self-sufficient, Respectability Egoistic,individual, puritanical, Workingand calculatingand communal spendingtokeepthe efficient wheelsofsocietyin motion Workinglife Diligence Working Enterprise Workingbothat Paidlabour,pension Paidlabour, homeaswellas entrepreneurship, outsideit ‘playing’withsocial benefits,investing
Hedonism Self-denial Entitlement Calculating Avoidingunnecessary Theearnedrightto Enjoyingspending consumption enjoyment,basedon andconsuming paidlabour
Sources:Autioetal.(2010),Heinonen(1998).
61 Puhakka(2010)hasarguedthatthemiddle-classconsumerethos hasestablisheditselfintheFinnishwayofthinkingpreciselybecause ofthechangeinthesocialstructure.Themiddle-classconsumerethos canbetracedbacktodiligenceandthrift,justlikethepeasanteconomic ethic(Heinonen1998),butitdiffersfromacultureemphasisingself- sufficiencybystressingtheimportanceofpaidlabour.Asarguedbefore, workinghasbeenapowerfulunifyingfactorinNordiccultures,and onethattheupperclasseshavealsodeemedappropriate(Stenius1997, 165).Workissanctifiedinaway,andexcessiveconsumptionhaslong beenasignofpoortaste–orevenasin(ibid.,164–165).Whenthe modernisationofsocietydemocratisedlivelihoodandprosperityandat thesametimestandardisedtheidealsofconsumption(Sarantola-Weiss 2003),itsimultaneouslycreatedthemiddle-classlifestyle.Thislifestyle standsforthevirtueofmoderation,wherethechangesinconsumption habitsandultimatelytheenjoymentofconsumptionbroughtonby a higher standard of living are accepted as long as they follow the principle of “business before pleasure” (Autio et al. 2010). Middle- classconsumptionisnormal,decent“keepingupwithprogress”earned throughwork,whichdisassociatesitselffrom“extravagantspending” basedondebt. HuttunenandAutio(2009;2010)havepointedoutthatmodern consumer-centricsocietyhasrequiredlegitimisingnotonlypaidlabour andurbanisationbutalsoselfishandcalculatingbehaviouraspartof acceptablemarketactivity.Theresearcherscallthiswayofthinkingthe ethosofeconomism,inwhichthefocusisontheefficientuseofmoney intheconsumermarketandonaccumulatingwealth.Throughoutthis ethos,anewkindofconsumptionmoralityandskillswereintroduced toconsumers,suchashowtoinvestmoneyandusecreditcardswisely. AccordingtoHuttunenandAutio(2010),therationalityofaconsumer isassociatedwithself-interestandutility,themeaningofpricebeing particularlysignificant.Theethoshasdrawnitsimageofhumannature fromeconomics,inwhichtheconsumerhasbeenpresentedasarational andactivechooser–homoeconomicus.Therationalityoftheconsumer hasbeenseenassimilartothatofanenterprise,bothactingtoobtain thehighestpossiblebenefitsatthelowestpossiblecosts(ibid.).AsJohan Galtung(2003,112)hasargued,emphasizingeconomismhasledto
62 thelegitimationofegoism:nowadays,maximisingfinancialbenefitsis allowedandisevenadesirablebehaviour. AccordingtoHuttunenandAutio(2010),theethosofeconomism canbeinterpretedasanextensionoftheagrarianpeasantethos,inwhich newconsumerskillsareappreciated.Associetybecamemoreurbanised andmiddle-class,itneededagentswantingasmanynewconsumergoods aspossible,andabletoinvestandincurdebtsinthe‘right’way(Calder 1999,211–212).Particularlyduringthe1970sand1980s,households firststartedtolearnhowinflationaffectsthevalueofmoney,andthen what the interest rates were for a mortgage. Consumers were also taught to invest in bonds and shares. Experiencing enjoyment such asamusementparksandtripsabroadalsobecamepartofthelivesof more and more consumers. Controlled enjoyment, where one does not live beyond one’s means, is thus allowed. By target saving and denyingthemselvesimpulsivepurchases,consumersareabletotransfer this‘extra’moneysavedtobiggerfuturepurchasesandmomentsof enjoyment.Overalltherehasbeenashiftfromthepeasantcultureto amarket-drivensocietyofpaidlabour,wheretheproducerhasturned intoaconsumerandaninvestor.Attitudestowardsenjoymenthave becomemorepermissive.
CONSUMERMENTALITIESINCOMPARISON
TheConsumerMentalityintheSovietUnion
TheSovietUnionrandeficiteconomyinwhichthereruledapermanent shortageofconsumergoodshadprevailedsincetherevolution.Asinall othercountriesofEasternEuropeunderthe‘realsocialist’system,inthe SovietUnionthedivisionbetweentheofficial,formallyorganisedeconomy ofsocialismandtheinformaleconomywasapparent,consumptionbeing sacrificedinordertoincreaseandcontrolproduction,andredistribution ofgoodswasbasedonqueues,unofficialsocialnetworksandfamilial orcollegialties.(Gronow2003,146;Verdery1996,27.)Theordinary Sovietcitizenstriedtomanagetheirliveswiththehelpofpatronage andanetworkofpersonalexchangeconnectionscalledblat(Fitzpatrick
63 1999,3).Withouttheseconnections,whichformedthebasisofthe informaleconomy,lifecouldbeverydifficult.Blatmeantinparticular obtainingconsumergoodsandservicesinshortsupply,ofgoodquality andatlowerprices,likefoodstuffs,othernecessitiesandhealthservices, leisureactivities,evenhousingorchildcare,wheninrealitytherewas alwaysashortageandqueueswereomnipresent.(Ledeneva1998,28– 33.)This particular system developed as result of a combination of shortagesandofrepressedconsumerism.Blatdevelopedas“aneveryday patternofbehaviourandmentality,penetratingpersonalrelationships, suchasfriendship,etc.andshapingspecificattitudestowardslegality” (Ledeneva1998,36).Itofferedsolutionstothepracticalproblemsof everyday life. However, during the late 1950s and 1960s, the East- Europeansocialistcountriestransformedintomassconsumersocieties, anduntilthelate1970sthecorrespondingtransformationhadtaken placeintheSovietUnion(Crowley&Reid2010,11). The unofficial sphere in the Soviet Union was a very important partofeverydaylife,orbytinRussian,throughwhichtheordinary citizensfoundcontentandmeaningfortheirexistencebybuyingthe desiredconsumergoodsontheblackmarketoracquiringthemwiththe helpofnetworks(Barker1999,22).Thus,thelong-lastingscarcityof consumergoodsbecauseofthewar,thepriorityforproductioninstead of consumption, commitment to modernism, the scientific world viewandsocialistideologyemphasizingcollectiveownershipinstead ofprivatepropertywerefactorscoalescedinthementalityofextreme scarcityorthementalityofsurvival(cf.Fitzpatrick1999,227).During thehardtimesofthe1920sand1930s,Sovietcitizenshadnochoice but to try to survive. However, it has been pointed out above that thementalityofsocialistrealismwastypicaloftheStalinisterafrom the1930stotheearly1950s.Itcanbearguedthatthementalityof survivalandthementalityofsocialistrealismexistedsidebysideinthe Sovietsocietyduringthe1930s.Thementalityofsocialistrealismwas aoneofrepressedconsumerism.Thementalityofsurvivaldeveloped amongpeoplewhotriedtomanagetheireverydaylivesdespiteextreme shortagesoffood,consumergoodsandaccommodation. DuringtheNEPperiodof1921−1928,self-sufficiencywasprioritized, andhouseholdadviceandthewomen’sroleinorganisinghouseholds wasincreasedreluctantlyfollowingtheretreatfromsocialistgoalsset
64 aftertherevolution(Buchli2000,42).However,theeffortstoreform andeliminatethedomesticrealmandemancipatewomenbypromoting communesandco-operativehousinggraduallyfadedoutunderStalin’s rule.Attheendofthe1920s,privateenterprisewasoutlawed,and thestatebecamethemaindistributorofconsumergoodsandservices (Fitzpatrick1999,54).Thecollectivizationofpeasantagricultureat the beginning of the 1930s led to severe food shortages, rationing and,in1932−33,eventofamineinmanyregionsoftheSovietUnion (Fitzpatrick1999,4).Atthesametime,migrationtocitiescontinued apace.Between1929and1935,eighteenmillionpeasantsmovedtothe cities,and33percentofthe171millionSovietpeoplelivedinthecities in1939(Ledeneva1998,75–76).AlthoughMarxistdoctrinepromised abundanceastheconsequenceofsocialism,theeverydayexperienceof Sovietcitizenswaspermanentscarcityoffood,consumergoodsand evenaccommodation.Thehousingconditionsinthebigcitieswere terrible,extremelystressfulformostpeopleandcharacterisedbythe lackofprivatespace(Fitzpatrick1999,46-50).Themainfeaturesof thenewtradingsystemduringthe1930swererationingand‘closed distribution’, in which goods were distributed at the workplace by employees according to a list. Rationing was introduced during the FirstWorldWarandwasinforceatthebeginningofthe1930sand duringtheSecondWorldWar,thusalmosthalfoftheStalinistperiod. (Fitzpatrick1999,55–58.)Outsidethetradingsystem,therewasan illegalblackmarketrunbyspeculatorswhoofferedanopportunityto makepurchasesifonehadmoneyandwasreadytotakerisks.There was also a system of privileges that enabled the political elite and Stakhanovites,heroworkersnamedaftertherecord-breakingcoalminer AlekseiStakhanov,amorecomfortablelifewithbetterhospitals,special storesandrations,evencarsandpersonalvacationhomes,andsoon. (Fitzpatrick 1999, 74, 95–106; Ledeneva 1998, 97).The system of privilegeswasneverreallyeliminatedintheSovietUnion. Afterveryhardtimesatthebeginningofthe1930s,theeveryday atmosphere for ordinary citizens eased slightly, and merry-making, festivalsandcarnivalswereallowedandevenencouraged(Fitzpatrick 1999, 93–95). In 1935, Stalin famously declared: ‘Life has become better,lifehasbecomemoregay’.Champagnebecameasymbolofthe Sovietgoodlife.(Buchli2000,78;Fitzpatrick1999,90–91;Gronow
65 2003, 17–18.) In the meanwhile, the party leader Sergei Kirov was murdered.AfterKirov‘smurder,in1936−1938,Stalinstrovetoshow uphispowerbyimplementingacruelpoliticalpersecution,theso- calledGreatPurge.Therewerealsobreadshortagesandhugebreadlines duringthewinterandspringof1936−1937andagainin1939−1940 (Fitzpatrick1999,43).Duringthe1930s,overcrowdinginthecities becauseofmigrationfromthecountrysidecausingasevereshortage ofaccommodation,anupsurgeinhooliganismandorganisedcrime anddeeply-rootedcorruptionwerethescourgesoftheSovietsociety. Beside bread and accommodation there was a continuous shortage of many other foodstuffs, shoes, decent clothes and necessities like salt, soap, kerosene, matches, toilet paper and other everyday items (Fitzpatrick 1999, 43-44). During the 1930s, the blat connections became increasingly important in organising consumption and obtaining necessities like shoes, boots, coats, fabric, kerosene lamps andtraintickets,forinstance(Ledeneva1998,22).Onlytheeliteof highest-rankedleadersofcommunistpartycouldavoidthedifficulties ofeverydaylife. Vigilance as an attitude of watchful suspicion was an important partofthecommunistmentalityandledtoconstantsurveillanceof possibleclassenemiesinsociety(Fitzpatrick1999,19).Atthetime oftheGreatPurge,theStalinistgoodlifeathomewasencouragedby ‘socialistcompetition’andproductionofconsumergoodslikefurniture, radios,phonographs,camerasandelectricalappliances(Buchli2000, 86). The first regular advertisements for consumer goods appeared in Soviet newspapers and journals in 1936. Products like Georgian tea,Muscatwine,Dutchgin,toys,furcoats,textiles,clothes,shoes, soapandcannedfoodswereadvertised(Gronow2003,80–81).The advertisements had a markedly educational character. The radical reformsofthe1920swererundown,andthecontradictionbetween theworldpresentedintheadvertisementsandtheartofsocialistrealism andtherealityofeverydaylifegreweverdeeper. AmericaninfluencesbecameveryimportantforSovietdelegations visitingtheUSAundertheleadershipoftheMinisterofFoodIndustry, AnastasMikoyan,inthemid-1930s,andtheAmericanwayoflifeand goodsandphenomenarelatedtoitlikeketchup,hamburgers,cornflakes, cannedfood,jazzmusicandfilmmusicalswerepresentedtotheSoviet
66 audience,forexample,bythepopularweeklyjournalOgoniek.The function of the advertisements was very much educational: people hadtobeinformedabouthowtousethenewproducts(Fitzpatrick 1999,90–91;Gronow2003,70–74).Thus,somewhatcontrarytothe Americaninfluenceormaybe,tobemoreprecise,theAmericanmodel of modernism and affluent consumer culture and certain consumer goodsbecamedesirableinthesocialistSovietUnionatleastatthelevel ofStalinistpropagandajustbeforetheSecondWorldWar.Itwasone waytodiverttheattentionofthecitizenryfrompoliticalterror. AftertheSecondWorldWar,fourfeaturesoftheSovietsocietywere comparabletothecorrespondingwesternones.Thesewerethememory oftheSecondWorldWar,Westernindividualism,theroleofreligion insocietyandapeculiarconsumerculture(Golubev2011,417).After Stalin’sdeath,duringtheso-called‘Thaw’periodunderKhrushchev’s rule,economicgrowthspeededup,wagedifferentialswerereducedand realincomeincreased.Thematerialstandardoflivingwasincreasing; Khrushchevmadeastrongcommitmenttoimproveitfurtherandthere wasastrongsenseofoptimism(Ledeneva1998,97;Millar1985,694– 695;Reid2002,221).NikitaKhrushchevbecametheFirstSecretaryof theCommunistPartyoftheSovietUnion.VictorBuchli(2000,137) describesthedevelopmentthat tookplaceunderthe ‘Thaw’ period 1953−1964asasecondCulturalRevolution.Thismeantareturntothe principlesofthefirstCulturalRevolutionofthe1920sandofLeninist normsaswellasarevivaloftheplainmodernistaesthetics(Reid2002, 218).Intheearly1950s,Westerndancemusic,evenAmericanjazz andWestern-styleclotheswerepopularamongtheWesternizedyouth subculturedespiteharshcriticismaimedatyoungsters(Yurchak1999, 81–82).Khrushchev’seconomicpolicyemphasisedconsumptionand made it attainable for many Soviet citizens to a greater extent than before(Crowley&Reid2000,12;Reid2002,212).However,despite the official rhetoric of ‘democratisation’ and mass participation, the officialpolicywasauthoritarian.IntheSovieteconomythepriceswere centrallyfixedandsaleswerealmostunknown,butpricecutsofbasic consumergoodsandfoodwererealisedfromtimetotime(Gronow& Zhuravlev2010,125). Animportantsymboliceventinthedevelopmentofconsumersociety intheSovietUnionwasthere-openingoftheGUM(StateUniversal
67 Store)departmentstoreinMoscowafterStalin’sdeathin1953(Reid 2002,228–229).Itwasoneofthelargestdepartmentstoresinthewhole worldandofferedquitenewshoppingopportunitiestoMuscovites. Consumerculturewasanimportantpartofthesocialistmodernisation projectalreadyduringthefirstdecadesoftheSovietUnionandwas stronglyemphasizedduringtheKhrushchevera(Chernyshova2013,8). Twoimportantobjectivescoexisted:theextensionofmassconsumption andsocialistconstructionandpoliticalmobilization(Crowley&Reid 2010,15).Thereturntothemodernistidealscanbeseeninmany aspectsofeverydaylife.Forexample,indesign,interiordecorationand furnishing,thesourcesofgoodtasteweretheBalticRepublicsinsidethe SovietUnionand,outsidethecountry,contemporaryCzechoslovakia andtheNordiccountries(Reid1997,189;2002,244).Oneimportant aspectofmodernisationinWesternsocietieswastheideologyofhygiene. Inhousing,thiswasclearlyseenastheemphasisonhavingaclean kitchenandtheimportanceofcleaningone’sapartment.IntheSoviet Unionthediscoursesonhygienewasreinvigoratedinthehousehold advice literature of the 1950s–1960s (Reid 2005, 298). During the Khrushchevperiodhouseholdappliancesalsostartedtofindtheirway intoSoviethouseholds.However,although910,000refrigeratorswere produced in 1963, they were still expensive and hardly obtainable (Crowley & Reid 2010, 27). Refrigerators became standard home equipmentalittlelater.Forthepartyeliteandtheirwives,therewere luxuryfashionandfursavailable,asLarissaZakharova(2010)andAnna Tikhomirova(2010)haveshown. TherelationshipbetweentheWestandtheSovietUnion,however, experiencedacrisisattheendofthe1950sandinthebeginningof the1960s.EspeciallytheCubanMissilecrisisandthebuildingofthe BerlinWallin1962meanttherapiddeteriorationintherelationships betweenthesuperpowersofworldpolitics,theSovietUnionandthe United States. Although, even after the crisis eased off, the tension between the two superpowers remained. Nikita Khrushchev was supersededbyLeonidBrezhnevin1964.Brezhnev’scontributionto socialism was further development of privileges and consumerism (Ledeneva1999,101).Hewasthemainsecretaryofthecommunist party from 1966 to 1982.The Brezhnev period is known both for a certain acceptance of individualism and adaptation of the values
68 ofthe‘welfaresociety’(Ledeneva1999,27).Theunofficialcultural productionexpandeddramaticallyduringthe1960s,andtheSoviet peopleboughtapproximately50millionSoviet-madetaperecorders from1960to1985(Yurchak1999,82–83).However,theperiodis alsoknownfortheoccupationofCzechoslovakiain1968,anambitious defencepolicyandintensificationofarmament,whichwasverybadfor thepowerrelationsininternationalpolitics.Thearmsracejeopardised the efforts to improve living standards that were an important goal oftheKhrushchevregime(Millar1985,695),whichtriedtoachieve large-scale reforms. During the Brezhnev years, micro-level reforms likeincreasingpoliticalandeconomicfreedomamongnetworksand tolerating small private enterprise were implemented. According to Millar(1985,695–697)thesewerethemaincomponentsofBrezhnev’s ‘LittleDeal’. Duringthe1970s,thesalariesandprivilegesoftheeliteswereraised andtheaimtowardsincreasedegalitarianismoftheKhrushcheverawas rejected(Chernyshova2013,6–7).Socialrelationswereincreasingly determinedbyaccesstoconsumergoodsandservicesandpossession ofmaterialobjects(ibid.4).Thus,thesocialistgoalofeliminatingthe socialclassesremainedapropagandisticphrase.Forexample,tourism toWesterncountrieswasnottotallyforbidden,buttravellingwasvery expensive.Travellingforworkwaspossibleonlyforelitegroupslike topPartyofficials,diplomats,artistsandacademics,etc.(Chernyshova 2013, 115).Travel abroad, like access to tax-free shops and luxury products,graduallybecamemorefrequentduringtheBrezhnevera, butonlyforthenomenklatura.Officially,Westerninfluenceswereoften distrustedandjudgedassuspicioussignsofphilistinismandcapitalistic materialism. Duringthe1970sand1980sundertheBrezhnevera,thedemand forhouseholdappliancesanddurablegoodsliketaperecorders,colour televisionsets,sewingmachines,washingmachinesandrefrigerators wasverystrongintheSovietUnion.Forexample,in1985ownership oftelevisionsetswasnearly99percentamongallSoviethouseholds, theownershipofwashingmachines72percentandofrefrigerators92 percent(Chernyshova2013,186).However,throughofficialchannels consumerdurablescouldbeboughtonlywithallocationslips,which weregiventoorganisationsandenterprisesanddistributedtoselected
69 employeeseveryyear(Ledeneva1999,28-29).Furthermore,in1970 onlytwopercentofSoviethouseholdsownedacar,in1980tenpercent andin1985fifteenpercent(Gronow&Zhuravlev2010,135).The LittleDealimplementedbytheBrezhnevregimeextendedtoreciprocal economicrelationshipsandtosmallbusinessandthusreinforcedthe blatpersonalexchangesystem(Millar1985,702).However,themost frequentuseofblatwastheacquisitionoffood,asanintervieweeofthe researcherAlenaLedenevaexplained:
InSoviettimesthemainroleofblatwastoobtainfoodstuffs.Itwasthe basisoflife.Ifyouhadanacquaintanceworkinginashop,youwere abletobuyproductsinshortsupply.Youpaidthesameprice,butan acquaintancemeantthatyouknewwhentocome,couldbuymoreor evenjumpthequeue.Itisdifficulttoremembernow,nowwecanbuy everything,ifthereismoney.(Ledeneva1998,28)
AsaneighbouringcountryoftheSovietUnion,Finlandwasalreadyan importantholidaydestinationforSoviettouristsduringtheColdWar era.TheSovietpainterKudrovreportedabouthisfirstvisittotheWest inFinlandin1962withmixedfeelingsoffascinationconcerningthe abundanceofconsumergoodsinshopsandalsobitternessbecauseofhis lackofmoney(Chernyshova2013,116).Thegroupsfortoursabroad wereformedaccordingtoimplicitprinciplesthatpeopleknewfrom experience(Ledeneva1998,101).ThefirstimpressionofmanySoviets travellingtoFinlandwastheabundanceandavailabilityofconsumer goodsinretailshops(Golubev2011,417).Forexample,manydishesat restaurants,foodstuffsinretailshops,privatecars,householdappliances andfurnitureappealedtothem.AftertheBrezhnevyears,thefollowers YuriAndropovandKonstantinChernenkocontinuedtheLittleDeal before greater changes started during Mikhail Gorbachev’s regime 1985–1991. MikhailGorbachevintroducedthepoliciesofglasnost(openness) andperestroika(restructuring)thatstartedfundamentalchangesandled tothetransformationandbreakdownoftheSovietsystem,theexisting socialisminEasternEuropeancountriesand,finally,theendoftheCold War.TheendoftheSovietUnionwasfollowedbyseveralbigreforms
70 aimingatestablishingamarketeconomy.Firstly,marketsforgoodsand capitaldidawaywiththeshortageandrationing,secondly,theproperty ofthestatewasgraduallyprivatised,and,thirdly,thesystemofsocialist guaranteeslikelifelongjobswasabolished(Ledeneva1998,176).All thisledtogradualchangeandreductioninthesignificanceoftheblat exchangesystem.During1992–1993inparticular,thetransformation tookplacethathasbeendescribedinthecapital,Moscow,asashift from‘atotalitariancultureinruinstoaconsumercultureindisarray’ (Condee&Padunov1995,131).Thedirecteconomicconsequences weredramatic.TheRussiancurrencyexchangeratecollapsedandthe costofrawmaterials,consumergoodspricesandaccommodationcosts increased greatly, wiping out the life savings of many Russians and causingalotofanxietyandunrest(Condee&Padunov1995,137– 138).Thehardandwindingroadtothemarketeconomybegan. It seems that after all the temptations of the modern consumer societylikefashionableclothes,allthefruitsofpopularculturelike jeans,popmusic,moviesandallthecomfortsand‘vanities’ofeveryday lifeweretoomuchtoresist.Besidethementalitiesmentionedabove, thementalityofrealsocialismandthementalityofsurvival,therewas ayouthcounterculture,inwhichthefruitsoftheWesternconsumer society were admired. Although it was a subculture and a marginal phenomenoninthecitiesofthisenormouscountry,thecounterculture temptedyoungsterswhoimitatedtheWesternstylesinclothingand trendsinpopmusic.TherecordsofthemusicofWesternbandswere notofficiallyavailable;however,recordingsbyfavouritebandslikethe Beatles,LedZeppelinandDeepPurplecirculatedalloverthecountry duringthe1970s(Yurchak1999,83).Sovietrockbandsperformed inrockconcertsand,despitethestrictcontrol,thelyricsofthesongs mightbe‘ideologicallysuspect’.Thecounterculturementalityofthe youngremainedundergroundintheSovietUnion.However,itlaidthe groundforthecomingoftheconsumersocietythatstartedasatransition periodduringthe1990sandlatergraduallyledtotheadaptationof marketeconomyprinciples.Itremainstoclarifybyfurtherresearch whatkindofconsumermentalitiesthereareincontemporaryRussia.In 2013,thenumbersofRussianshoppingtouristsvisitingFinlandhave beenrisingconstantlyandcontinuetorise.
71 SwedishConsumerMentality
Sweden has offered a model of industrialisation among the Nordic countriesandinNorthernEuropeaswell.Duringthe18thcentury, the Swedish Kingdom adopted the key ideas of the Enlightenment fromFranceandthefruitsoftheindustrialrevolutioninGreatBritain. During the 19th century, industrialisation progressed in Sweden. Universalsuffragewasachievedin1921(Ehnetal.1993,54),andthe socialdemocratswonelections.Theystartedtobuildsocialsecurity andotherwelfaresystemsundertheirpartyleaderandlong-termPrime MinisterPerAlbinHansson.Theperiodfrom1920to1965wasan ageofeconomicgrowthandformationoftheSwedishwelfarestate (Söderberg1998,71).Since1932,thesocialdemocratscreatedanew political rhetoric that was founded on ideological internationalism and modernity. Modernity became a Nordic and especially a very Swedishproject(Löfgren1993,181–182;Kettunen2008,151).The Swedishmodernistvisionmeantfunctionality,practicality,rationality andaestheticsimplicity(O’Dell1997,128,137).Duringthe1930s, classdistinctionwasstillsignificant,therewasaconsiderablecultural dividebetweencitiesandruralareasandthehousingconditionswere stillamongtheworstcomparedtootherWesternEuropeancountries (Ehnetal.1993,184;Löfgren1990,21).However,theegalitarian endeavourstartedtohaveanimpactonthesociety.Thewelfarestate startedtoinfluenceeverydaylifeinsewageprojects,roadconstruction andinstallationofelectricityandtelephonelinesbindingtheSwedes togetherasmembersofthe‘peoples’home’,andthestatebecamea benevolent protector (Löfgren 1993, 165, 186). Social reforms and welfareprogramsimplementedbythesocialdemocraticgovernment had an influence in many areas of people’s lives. For example, the incomedistributionbecameclearlymoreequitablethanithadbeen beforetheFirstWorldWar(Gustavssonetal.2009).Thelivingstandard ofSwedesstartedtorise. During the Second World War, Sweden was spared from war operations. Nevertheless, there was a scarcity of foodstuffs and a rationingsystemwasestablishedtoguaranteetheavailabilityoffood. However,self-servicewastestedinSwedenduringthewar,whenthefirst self-serviceshopopenedinStockholmatmidsummer1941(Söderberg
72 1998,75).Thus,SwedenwasinthevanguardamongNordiccountries inestablishingtheinstitutionsofthemodernconsumersociety.After theSecondWorldWar,Swedenwasamodelcountryofabundance atleastforFinns,whohadrecentlyexperiencedtwowarsandlived throughextremeausterityduringthewar.IntheSwedenofthe1950s, the refrigerator became a symbol of the modern American way of life (Löfgren 1990, 25). During the 1950s, the standard of living was increasing rapidly in Sweden. One significant feature of post- warSwedishsocietywasgreatsocialmobility(O’Dell1997,131).A goodexampleofthisisthatinthelate-1950shalfofthehouseholdsin Stockholmhadaccesstoholidayhomes(Söderberg1998,77).During 1950–1975,thepurchasingpowerofSwedesdoubled(Ehnetal.1993, 61).ComparedtoFinland,whichsufferedfromashortageofconsumer goodslongafterthewar,Swedenwasalreadyanaffluentmodernist model country during the 1950s.The abundance increased further duringthe1960s.Therational,future-orientedandready-for-change mentalityamongSwedesflourished(Daun1998,88).Theprospects forthefuturewereverypositive. Swedes themselves often claimed that Sweden was the most AmericanisedcountryinEuropeduringthe1950sand1960s(O’Dell 1997, 114; Löfgren 1990, 26; 1993, 190). Americanisation usually referstosocialtransformationtowardsamodernconsumersociety.Itis inonesenseahomogenisingprocessaswell,andmanySwedishfamilies gainedaccesstomodernitythroughadaptingthe‘Americanway’of mass consumption (O’Dell 1997, 27).This often meant consumer goodslikecars,movies,popularmusicandothercommoditiesfullof narrativesandimagesaboutAmerica.ThesamekindofAmericanisation tookplaceinFinlandatthesametime(Heinonen&Pantzar2002; Heinonenetal.2003).InadditiontoO’Dell(1997),alsoLundénand Åsard(1992)andShandsetal.(2004)haveresearchedAmericanisation fromSwedishandScandinavianperspectives.PetersenandSørensen (2008)haveofferedaninterestingexampleofCoca-Colaasavehicle of Americanisation in Denmark. Ralph Willett (1989) has studied Americanisation in Germany, Richard Kuisel (1993) in France and ReinholdWagnleitner(1994)inAustria.WagnleitnerandMay(2000) have edited an interesting collection of articles on the influence of American Popular Culture. Furthermore, Rob Kroes (1996) and
73 VictoriadeGrazia(2005)haveofferedvaluableoverviewsofAmerican influencesinEurope. The1960swasthedecadeofthebreakthroughofyoungpeopleasa consumersegmentinSweden,asinFinland,aswell.Atthebeginning of the decade, the teenage market grew markedly (Söderberg 1998, 80).Followingfashionandpopularculturebecameimportant.Atthe sametime,peopleacquiredconsumerskillsfromadvertising,television, departmentstores,mailordercatalogues,otherinstitutionsofconsumer society and finally consumer education. The middle-class became amassofconsumerswhoregardedindividualityasitscentralvirtue (Löfgren1990,19).Thehomegraduallybecameanimportantareaof individuallifestyleandfurnishingsawaytoexpressone’sindividualism. Themagazinesandadvertisementsgavepeopleadviceonhowtofulfil one’sdaydreams.ThefurniturechainstoreIKEAbecameahugesuccess storynotonlyinSwedenbutgraduallyallovertheworld.Cosiness, improvisation,practicalityandinformalitywereemphasisedasideals offurnishingmodernSwedishhomes(Löfgren1990,28).Thusthe dominantconsumermentalityinthe1950sand1960sinSwedenseems tobethementalityofmodernity.AccordingtoLefebvre(2002,28,30, 204–206)onefeatureofthemodernmentalityisanxietyovernotbeing fashionableandtrendy.Thesphereofconsumptionpromisedtorelieve peopleofthisanxietywiththehelpofconsumergoods(Sarantola-Weiss 2012,285).Thementalityofmodernityfittedwellintothemodern consumersociety,SwedenasanindustrialisedEuropeancountrybeing averygoodexample. In Finland modernism dominated architecture, design and the organisationofindustryandadministration.However,thedominant consumermentalitywasthatofscarcityuntilthe1970s,becauseof the retardation of industrialisation and social structural change and scarcityofsupplyinconsumermarkets.Finlandstartedtogainonother Nordiccountriesinthe1980s.Aroundtheturnofthedecadeandthe early1970s,acriticalattitudetowardsconsumerismandawarenessof environmentalconcernswasincreasing.Consumptionwasredefined asapoliticalactratherthanasaprivateright(O’Dell1997,163).The environmentalconcernsformedanobviousreactiontothethrowaway mentalitythatspreadasaconsequenceofthestrongeconomicgrowth andconsumerismofthe1960sfromtheUnitedStatestoEurope.
74 Löfgren(1993,27)hasidentifiedanewmentalitythatwasexpressed as flexibility, informality and a new attitude towards possessions, dressing and interior decoration. Instead of ownership, young middle-classpeoplepreferredsecond-handbuyingandswapping,and criticisedunnecessaryandwastefulconsumption.Thesameattitude wasobservableinFinlandaswell.However,itwasmostlyamarginal phenomenonlimitedtostudentsandacademics.Duringthe1950s, refrigerators,carsandvacuumcleanerswerethesymbolsofmodernity, but‘theywereontheirwaytobeingreplacedbywoodenshoes,ecology andearthtonesintheseventies’(O’Dell1997,205).However,there weresignsofslightchangesinthepublicdiscourseonconsumption againduringthe1980s.The1980swasadecadeofsteadyeconomic growth.Forexample,luxuryandfunwereusedtomarketfurniture, andfashioncolonisednewterritoriesinthehome(Löfgren1990,29). InFinland,thementalityofabundancedominated,anditiseasyto concludethatthesituationwasmoreorlessthesameinSwedenwhich wasevenmoreaffluentandsomedecade‘older’andmorematureasa consumersociety.Onecantentativelyarguethatatthebeginningofthe 21stcenturybothinSwedenandinFinlandthementalityofabundance dominated,inwhichindividuality,reflexivityandthefragmentationof societyplayedanimportantrole. SwedenwasafairlyearlyindustrialisedcountryinNorthernEurope andwasaleadingconsumersocietyamongNordiccountriesduringthe 20thcentury.Asarichwelfaresociety,Swedenhasofferedanimportant model of development for its Nordic neighbours and many other societiesaroundtheworld.JohanFornäs(2007)withhiscolleagues conductedaninterestingresearchprojectconcerningmedia,shopping and everyday life in contemporary Sweden. Following the tradition oftheGermanculturalcritic,WalterBenjamin,whowroteaboutthe 19th-centuryParis,theygatheredresearchmaterialattheSolnaCentre near the Swedish capital Stockholm. One of their many interesting findings was that while women dominated the world of shopping, thatdominanceisabouttobreakdownandthecommercialspaceis abouttobecomemoreequalfromthegenderperspective(Fornäsetal. 2007,183–184).Itremainsforfurtherresearchtorevealwhatkindof transformationthiswillbringtothementalityofconsumption.
75 CONCLUSIONS:TOWARDSTHEMENTALITY OFMODERATION
Nowadays,itseemsthatanidealcitizenallovertheworldisincreasingly agoodconsumer.Nationaleconomiesandeverlargermultinational corporationsneedconsumerstokeepthewheelsofeconomiesturning. AsFrankTrentmann(2006,21)hasargued,theconsumermaybea relatively thin, flexible or diffuse identity. However, it is important torememberhowthethickeridentitieshaveincludedtotalizingand brutal projects like nationalism, fascism or communism.The study of consumers, their mentalities and identities, and of consumption mayhelpinunderstandingthecontemporaryworldofglobalization, increasingdemocracyandpluralisticpoliticsrecognizingthediversity ofculturesandtoleranceamongthem. We have focused in this article on mentality and especially the consumermentality.Wehavefoundthatformanyhistorical,social andculturalreasonsthementalityofscarcitythatgreatlyemphasizes savingprevailedstronglyinFinlandduringthefirsthalfof20thcentury up until the 1970s and 1980s. During the two decades following theSecondWorldWar,Finlandhadgonethrougharapidstructural changeandfinallyabreakthroughintoamodernconsumersociety, whereagrarianvaluesandanemphasisonself-sufficiencyandsaving hadpreviouslydominatedinthesphereofconsumption.TheSecond WorldWaranditsbitterconsequencesdelayedthisbreakthrough.As lateasthebeginningofthe1960s,one-thirdofFinnsearnedaliving in agriculture and forestry.The attitude towards consumption was temperedandevennegative.Forexample,Finnishconsumerswereset againstconsumingoncreditandlavishconsumption,andparsimony wasseenasacrucialvirtue.Disapprovalofneedlessconsumptionwas animportantelementinthementalityofscarcity,whichhaditsroots intheexperiencesofordinarypeople(cf.Wildt2003).Self-sufficiency wasastrategyofsurvivalintheharshNordicclimatewherethepractice ofagriculturerequiredpatience,parsimony,andhardwork. InFinland,thefirstsignsofanewmentalityofconsumptionwere developingduringthe1970s,andduringthenextdecadethementality ofabundancealreadydominatedatleastamongtheurbanpopulation andtheyoung.Finlandreachedthestageofamaturemodernconsumer
76 society,inwhichtheroleofincreasingconsumptionfedbyconsumer culturephenomenalikemassmedia,advertisingandfashionplayedan importantrole.Structuralchangemeanteconomicgrowthandsocial reformduringthedecadesaftertheSecondWorldWarwhichmade FinlandawealthyNordicwelfaresociety,inwhichextremepoverty wasgraduallybecomingveryrare,incomedistributionwasfairlyeven and the values of democracy and equality were accepted among its citizens.Atthesametime,aslowlyrisingcriticismofconsumerismand acceleratingmaterialeconomicgrowthwasanexpandingattitudeamong students,peoplelookingforalternativemodelsofsocialdevelopment andenvironmentalactivists.Thesamekindofattitudesorevenanew mentalitydevelopedinSweden,whichwasverywealthyandtheleading industrializednationamongtheNordiccountries.Swedenhadlong been a kind of model society for Finns. During the 1980s Finland managedtocatchtheotherNordiccountriesineconomicandsocial development. People’sexperienceofeverydaylifeandconsumptioninRussiaand theSovietUniondifferedinmanysensesfromtheexperienceinthe WesternsocietieslikeFinlandandSweden.Inthefirsthalfofthe20th century,Russiawentthroughrevolution,civilwarandtheestablishment ofsocialism.IntheSovietUnionduringtheStalinerainthe1930s, thecontinuingshortages,queuingandevenfaminecausedhardshipfor ordinarypeoplewhotriedtomanageontheirown,livetheireveryday livesandsurvive.Atthesametime,theofficialpropagandaemphasized thesupremacyofsocialismovercapitalism.Stalinandhisadministration declaredthe‘betterandgay’everydaylifeofsovietpeoplewhilepolitical persecutionreacheditsheight.Peopleadoptedthementalityofsocialist realism,buttheyalsohadtosurvivethehardeverydaylifewithlack offoodandnecessities.AftertheSecondWorldWarandthedeathof Stalinduringthe‘Thaw’periodoftheKhrushchevera,theeveryday lifebecamealittleeasierforcommonpeopleandtheconsumergoods industrygainedinimportance.However,politicaloppressionandthe lackofrealcivillibertiesintheWesternsensecontinued.Thementality of socialist realism dominated the Soviet Union until the end of socialisminthelate1980s.TheRussianconsumermentalitiesduring thelastfewdecadeshavenotreallybeenscrutinizedhitherto.Besides, theemergenceofRussianconsumersocietywillbethemostinteresting
77 researchtopicfocusedonbysomescholarsthusfar(see,e.g.,Barker 1999; Caldwell 2004; Chernyshova 2013; Ledeneva 1998; Mandel &Humphrey2002;Patico2008).Acomparativeperspectiveonthe transitionofconsumersocietiesmayrevealinterestingdifferencesand resemblances. Environmentaltransitionincludingtheelementofclimatechangehas beenrecognizedbymanyscholarsasthefocalchallengesforthefuture oftheearthandthewholeofmankind.Manyscholarswarnaboutthe unsustainabilityofthecontemporarymodelofeconomicdevelopment, whichisstillbasedontheincreaseinmaterialconsumptionanduse ofnon-renewablenaturalresources.Itremainstobeseenwhetherthe newconsumergenerationscouldadoptanewmentalityofmoderation. Luckily, there is hope. Awareness of the environmental challenges startedtoincreasesomefiftyyearsagoduringthe1960s.Nowadays, schoolchildrenlearnaboutthechallenges,andmanyofthemhavethe opportunitytogrowupashighlyeducatedandcriticalcitizens.Wemay hopethatthementalityofmoderationspreadsamongfutureconsumers beforeitistoolate.However,theconsumerscannotchangetheworld alone.Governments,firmsandNGOsallhaveagreatresponsibilityfor thedestinyoftheearthandmankind.
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85
TemperanceassociationKoitto’schoirvisitingthetownofLahtiinthe1950s. Photographerunknown(KansanArkisto). ACOUNTRYOFDECENTCONSUMERS: THEROLEOFALCOHOLINEVERYDAY FINNISHLIFEINTHE1950S
MattiPeltonen
WHYFINNISHALCOHOLCONSUMPTION DIDNOTINCREASEINTHE1950S?
Inthe1950stheyearlyconsumptionofalcoholinFinlandremained fixed at just under two litres of pure alcohol per capita.This quite modestlevelhadbeentypicalofFinnishconsumersformorethanone hundredyears,andatleastfromthemiddleofthe19thcentury.At certaintimes,forexampleduringtheFirstWorldWar,consumption fellevenlower–in1916toabout0.5litrespercapita(Peltonen1997, 63).Atthepresenttime,theamountofpurealcoholconsumptionis around10litresannually. ItiseasytounderstandthatalcoholconsumptioninFinlandhad been lower than in the other Nordic countries because the Finnish standardoflivingwaslower,acircumstanceexerbatedbytheFirstand SecondWorldWarsandtheGreatDepressionofthe1930s.Butthe fact that the level of alcohol consumption remained the same, and evenhadatendencytofallinthelate1950s,ispeculiar.Thiscontrasts strikinglywiththedevelopmentofalcoholconsumptioninSweden, particularlywhenitcouldbeexpectedthataparallelchangewould havecharacterisedFinnishdrinkinghabits.WhyFinnsweresodifferent fromtheSwedesinthe1950s?Whywererespectabilityanddecencyso importanttothem?Wherehadtheroughnessandrestlessnessofthe immediatepost-waryearsdisappeared?
88 CUSTOMERCONTROL
FinnishalcoholpolicywasreformedaftertheSecondWorldWar.The aimwastoexertameasureofcontroloverthecustomersofthestate alcoholmonopolyAlkoholiliike(laterAlko),theonlyretailoutletinthe countrybesidesrestaurantswherealcoholcouldbeboughtlegally.1The newpolicywascalled‘customercontrol’,andwasanadaptationofthe SwedishBrattsystemwhichhadbeenestablishedduringtheFirstWorld War.TheSwedishalcoholpolicywasnamedafteritsinventorDr.Ivan Bratt.Allpersonswhowishedtopurchasealcoholicbeverageshadto registeratAlkoandreceiveacard,whichhadtobeshowneverytime theyvisitedAlko’sretailshops.Purchaseswererecordedontheliquor cardandonanothercardthatwaskeptintheshop.Thisinformation wastransferredtothecentraldatabaseatAlko’sheadquartersinHelsinki. Acustomercoulduseonlyoneshop,theonenearesttoone’shome. MostwomencouldalsohavealiquorcardunlikeinSwedenwhereonly unmarriedwomencouldapplyfortherighttobeacustomerofthe Systembolagetalcoholmonopoly(Peltonen2002,42). IfAlkocustomerswerediscoveredtohaveabusedtheircardsbyselling alcoholtopersonswhowereminors,didnothavetherighttobuyand consumealcohol,orhadboughtamountsofalcoholdisproportionate to their income and social status, they could be punished. In such casesthecustomerwasatfirstgivenanoticethathisorherbuying habitswerenotacceptable.Thesecondstepwasterminatingtheliquor card.Usuallythosepunishedwereprohibitedfrombuyingalcoholic beveragesforacertainperiod(typicallysixmonths).Inseverecasesthe righttobeanAlkocustomerwasdeniedforlife.TheAlkoCompany employedaspecialstaffwithpolicerightstogatherinformationon suspectedcustomers.These“overseerdetectives”contactedlocalpolice authorities,authoritiesinthesocialservices,aswellasneighboursand
1 Alko,astate-ownedcompany,hadthemonopolytoproduce,importandsellalcohol inFinland.Itcouldlicenseothercompaniestoproduceorimportalcoholicbeverages, butallretailshopsbelongedtoit.OnlyAlkoandlicensedproducersorimportagents couldsellalcoholtorestaurants,whichweremonitoredbyAlko’spersonnel.Alkohad beenestablishedin1932afterareferendumconcerningtheProhibitionLaw.Inthe referendumthemajorityofvotersvotedtoabolishProhibition.
89 Table1. AComparisonofAlcoholPolicyinFinlandandSweden.
Sweden Finland GDPpercapitain1950,1000USD 3.9 2.6 Ruralpopulation,% 22 46 Numberofretailshopsforalcoholin1955 249 96 Numberof“liquorcard”holdersin1954,mill. 2.0 0.7 Individualrationinginalcoholsales yes no Individualalcoholrationingappliedinrestaurants yes no Minimumagetoapplyforliquorcard 25 21 Marriedwomenallowedtoapplyforliquorcard no yes Source:Peltonen2001,361.
familymembersofcustomerswhosebuyinghabitswereirregularor excessive(Peltonen2001,361–362). ComparedtotheSwedishBrattsystem,Finnishcustomercontrol wasmorerelaxed.InSweden,eachcustomerhadaspecificquotafor strongliquorthatheorshecouldbuy.Thequotawasdecidedbythe localalcoholmonopolywithregardtothesocialstatusandincomelevel ofthecustomer.Aswell,drinksenjoyedatrestaurantswerecontrolled in a similar fashion (Knobblock 1995, Nycander 1996). However, in Sweden individual alcohol quotas were perceived as rights, and consequentlythelevelofalcoholconsumption,especiallyamongolder andwealthierSwedishmales,wasquitehigh.Manyexperts,particularly inthetemperancemovement,thoughttheFinnishsystemwasmuch better(Peltonen2001,364). OnlyaboutahundredretailshopsinFinlandsoldalcoholinthe 1950s,andtheyallwerelocatedintowns,aswellasalcohol-licensed restaurants. However, Finnish towns were not so numerous, and consequently many rural customers had difficulties in obtaining alcohol.Thisledtothewidespreadpracticeofusingliquidsproduced fortechnicalandhygienicpurposestoobtainalcohol.Suchsurrogate alcohol,andtheillegalproductionofhome-madevodka,wasasevere problemduringtheearly1950s.Itisclearthattheimmediatereasonfor theastonishinglylowlevelofalcoholconsumptioninFinlandwasthe restrictedsupplyofalcohol.Hencethemainproblemishowtoexplain
90 Table2. Dataconcerningtheconsumercontrolsystemapplied inFinnishalcoholpolicy. Cancelledliquorcards Numberofpersonnel*
1948 43,234 266 1952 15,482 215 1956 17,205 133 1960 13,052 –
*Thenumberofpersonnelincustomercontrolactivitiesdoesnotincludethesalespersonnel inAlko’sretailshops. Source:Peltonen2002,194.
thewidespreadacceptanceofthiskindofalcoholpolicy.Perhapsitwas notverypopularwithinallsegmentsofalcoholusers–forinstance, certainetiquettebooks,especiallythosewrittenfor“gentlemen”were quitecriticaloftheofficialalcoholpolicyandsuggestedamoreliberal alcoholculture,atleastformalemembersoftheupperclasses.The other classes, farmers in the countryside and workers in towns and cities,were,ofcourse,thoughttobenoteducatedenoughtoconsume alcoholinacivilisedmanner(Peltonen2002,101–104).Yetwhenthe writersoftheseetiquettemanualsappearedinpublicundertheirown name – and not as columnists under an alias – they supported the officiallineofstrictmeasuresinalcoholpolicy. The customer control policy was criticised already in the 1950s. Themostsevereargumentsagainstthesystem,however,camefrom withinthesystemitself.Itwasseenasineffective,thatitsstatedgoal wasnotbeingattained.Thebureaucracyrequiredwasalsoexpensive andinvolvedagreatdealofpaperworktokeepitsfilingsystemintact. Inaddition,themethodsofpunishmentfor“irregularuseofalcohol” were soon discovered to be counterproductive. Cancelling “liquor cards”permanentlyoreventemporarilyonlycreatedagreaterdemand forillegalalcohol(Peltonen2002,159–160). Thecustomercontrolsystemwasdiscardedinmid-1950s.Personnel were transferred to other jobs and customers’ control was relaxed considerably.However,theliquorcardsystemwasmaintaineduntil
91 Table3. AlcoholConsumptioninFinlandduringthe1950s,absolute alcoholpercapita.
Vodka Otherstrong Wine Beer Total 1950 0.729 0.658 0.083 0.257 1.727 1955 0.773 0.525 0.346 0.322 1.966 1960 0.856 0.448 0.194 0.349 1.847
Source:Peltonen2002,191.
thebeginningofthe1970s.Itspurposebythattimewastoidentify customersandhelpinmonitoringtheirage.Theamountspurchased bycustomerswerenolongerrecordedonthecard.Noteworthyisthe factthat,althoughtheregulationofalcoholconsumptionwasrelaxed in a significant way,the average amount consumed did not rise. In Swedenasimilarrelaxingoftheliquorcardsystem(Brattsystem)led toaconsiderableriseinalcoholconsumption.Tocounteractthis,the levelofalcoholtaxationand,consequently,theretailpricesofalcohol were raised dramatically after Sweden’s 1955 “October Revolution” (Nycander1996,199–200). The customer control policy of the late 1940s and 1950s was replacedbyanewalcoholpolicywhichwassupposedtofavour“mild” alcoholbeveragessuchaswineandbeer.Thiswasaprinciplethatthe temperancemovementcouldnotobjectto,eventhoughtheysometimes announced that they disagreed with the promotion of even milder drinksbecauseitwasoftenseenasagatewaytomoreseriousdrinking. Inpractice,however,verylittlewasdonetomakewineorbeerdrinking morepopular.Thecaseofwinewasparticularlydifficultbecausethe statealcoholmonopolydidnotwanttodiminishitsrevenuefromtaxes onalcoholbeverages.
92 FIGHTINGTHEHEGEMONY OFTHETEMPERANCEMOVEMENT
Anexplanationforthestablelevelofalcoholconsumptionmightbe foundinthestructureofthealcoholdiscourseinFinland.Afterthe struggletoestablishtheProhibitionLawwhichlastedfromthelate 1890stotheendoftheFirstWorldWar,andespeciallyaftertheera of the Prohibition Law (1919–1932), the Finnish alcohol discourse hadmanynationalpeculiarities,whichresultedfromitsratherpeculiar situation. One of the most salient characteristics of the Finnish situationwasthattheProhibitionLawwasestablishedinoneofthe mosttemperatecountriesofEurope.Thelevelofalcoholconsumption wasabout1.5litrespercapitaatthebeginningofthe20thcentury (Peltonen1997).Atthesametime,theFinnishParliamentvotedfour times with an overwhelming majority in favour of the Prohibition Law;inthefistvotetheM.P.swereactuallyunanimousaboutthe urgentneedtoimplementinFinlandthestrictestalcoholpolicyofall Europe.TheRussiangovernment,whountilFinland’sindependence inDecember1917hadthepowertomakefinaldecisionconcerning suchlegislation,finallyrelentedandapprovedtheProhibitionLawin thespringof1917. DuringandaftertheSecondWorldWarthetemperancemovement regainedthestrengthithadlostaftertheProhibitionLawwasrepealed in1932.ThestatealcoholmonopolyAlkoholiliikehadtoworkinan atmospherewheretemperancewasstillregarded,atleastinthepublic discourse, as something valuable. Many M.P.spresented themselves asteetotallersandformedaspecialandquiteinfluentialtemperance groupwithintheParliament.Theideasandopinionsofthetemperance movementwerealsotakenintoaccountwhenplanningreformstothe officialalcoholpolicy.Thetemperancemovementwasalsorepresented inthegoverningorgansofthestatealcoholmonopoly. In the eyes of the Alko’sleadership, the most difficult remaining aspectofthetemperancemovementideologyaftertheSecondWorld Warwas adherence to the idea of prohibition. It thought this idea wasanobstacletothepolicyitwantedtopromote.Thestatealcohol monopolywantedtoexpanditsactivities,opennewstorestoalleviate theinequalitybetweenthecountrysideandthetowns,andsellalcoholic
93 beverages,especiallymedium-strengthbeerinallgroceries,notmerely Alko’sownretailshops.SomeoftheAlko’sleadersstatedpubliclythatan increaseinalcoholconsumptionwouldbenogreatcauseforconcern, becausethelevelofconsumptionwassolowthatitsaffectswouldbe harmless.SometimesFinnishalcoholresearchersreferredtothelevel ofalcoholconsumptioninFrance(aboutfifteenlitres)andjokedthat Finnsstillhadthirteenlitrestoconsumeinordertocatchupwiththe civilisedandsophisticatedFrench. Sothestatealcoholmonopolyinactualfactwantedtoincreasealcohol consumptionandensureahealthyflowofincomefromalcoholtaxesto financethestatebudget.Inthelate1940salcoholtaxescomprisedabout 20percentofstaterevenueandattheendofthe1950saround15per cent(Peltonen2002).Ifwetaketheimportantroleofthetemperance movementtobeaWesterncharacteristicofFinnishalcoholculture, thentheconsiderablecontributionofalcohol-relatedincometothe staterevenue–andtheimportanteffectofthestateinalcoholpolicy –isdefinitelyoneofitsmostconspicuousEasterncharacteristics. Followingaschisminthetemperancemovementintheearlypost- waryears,aninterestingdevelopmentoccurred.Manymembersofthe AcademicTemperanceLeaguefeltthattheProhibitionLawhadfailed and thought that prohibition represented something old-fashioned andunattractivefortheyoungergenerationwhohadjustwitnessed thewar.Attheforefrontofthesedevelopmentswastheyoungsocial scientistPekkaKuusi,amemberofafamousfamilyinthetemperance movement. Pekka Kuusi’s criticism of prohibition ideology received support from Alko’s leadership, especially the vice-president of the company, Arvo Linturi (Peltonen 1991, 224–226; Peltonen 2002, 31–35).Linturihadalreadyduringthelate1930sstudiedthealcohol systemsofotherEuropeancountries,andbegantopayspecialattention totheSwedishalcoholpolicyalreadydescribedabove. Soon Linturi and Kuusi joined forces and an unusual popular movement was created with the help of members of the Academic TemperanceMovementandAlko.Itspurposewastopromotegood mannersamongcitizensandintroducemoderationindrinkinghabits. The role of Alko was mostly that of financing the activities of the movement,calledKansalaisryhti(UprightCitizens)andlaterSuomen
94 Kansan Ryhtiliike (The Virtuous of the Finnish People2). Alko’s leadership, however, also took part by deciding on the priorities of activities.Thestatealcoholmonopolytriedtotakeadvantageofthe OlympicGamesthatwerebeingheldinHelsinkiin1952.Temporary alcohollegislationwasestablished;earlyAugust1952touristscouldbuy alcoholwithouthavingtoregisterasAlkocustomersforpossessionofa liquorcard,aswasotherwiserequired.Restaurantscouldservealcoholic drinksbeforetwelvenoonandwithoutobligatoryfoodorders,aswas thoughtcustomaryin“civilisedcountries”. TheHelsinkiOlympicGamesof1952werealsousedasapretextfor organisingspecificcampaignstoteachtheFinnishpublictobehaveina civilisedmannerduringthegreatevent.Thesecampaignsinvolvedthe UprightCitizen’sMovement,andideasaboutproperwaystobehavewith alcoholwereprominent.Specificbookofmannerswasalsoproduced. Itwaspaidforbythestatealcoholmonopolyanditspublishingwas organisedusingtheUprightCitizen’sMovementasacover(Peltonen 2002,78–128).TheUprightCitizen’sMovementwasacuriousmixof popularmovementandstatecontrol.Thiscanperhapsbeunderstood whenconsideringthefactthatmanyofthoseactiveinRyhtiliikehad beeninvolvedwiththecontrollingandmanagementofpublicopinion duringtheSecondWorldWar.Themovementlostitsoriginalpurpose inthe1960sandAlko’sthetightcontrolofitwasrelaxed.
THEIMAGEOFTHEDRUNKENWORKER
Themainproblemofthestate-sponsoredtemperancemovementwas thatitwasnotconsistentinitsthinking.Itwantedtoincreasealcohol consumption,butatthesametimeitsurrenderedtotheideaof‘Finnish Boozing’,createdduringthestruggleovertheProhibitionLawatthe beginningofthe20thcentury.ThisnotionheldthatalthoughFinland
2 The words Kansalaisryhti and Suomen Kansan Ryhtiliike are almost impossible to translate into English. A similar but older Russian organisation was calledThe GuardianshipofPublicSobriety(Herlihy2002,14–35).Ryhtiliikewasaquitetypical organisationfortheimprovementofmanners(“reformofpopularculture”).Seee.g. Hunt1999.
95 Table4. ThefrequencyofdrunkenarrestsintheNordiccountries in1969,arrestsper1000inhabitantsover15yearsofage.
Finland 40.0 Sweden 17.5 Norway 12.2 Denmark 5.1
Source:Bruun1972,300. wasthemosttemperatecountryinEurope,itstillneededprohibition becauseevenaverysmallamountofalcoholcouldcreatetremendous problemsforFinns.Itwasthoughtthatahereditarygeneticfailurein theFinnishpopulationmeantthat,whiledrunk,Finnsbehavedmore violentlythananyothernationality.ThisFinnishmythissimilarto attitudestowardsIrishdrinkinghabitsinlate19thandearly20thcentury America. Althoughthetemperancemovementusuallyspokeofthisproblem as common to the entire Finnish-speaking population, most public contributionstothealcoholdiscoursewerefromrepresentativesofthe middleandupperclasses,whoeitherintentionallyornot,oftenconveyed theideathat‘thepeople’meantonlyfarmersandworkers.Thisfostered theimageofthedrunkenworker,whichwasstillveryprevalentinthelate 1940sand1950sinthediscourseofleadingpolicy-makers.Theimage ofthedrunkenworkeralsopenetratedintosociologicalresearchon alcoholproblemsandevensociologicaltextbooksoftheperiod(Kuusi 1948;Sariola1954;Allardt&Littunen1958). Theimageofthedrunkenworkerwasgivenextracredibilitybythe statisticsondrunkenarrests.Appearingpubliclyinadrunkencondition hadbeencriminalisedin1733bythekingofSwedenandinFinland it remained classified as a criminal act until 1969. Drunken arrests largelyconcernedthemaleworkingpopulationinthetowns.Although numerous,theyonlyinvolvedalimitednumberofmostlyhomeless personswhowerearrestedagainandagain.Sotheastonishinglyhigh levelofdrunkenarrestsreflectsthepeculiarhistoryofthelegislation and the difficult housing situation in the post-war decades (Taipale 1982).DuringtheGeneralStrikeof1956theimageofthedrunken
96 workerwasusedbytheconservativepresstodiscreditthemoralityof theprotestingworkers.Thiskindoflabellinghadthedesiredeffect amongtheworking-classactivists,whowerealwayseagertoemphasise thedecentbehaviouroftheworkingclass. Developmentsweresignificantlydifferentinpost-warSweden,where thetemperancemovementtooktheleadincriticisingtheSwedishliquor- cardsystem.Theideologicalleadershipofthetemperancemovement materialisedinanimportantparliamentarycommittee,whichconducted several investigations in order to reform Swedish alcohol policy. A favourablepictureoftheFinnishsystemwaspresentedinthesevolumes publishedinthelate1940sandearly1950s.Swedishalcoholpolicywas relaxedin1956,whentheBrattsystemwasfinallyabandoned.Thefirst consequencewasanimmediateriseinalcoholconsumptionwhichthen hadtobecurtailedbyraisingalcoholtaxes.Thefactthattheleadersof thetemperancemovementbegantocriticisealcoholpolicyalsogave freerhandstotheworking-classmovement,whichwasencouragedto joinoratleastsupportitsliberalisation(Peltonen2001).Thecaseof FinlandwasdifferentfromSwedenbecausetheFinnishtemperance movementsupportedAlko’sofficialalcoholpolicy,althoughoccasional criticalvoiceswithinthetemperancediscoursecalledfordeveloping FinnishalcoholpolicymoreinlinewithSweden’sBrattsystem.
THELACKOFINTELLECTUALTOOLS
Itisdifficulttounderstandwhytheclassviewofalcoholconsumption prevailedsostronglyamongtheFinnishintellectualeliteinthepost- wardecades.Perhapsitcouldbeexplainedbythefearswhichthemore right-wingmembersoftheelitefeltafterthewar,whenthebanning oftheCommunistPartyhadtobeliftedonaccountoftheParisPeace Treatyof1947.Moreover,politicalprisonerswerereleasedfromprisons andwereallowedtoparticipateinpoliticallifeasequalcitizens.Under thesecircumstancesFinnishsocietywasexpectedbymanyofitselite memberstobedemocratisedby“outsideforces”.Thisfearofdemocracy in action created an unhealthy atmosphere towards the end of the 1940s,knownasthe“yearsofdanger”.Itiseasytosee,however,that thissentimentwasnotjustapprehensionaboutthegrowingstrengthof
97 theSovietUnion,buthadasamajoringredientaviewoftheworking classbeingunabletoparticipateinnormalsociety.Itwassoingrainedin thetraditionoftheFinnishelitethattheworkingclassshouldbekept outofpoliticallifeandeffectivelyghettoisedthatthedemocratisation ofpoliticallifewasseenasasignificantthreat(Peltonen1991,222; Peltonen2002,14–18). Thediscourseonthedrunkenworkerwaspartofthemoregeneral post-warsentiment,althoughtheimagehadalonghistoryinEuropean politicalthought.TheattemptsbyPekkaKuusiandtheRyhtiliikepopular movementhefounded,toviewalcoholproblemsandtemperanceina newwayshowhowstrongthetraditionalimageofthedrunkenworker stillwasinthelate1940sandinthe1950s.ItisclearthatPekkaKuusi andothersdidnotseethesituationclearlyenoughandmadenoextra efforttochangethelinguisticexpressionstheyusedtodescribealcohol problems.AlthoughKuusispokemoreoftenthanmostofhisassociates ofthealcoholabusebeingaproblemofFinnsratherthanonlyofthe workingclass,evenhedidnotclearlyandstronglydistancehimself fromtheclassviewofalcoholproblems.Eventheleadingrevisionist Kuusiwascaughtinthewebofthehegemonicdiscourseandendedup repeatingtheslogansofthemostconservativetemperanceideologists (Kuusi1948,passim.;seealsoVerkko1949).Soeventhosewishingto liberaliseFinnishalcoholpolicyandincreaseconsumptionendedup spendingtheirenergyandresourcesonachievingexactlytheopposite. Theycouldnotsayinpublicwhattheytrulythought. ThissituationcanalsobedescribedinLucienFebvre’sstyleasalack ofproperintellectualtoolsforspeaking(andthinking)otherwise(Febvre 1982[1942]).InthesamewaythatitwasimpossibleforRabelais tobeanatheistinsixteenth-centuryFrance,sotoowasitdifficultin the1950sforFinnishintellectualstospeakofalcoholconsumption inaneutralway.Atthetimetherewereonlytwoalternativestothe imageofthedrunkenworker.Firstly,intheetiquettebooksoftheelite, alcoholcouldbedescribedinneutralandsometimesevenpositiveterms –particularlywhenthewritersweremale–assomethingrelaxingand funasmentionedabove.InsomeFinnishetiquettebooksoftheperiod strongdrinkswereopenlyadmiredandtheofficialalcoholpolicywas ridiculed.Secondly,working-classmalesthemselvescouldoftenspeak
98 favourably of vodka and give colourful descriptions of the drunken statesandterriblehangoverstheyhadexperienced.Itis,ofcourse,clear thatneitherofthesediscoursescouldbeusedinpublicbythosewho wereresponsibleforalcoholpolicy. It was only in the 1960s that one group managed to create a discourseinwhichFinnsandalcoholwereconnectedinanon-alarmist way(Soikkeli2003).ThiswastheFinnishBreweriesAssociationwhich initsmassiveadvertisingcampaigndefendingthepositionofFinnish beerproducersaftertheEFTAfreetradetreatyfrom1961allowedthe importofbeerfromEFTA-countriesin1964.Thecampaignlasted from1964to1970anditsmainsloganwas“Finnish–Ofcourse!” (Turunen2002,183).Inthiscampaign,directedmainlyagainstthe Danish Carlsberg and Tuborgbrands, a new image of the Finnish alcoholconsumerwascreated.Andthatwas,youcouldleaveaFinn alonewithaglassofbeerwithoutfearingdevastatingconsequences. Finnishconsumersofalcoholwerenolongerdescribedasuncultured, theywerenolongerseenasbrutesseekingonlyintoxicationandwere nolongeraccusedofstartingfightswhenenjoyingeventhesmallest dropofalcohol.Thiscampaignbythebreweryindustryrepresenteda remarkablechanceintheFinnishalcoholconsumptiondiscourse.The newmediumoftelevisionprovidedmassivesupporttothisnewalcohol discourseinthepublicsphere.Opinionpollsshowedthattheattitudes ofcitizensduringthe1960salsobecamemoreliberal(Mäkelä1979, 176).Andfinally,byJanuary1969,insteadonlyofaboutahundred Alkoretailshops,Finnscouldpurchasemedium-strengthbeerfrom over50000outlets.Atthesametimethetemperancemovementlostits generalappeal.Butitwasnotonlythetemperancemovementthatlost itsalmosthegemonicpositionvis-a-visalcoholpolicyattheendofthe 1960s–thestate’sgriponalcoholpolicybegantoloosenandtherole ofprivateenterprise,particularlybreweries,begantogrow.
99 References
Allardt,Erik&YrjöLittunen:Sosiologia.Porvoo&Helsinki:WSOY,1958. Bruun,Kettil:Alkoholi:käyttö,vaikutuksetjakontrolli.Helsinki:Tammi,1972. Febvre,Lucien:TheProblemofUnbeliefintheSixteenthCentury:TheReligionofRabelais. Cambridge,Mass.&London:HarvardUniversityPress,1982[1942]. Herlihy,Patricia:TheAlcoholicEmpire.VodkaandPoliticsinLateImperialRussia.Oxford: OxfordUniversityPress,2002. Hunt,Alan:GoverningMorals.ASocialHistoryofMoralRegulation.Cambridge,U.K.: CambridgeUniversityPress,1999. Knobblock,Inger:Systemetslångaarm.Enstudieavkvinnor,alkoholochkontrolliSverige 1919–1955.Stockholm:Carlssons,1995. Kuusi,Pekka:SuomenviinapulmaGallup-tutkimuksenvalossa.Helsinki:Otava,1948. Nycander, Svante: Svenskarna och spriten. Alkoholpolitik 1855–1995. Malmö: Sober Förlag,1996. Mäkelä,Klaus:AlkoholipoliittisenmielipideilmastonvaihtelutSuomessa1960-ja1970- luvulla. Klaus Mäkelä: Realistit, idealistit, tutkijat. Toim. Risto Hannula, Risto JaakkolajaMattiViikari.Helsinki:Tammi,1979,176–254. Peltonen,Matti:”Vetande,makt,sociologi.Debatten1948mellanVeliVerkkoochPekka Kuusiom’detfinskaölsinnet’”,NordiskAlkoholTidskrift8,1991:4,221–237. Peltonen,Matti:Kertakiellonpäälle.Suomalainenkieltolakimentaliteettivuoden1733juo- pumusasetuksestakieltolainpäättymiseen1932.Helsinki:Tammi,1997. Peltonen,Matti:”’Ny’alkoholforskningoch1950-taletsetiketthandböcker”,In:Anders Gustavsson(red):Alkoholenochkulturen.Uppsala:UppsalaUniversitet,1998,133– 144. Peltonen, Matti: ”Skötsamhetsplikt eller rätt att dricka? Debatten kring motboken iSverigeochFinlandunder1950-talet”,Nordiskalkohol-ochnarkotikatidskrift18, 2001:4,359–370. Peltonen, Matti: Remua ja ryhtiä. Alkoholiolot ja tapakasvatus 1950-luvun Suomessa. Gaudeamus:Helsinki,2002. Sariola, Sakari: Lappi ja väkijuomat. Helsinki: VäkijuomakysymyksenTutkimussäätiö, 1954. Soikkeli,Mari:Olutmainonta–”raikasta,pehmeääjatäyteläistä”.In:MattiPeltonen, VesaKurkela&VisaHeinonen(eds.):Arkinenkumous.Suomalaisen60-luvuntoinen kuva.Helsinki:SuomalaisenKirjallisuudenSeura,2003,158–180. SuomenKansanRyhtiliike(ed.):Hyvänkäytöksenopas.Helsinki:Otava,1952. Taipale, Ilkka: Asunnottomuus ja alkoholi. Alkoholitutkimussäätiön julkaisuja 32. Jyväskylä,1982. Turunen,Matti:Jostäytättemunlasini.Suomalaisenpanimo-javirvoitusjuoma-teollisuuden vuosisata.Panimo-javirvoitusjuomaliittory.Helsinki,2002. Verkko,Veli:Lähimmäisenjaomahenki.SosiaalipatologisiatutkimuksiaSuomenkansasta. Jyväskylä:Gummerus,1949.
100
SovietFirstDeputyPremierAlexeiKosyginwithpresident UrhoKekkonenattheRautaruukkiironworksinRaahe1977. Photographerunknown(KansanArkisto).
IMAGININGECONOMY FinlandiaNewsreelsBuildingUpshared Imageryinthe1950sandearly1960s1
MinnaLammiandPäiviTimonen
INTRODUCTION
ThemodernFinnishmarketeconomyandconsumersocietywasnot bornoutofavoid.Finland’ssmalleconomyhasledthecountrytoseek economicco-operationandentertradewithitsneighborsthroughout its history. After the Second World War these connections needed reconstruction. In a bipolar world a policy of neutrality was at the coreoftheFinnishnationalstrategy.ItmadeitpossibleforFinlandto cooperatewiththeSovietUnionaswellaswithwesternEECandEFTA countries.TradewiththeSovietUnionwasofmajorimportanceforthe FinnisheconomyallthewayuntilthecollapseoftheSovieteconomy. Thepositionbetweentheeastandthewestrequiredunderstandingof botheasternplannedeconomyandwesternmarketeconomy. Thetransitionfromanagrariansocietytoanurbanizedindustrial andservicesocietycalledforthachangeintheproductionandsocial
1 ThispaperisapartoftheresearchprojectImaginingEconomyinFinnishAdvertising andJournalism,whichstudiesculturalrepresentationsofeconomyintheFinnishpublic spherefromtheearly1950stothenewmillennium.Historicallythestudycoversafair partofthedevelopmentoftheFinnishconsumersociety(Peltonenetal.2003;Lammi 2006).
104 structures.AftertheSecondWorldWartheintensificationofeconomic exchangeturnedFinnsintomoderneconomicactors,resultinginnew modesofeconomicdiscoursethatproliferatedintheFinnishmedia. Furthermore,changesalsooccurredinpeople’sattitudestowardsthe neweconomicsystemandtheirroleinit.Finnswereadvised,educated andshapedtooperateinamarketdrivenconsumersocietylongbefore thebirthofthemodernconsumer. Connections between policy making and economy in trade have beenanalyzedbefore(e.g.Aunesluoma2003).Economyandculture havebeenviewedasacomprehensivewholebysociologists,historians and anthropologists. Furthermore, the notion of trust has been a long-lastingquestionofreflectioninsocialsciencesfromMaxWeber (2009 [1927]) to contemporary scholars such as Dasgupta (1988) andGambetta(1988).Sahlins(1978)hasstressedtheimportanceof regardingeconomicactivitiesas“expressionsofculture”and“notthe antithesis” (Sahlins 2004, xiii). In this view economy as a cultural systemdenaturalizesbothmarketcapitalismandmoderneconomics byshowinghowthe“cultural”aspectsofasocietyare“economically relevant”(seeWeber1922,165). However,previousresearchhasnotfullyconsideredtheconsequences ofhoweconomicrepresentationshavebeenusedasmeansforintegrating citizens in a more abstract way into society with new possibilities for self-realization and new obligations and needs. The economic representationsareapowerfulwaytoarrangeprivateobservationsinto asharedimagery.Itcanputforthanentirelynewworldofimagination, includingneweconomicthinking.Forus,thisentailsnotionslikewhat doesitmeantobeaconsumer,whataretherolesofvariousmarket actors, and above all a shared understanding of modern economy activity.Withmoderneconomicactorswemeanthosewhomakethe markets, new actors that were not common in the former agrarian culture,butarecrucialinmodernmarketeconomy. Theaiminthepresentchapteristoprovideanempiricalanalysis onhoweconomicsystemswerefeaturedinFinnishnewsreelsinthe 1950sandearly1960s.Finland,asacountrybetweentheeastandthe west,adapteditseconomyandtradebothtoeasternplannedeconomy andwesternmarketeconomy.Thequestionis,howwerethedifferent economicsystemsfeaturedinthenewsreels?Whatwerethedifferences
105 putforth,whowerethemainactors,whatkindofamaterialworldwas presentedandhowwasFinlandpositionedinthis?
NEWSREELSCHOSENFORSTUDY ANDRESEARCHMETHOD
InthischapterweexamineFinlandianewsreelsfromthemid1950s (1954,1956and1957)andthebeginningofthe1960s(1961and 1962).Thesampleisbasedonaprincipleappliedintheresearchproject ofchoosingthesampleyearsbasedontheoccurrenceofimportant events.Thedatawerechosenfromthesampleyearsbypickingout fromthecontentlistingsmaterialdealingwithmoney,businesses,trade, consumption,production,andthenationalandprivatesectoreconomy. On the basis of the data, we have listed the dates according to the originalclassificationdates.Arandomsamplingwastakenofthedates sothatonehalfofthedatesfellintothesample.Withthistechnique, atotalof81Finlandianewsreels(inFinnishFinlandia-katsaus,later FK) were selected for the data. The newsreels were magazine-type by structure: One 7–8 -minute reel included several topics. Sports, arts and exhibitions were common subjects. The foreign sequences coulddealwith,forexample,scientificdiscoveriesortheconquestof space.Aroundtwohundredinsertsinthesamplenewsreelsdealtwith economicissues. TheFinlandianewsreelswereproducedbySuomi-Filmi,thelargest shortfilmproducerinFinlandinthe1950sand1960s.Thefilmswere mostlyblackandwhiteandtheydidnotincludeauthenticsound,such asinterviewsormusic.Thesoundtrackwasmadeupofbackground musicandthenarrator’sspeech.Theamountofnarrationwasusually verylimited,thenarratorwould,forexample,explainwhowasspeaking ataneventbutnotcommentonthecontentofthespeech.Thenarrative linesusuallyconsistonlyafewsentences,evenifthevisualmaterialgoes onfortwo,threeminutes.Thisexpandsthesignificanceandroleofthe visualmaterialinthenewsreels.Afterthenarration,musicstartstoplay inthebackground.Thestyleremindsoftheeraofsilentfilmswhenlive musicwasplayedintheatresinthebackgroundoffilms.
106 Thischapterproceedsfromtheperceptionthatfilmsareproducts of culture which are influenced both by the prevailing production structureandtheaudiences.Byshapingworldviews,generalopinions, values, attitudes and behavior, films are an important forum for exercisingpowerinsociety(Kellner1998,46–47).Weemphasizeequal attention to discontinuities and insignificant-looking developments as to continuities or impressive changes. We are interested in both theapparentandthehiddenmeaningsoffilms,andtheirhistorical context. In what follows below, we will examine the visual and textual approachesappliedinfilmintheeconomicsystemdevelopinginFinland aftertheSecondWorldWar.Inourreadingofthedata,wedrewfrom thetraditionofsocialsciencefilmresearch,wheremediamaterialand especiallymovingimagesareexaminedasahistoricalphenomenon.It placesemphasisonhowfilmsaremadeunderspecificcircumstances andhowtheyservespecifictasks(forexampleBordwell1985,2005, 2006;Bordwell,Thompson1986,1994;Bordwell,Staiger,Thompson [1985]1996). Thisarticleshowshowthemediacontributedtoemergingfeatures in economic systems. It offered economic imagery to Finns for organizingsocialexperiences.Inthefollowingwewillillustratethat filmsconcentratedonbuildingupeconomicthinking.Furthermore, wewilldiscusshoweasternplannedeconomy,westernmarketeconomy andtheirconnectionstoFinnishmixedeconomywerefeatured.The findingssuggestthatnewsreelswereusedtostrengthenoveralltrustin Finnishpolicy,industryandpoliticalleaders.
FILMSTEACHINGNEWECONOMICTHINKING
Shortfilmsplayedanimportantpartinpublicoutreachandeducatingthe publictowardsanewkindofeconomicthinking(Lammi2006,Lammi &Pantzar2010).Especiallythe1950swereagoldenageforbothfeature andshortfilmproduction.Thereweretwobigcompaniesproducing featurefilmsinthecountry,Suomi-FilmiandSuomenFilmiteollisuus (SF),whichpartlyensuredcompetitionaswellascontinuityinthefield
107 (Laine1995,74–75).Shortfilmssoldwellbecausemovietheatreshad aninterestinshowingtaxreductionfilms2beforethemainfeatureof theevening. Newsreels,inasimilarfashionastheothertaxreductionfilms,were showninmovietheatresasa“prelude”tothemainfeature,whichmeant thattheyreceivedlargenumbersofviewers.Todayadvertisementsand trailersareshowninthesameslot.Newsreelsbecamecommonpractice inFinlandinthelate1940s.Alawenactedin1948requiredthatin newsreelswithalengthof200metersormoreatleast100metersofthe footagehadtobeshotinFinland.Inmanyofthenewsreels,theforeign materialwasusuallyfeaturedattheend,asa“kicker”.Filmswithtax reductionstatuswererequiredtobescreenedinconjunctionwitha particularfeaturefilm:Theobjectivewastokeepmovietheatresfrom runningthesame,oldtaxreductionfilmsweekafterweek(Repealed Act on Stamp Duties 1948; Uusitalo 1965, 73–77; Uusitalo 1977, 171–179).Thesubjectsofthenewsreelswereusuallyentertaining,and inthedomesticmaterialtheshareofsports,recreation,consumption andentertainmentwashigh.Someoftheeventsthatwereshownin thenewsreelswerealsoreportedinnewspapers.Therefore,thenewsreels could also visually complete what movie-goers had already read in newspapers. VariouscompaniesinFinlandproducednewsreels,butmostofthem didnotstayinbusinessforlong.Finlandia-Kuva,whichwasinitially ownedbyAseveliliitto,anassociationsupportingsoldiersonthefront andtheirfamilies,wasestablishedtoproducenewsreelsonthewar,but asthemilitaryoperationsturnedintotrenchwar,morewasrequired thanmerefootagefromthefront.AseveliliittosoldFinlandia-Kuvato Suomi-Filmiin1945,whichcontinuedproducingFinlandianewsreels upuntilthetaxreductionlawwasrepealedin1964.TheFinlandia
2 Thesystemofgivingshortfilmsataxreductionstatus,whichbeganin1933andwas createdtoinvigoratethefilmindustry,establishedthisexceptionaltypeoffilmforthe followingthreedecadestocome.Sinceshortfilmsportrayingbusinessandindustry qualifiedastaxreductionfilms,anactivemarketforcommissionedfilmswasalsoborn. Besidescommissionedfilms,newsreelswereasignificantgenreofshortfilm,starting fromtheyearsofwar.Thetaxreductionpracticekeptthevolumeofproducedshort filmshighallthewayupto1964,whenthesystemwasabandoned(Uusitalo1981, 283).
108 newsreelswereoneofthemostthelongstandingandsignificantnewsreel seriesproducedinFinland(Harrivirta1983,108–115;Ristimäki1996, 257–259; Uusitalo 1965, 76; Uusitalo 1977, 173, 201, 203). It is forthisreasonthatwechoseasthefocusofourstudytheFinlandia newsreels,whichregardlessoftheirpopularityhaven’tbeenresearched toanylargerextentbefore. The arrival of television in the late 1950s and in the 1960s had a tremendous effect on the Finnish film industry. Furthermore, it renderedthemovietheatrenewsreelsredundant.Alongwiththeend ofthetaxreductionsystem,newsreelsanddocumentariesmovedover almostentirelytotelevision,andthefilmmakershadnomarketfor muchmorethanadvertisementandcommissionedfilms(Toiviainen 1983, 115; Uusitalo 1984, 222–226). Newsreels can be seen as a precursoroftoday’snewsprogramsbothinFinlandandworldwide. (Dorté2002,239–245.)
FINLANDINTHESAMPLEYEARS
Thesampleisbasedontheoccurrenceofimportanteconomicevents in Finland’shistory.Wehave chosen 1954 as our first sample year. ThiswastheyearwhenwartimerationingendedinFinlandandsugar, coffee,riceandmargarinecouponswereabandoned.Fromthe1950swe havealsopickedouttheyears1956,whenJuhoKustiPaasikivistepped downandUrhoKekkonenwaselectedPresident,thecountrydrifted intoageneralstrikeandFinlandjoinedtheUN;and1957,whenthe economiccrisiswasresolvedthroughdevaluationoftheFinnishmark andwesternforeigntradewasderegulated.Asoursampleyearsfrom theearly1960swechose1961,whenFinlandconcludedafreetrade agreementwiththeEuropeanFreeTradeAssociation,EFTA;and1962, whendiscussiononconsumerpoliciesstartedtogainmomentumboth internationallyandinFinland. Upuntil1955theparliamentwouldannuallyrenewaspeciallawthat enabledtheexerciseofwageandpriceregulationinFinland.Balance wassoughtinlabormarketrelationsthroughagreementsbetweenthe RuralPartyandtheSocialDemocrats,aswellastradeunions.Whenthe Parliamentceasedtorenewthelawin1955,thepressureonpriceswas
109 lifted,whichcouldbeseenasariseinthepricesofe.g.rents,services andagriculturalproducts.Thenegotiationsbetweentheinterestgroups cametoagridlockandthegovernmentofPrimeMinisterKekkonen facedseriousproblems.KekkonenwaselectedPresidentin1956when heresignedfromhispostasprimeminister.InMarch,bothageneral strikeandapartialdeliverystrikeimposedonagriculturalproductswere launched,asthegovernmentwasnolongerauthorizedtoregulateprices orwages.ThestrikeendedattheendofMarchwhenthegovernment threatenedtoenactemergencylaw,andtheConfederationofFinnish Employers,STK,foritspart,yieldedtothewagedemands(Pihkala& Soikkanen1982,363–364;Jussilaetal.2006,260–261,265). TheprocessofdevelopingtheFinnishnationaleconomytowards market economy and liberalization of western foreign trade had already begun in the late 1940s, after an opposite tendency during theinterwaryears.FinlandbecameamemberoftheWorldBankand theInternationalMonetaryFund(1948)andGATT,whichactedin theinterestofincreasinginternationaltrade(1950).TheYYATreaty (TheAgreementofFriendship,CooperationandMutualAssistance) with the Soviet Union defined, alongside the Paris Peace Treaties, foreignpoliciesandinternationalrelations.Theyear1955wasanother turning point in Finland’s international positioning: Finland joined theUNandtheNordicCouncil,whichhadbeenfoundedthreeyears earlier.MeanwhileinWesternEurope,planswereprogressingforthe developmentoffutureintegration. The weakening international economic trends started to affect Finlandafterthemid-1950s,too,andthegrowthofproductionwas stalled.Sawntimber,pulpandpaperstillbroughtinthelargestpartof theexportrevenues.Theeconomiccrisisof1957wastriggeredinthe autumnofthatyearwithadevaluationoftheFinnishmark,combined withmeasurestoderegulatewesternforeigntrade.Throughthefreeing ofwesterntrade,thecountryshiftedtowardsaneweraofinternational integration(Pihkala1982,370;Pihkala&Soikkanen1982,364;Jussila etal.2006,276–277;Kuisma2009,197–199). The transition to open economy led to deep social and political changesaspoliticswasnolongerpredominatedbytheriftbetweenthe RedsandtheWhitesthathadprevailedsincethecivilwar(1917–1918) (Kalela2005,205–206).Intheearlyyearsofthedecade,relationsto
110 WesternEuropewerenegotiatedfromtheframeworkofmaintaining the special status of the Soviet Union in Finnish foreign policy. In a discussion held in September 1960, Nikita Khruschcev and Urho KekkonenreachedanagreementonhowFinlandcouldlookafterits importantmarketsinanintegratingEuropewithoutendangeringits relationswiththeSovietUnion.In1961Finlandconcludedafreetrade agreementwithEFTA,whichwasformedbythecountriesthatremained outsidetheEuropeanEconomicCommunity.Aroundthesametime, FinlandenteredsimilaragreementsontraderelationswiththeSoviet UnionaswiththeEFTAcountries(Jussilaetal.2006,279). Internationallythequestionaboutconsumers’rolesandrightscame under discussion when U.S. President John F.Kennedy delivered a speech on consumer rights in the United States Congress in 1962. Subsequently,theconstructionofconsumerpolicies,intheirmodern form,beganalsoinEurope,withtheobjectiveofincreasingconsumer safety and legal protection and ensuring the rights of consumers to informationandbeingheardasamarketparticipant.Thefirstconsumer policy body in state government was Kuluttajain neuvottelukunta (ConsumerAdvisoryCommittee),foundedin1962.
EASTERNECONOMIESCONCENTRATED ONINDUSTRY,WESTERNONCONSUMPTION
Economyisfeaturedinthenewsreelsintheformofceremoniousevents, statevisits,exhibitions,inaugurationsandspectacularnovelties.Thisis thekeydifferencewhentheyarecomparedtoothertaxreductionfilms ofthattime,whichusuallycenteredonintroducingnew,commendable practicesandindustrialproduction(Lammi2006).Twothirdsofthe insertsintheFinlandianewsreelsdealwithexhibitions,officialvisits andotherceremoniousevents.Lessthanathirdofthecontentdeals withintroducingnewproductsanddevices,orothernovelties. Easterneconomieswerekeentoshowcasethesuccessoftheirlarge- scale industries, such as the machinery industry.The Soviet Union, Hungary,PolandandCzechoslovakiaorganizedexhibitionsandtrade fairswheretheypresentedtheachievementsoftheirindustries(e.g.FK 248from1954,FK319from1957,FK322from1957,FK338from
111 1957,FK512from1961).ThefairsmostlytookplaceinHelsinki,but imagesfromtheseeventsspreadouttocitiesandruralareasallover Finlandthroughthenewsreels. The featured achievements in science especially concentrated on spaceandatomicscienceintheSovietUnion.”Besidesthenumerous scientificmethodsandatomicindustryrawmaterialsintheexhibition hall,thefairalsoshowcasesequipmentdesignedtostudynucleusradius, as well as a designs for the Soviet Union Science Academy nuclear plant”,werethewordsinwhichtheexhibitionwaspresentedinthe filmtoPresidentKekkonen(FK322from1957). Theimportanceofpublicappearanceswasespeciallyrecognizedinthe contextofinternationalpolicyandcontactsbetweenstates.Especially meetings,arrivalsofforeigndiplomatsandofficialceremonieshavebeen centralinthelongtraditionofpublicpresentation(e.g.Koski2005). ThenewsreelsstronglyhighlightthetraderelationsbetweenFinland andtheSovietUnionandthemediatingroleofPresidentKekkonen.In comparison,theroleoftheformerpresident,JuhoKustiPaasikivi,was invisible,andhewasrarelyshowninthenewsreels.UrhoKekkonen, ontheotherhand,hadastronglyvisiblepublicpresencealreadywhen hewasPrimeMinister,andconspicuouslyutilizedpublicitythroughout hispoliticalcareer. Inthe1950sand1960stheideaofPresidentKekkonenwatching overthenation’sinterests,his‘gaze’,playedanimportantroleinassuring thepublic.ThePresident’svisitstotradefairsandfactorieswerestaple materialintheFinlandianewsreels.Indifferentshots,hisenthusiastic eyeinspectsPolish,HungarianorCzechproductsondisplayinthe HelsinkiTradeCenter(e.g.FK512from1961). The newsreels also show President Kekkonen building trust in anddemandfortheproductsofFinnishindustries.Thewiderange ofproductionandindustrialknowhowispresentedtostateguestsin productionplantsandattestinggrounds(e.g.FK536from1961,FK 544from1961).EspeciallyhighgovernmentofficialsfromtheSoviet Union were taken on tours that lasted several days, showcasing the Finnishmetal,woodprocessingandtextileindustries(e.g.thenewsreels onNikitaKhrushchev’svisitin1957FK333–335,orthenewsreelson LeonidBrezhnev’svisitin1961FK560–562).
112 PresidentKekkonenwasthenation’snumberonetradenegotiator and,forexample,thesigningsoftradeagreements(e.g.signingoftrade agreementbetweenFinlandandtheSovietUnionin1962FK631)or thehandingoverofice-breakersbuiltinFinnishdockyards(FK351 from1957)wereceremoniousmomentsthatwerealsopopularsubjects forthenewsreels. While the newsreels featuring planned economy emphasized the roleofthestateasanactorineconomy,inwesternmarketeconomy stateactorswerenearlyinvisible,yieldingspacetoprivatecompanies. ThenewsreelsshowedhowanewbankbuildinginNewYorkwas built mostly from glass and how modern its interior was (FK 250 from1954).IBMwasmentionedinconnectionwithanexhibition celebratingtheworkofLeonardodaVinci.Thefairwasorganized byIBMandheldintheStockmanndepartmentstore(FK230from 1954).Theexhibition“AmericaToday”focusedonhomeappliances (FK524from1961). Duringthe1950sand1960splannedeconomiesdidnotconcentrate on representing consumption, although politically it was a central concernandsymbolofpowerduringtheColdWar(Reid2002).Instead ofconsumption,industryandsciencewereheavilyemphasizedintheir interests.Whilewesterneconomiessharedthisinteresttodisplaytheir knowhowinscience,thefeaturedproductionwasnotheavyindustryas inplannedeconomiesbutconsumer-orientedandtargetedtomarket- driven consumer societies. A good example is a Finlandia newsreel (FK299from1954)thatshowsanewdirectflightconnectionfrom HelsinkitoNewYorkoperatedbyPanAmericanAirways.Duringan industrialexhibitiontheStockmanndepartmentstoresoldproducts fromAmericaandentertainedcustomerswiththemusicoftheU.S. AirForceBand(FK526from1961).
FINNSWERESEENASWORKERSANDCONSUMERS
Duringtheperiodunderstudy,Finlandwastakingimportantsteps fromanagrariansocietytowardsconsumerandmarketeconomyand liberalization of western foreign trade. Along with the reparations
113 followingtheSecondWorldWar,thenationalincomedeclinedand thewarreparationsdirectedcapitalandlaborintothemetalsindustry (Pihkala1982,342).Afterthewarreparationsprogramendedin1952, economicdevelopmentwassteeredbytheexpansionofinternational marketsandscientific/technologicalprogress. Theinsertsinthenewsreelsintroducingproductionprocesseswere backedbyalongertraditionofproduction-centeredfilms.Factories and their production processes were already actively introduced in Finnishshortfilmsinthe1920sandespeciallythe1930s.Themain emphasisinthesefilmswasonthemachinery.Thefilmsmostlyfocus onwhatthemachinesdoandhoweffectivetheyare.Theworkersjust standbythemachines,nameless,andusuallyfaceless,too.Thefilm servesasaneyethroughwhichpeoplegettoseeforthemselvesthatan industrialproductisusable,hygienicallymanufacturedandsafe.The camerabringsintotheconsumers’viewtheprecisenessandhighlevel ofhygieneoftheprocesses,whichwouldotherwiseremaininvisible (Lammi2006;LammiandPantzar2010). Themethodoffilmingmachineswassimilarinboththenewsreels andtheothershortfilmsofthattime.Themachineswereusuallyshown ineffectiveclose-ups,withglimmeringclogs,wheelsandothermoving partsfeaturedinrhythmicandfastmotion.Technologicaldevelopment wasoftenassociatedwithnationalidentityandnewtechnologymade therebuilt,renewedcountrystrongeralsoonthisfront.Theideaof increasedwelfarethroughmachines,familiarfromthefirstdecadesof thecentury,wasperhapsnolongerconnectedwithjustthemachines but,moreso,withindustrialization(seee.g.Kettunen1994,210). Inadditiontotheeffectivenessofindustrialproduction,thecamera alsorevealsproblemsthatareinvisibletoanuninformedoutsider,and howtheyaredealtwith.Theviewersgettosee,forexample,anelectric eye which in a coffee roastery separates the “rogue beans” from the goodbeans(FK506from1961),orthecamerafocusesonmodern scaleswhereapolicemanisweighingtrucksontheirwaytoaflimsy andweight-restrictedbridge(FK512from1961).Themarketsdotheir businessandtheviewerscanrestassuredandgoonwiththeirlives. Featured strong in the contents of the Finlandia newsreels were industrial high points, such as the completion of the construction ofatricotfactory(FK253from1954),thelaunchofanice-breaker
114 (e.g.FK228from1954)ortheroofingcelebrationofthenewOtava publishing house building in Keuruu (e.g. FK 238 from 1954). In theothershortfilmstheemphasiswasusuallyonindustrialprocesses, whilethenewsreelspreferredtohighlightceremoniousevents.Also, itwasimportanttoshowthattheeventswereattendedbyprestigious guests.Theaspectsof‘attendance’,makingappearancesorachieving somethingnew,playedamoreimportantpartinthenewsreelsthan theproductionprocesses. Educatingthepublictoadoptnewpracticesalsoplayeditsownpart inthebuildingoftrust.AttheopeningofFinland’sfirstmotorway,the publicistoldthattheleftlaneismeantforovertakingandtheroadis notmeantforpedestrianuse(FK538from1961).Themovementof productstomarketsoutsideFinlandwasalsoanimportanttheme.The newsreelsservedtobuildunderstandingofthewayinwhichmarkets operatedintermsof,forexample,theglobalmovementofrawmaterials, productqualityfactors,noveltiesandacceptability.Theroleofpublic authorityandprofessionsisalsostronglyvisibleinthenewsreels(e.g. FK505from1961,FK524from1961,FK580from1962andFK 596from1962). Inthenewsreelstechnologywasstronglyhighlightedandlinkedto theeconomythroughemploymentopportunities.Thereelsintroducing equipmentfordiggingditches(FK571from1961),earthmoving(FK 553from1961)ortheindustrialproductionoffoodstuffs(FK506from 1961)rememberedtomentionthathumanlaborisstillindispensable intheoperations. Intheperiodbetweentheworldwars,theidealizationofmachines stillkepttheworkersinthebackground.Themachinesdidallthework, withpracticallynoneedforthehumanhand.Butthelaborshortage duringtheSecondWorldWarchangedpeople’sattitudes:Thebeliefthat machinescoulddoeverythingwasabandoned.Ofcoursealargepartof theproductionstilltookplacewithoutmachines.Thenewsreelsshow, forexample,siteswherepowerplants(FK554from1961),bridges (FK553from1961)andschools(FK229from1954)areconstructed withouttheaidofmachines.This,whiletracingthemarketjourneyof Bulgarianstrawberriesfromthefieldstothediningtablesofgourmands inBerlinandMoscow(FK538from1961).
115 Inthenewsreelsordinarycitizensarefeaturedbothasworkersand consumers.Eventhoughworkerswereusuallymentionedinspeech onlyreferentially,inthevisualmaterialtheyarepresent,foremost,doing work,whileconsumptionplaysonlyasubsidiarypart.Thenational postwarethoswas,firstandforemost,toreachfullemploymentand ensureeconomicgrowth.Inthiswecanseeverysimilarimagesand emphasesbothinFinlandaswellasinEasternEuropeancountries. Daily life meant working on construction sites and in offices and factories.Consumption,inturn,meantastateofexception,suchas Christmaswithitsfestivitiesandpresents.
THEROLEOFSTATEINBUILDINGTRUST
InFinlandthestateassumedthetaskofdeterminingandcontrolling thequalityoftheproductsthatenteredthemarkets,perhapspartlyby chance.Thestrongroleofthestatewasconnectedwiththevolatility andessentialroleofforeigntradeintheconstructionofwelfare. When looking at the 1960s, the role of the state in overall trust intheeconomybecomesincreasinglystrong.Thestate,andespecially itsleadership,tookanactivepartintheconstructionoftrustinthe economy.Withpotentialbuyers,trustinproductsmanufacturedin Finlandwasforgedthroughshowyevents.Finnswereassuredofthe effectivefunctioningofthemarketbythebuyers’interestedeyesand contractsignatures. Marketscanoperateonlyifthreeinevitablecoordinationproblems areresolved:thevalueproblem,theproblemofcompetitionandthe problemofcooperation(Beckert2009).Thenotionoftrustiscentral inthecooperationproblem.Ifthetrustisquestioned,thestabilityof economic,politicalandsocialsystemsisthreatened(Sztompka1999). Trustiscentraltoalltransactions. Inasocialstructurewheretheroleofthestateleaderisconstitutionally constructedtobeexceptionallystrong,thepresidentnaturallyoversaw allmajorforeignanddomesticpolicies,buthealsotookaleadingrolein marketbuilding.Eventhoughallofthepoliticalandeconomicelitedid notsupportPresidentKekkonenespeciallyinhisearlyyearsaspresident, hedoesappearasastrongmediatorbetweentheeastandthewest.
116 PresidentKekkonenassuredbuyersinthenewsreels,usuallystate leadersofothercountries,thatFinnishproductionwasreliableandof highquality.Atthesametime,hecametobuildaself-imageamong Finns as good producers and sellers rather than consumers. In his speeches and writings, President Kekkonen (e.g. Kekkonen 1952) emphasizedinvestments,notconsumption.Still,hetookpartinthe buildingoftrustincreatingcooperationopportunitiesforexport,but also,bythesametoken,fordomesticconsumption.AccordingtoGuy Debord([1967]2005),thespectacleisnotjustacollectionofimages but also a social relation.The spectacle can be seen as a worldview legitimizingtheexistingsystem. Asthestateforgedtrustinproductionnotonlydiditinvolveitself withtheprincipalthemeonthemarkets,decreasingtheasymmetry betweensellersandbuyers,butalsowithpriceformation,wherethe participationofthestateproducedmarkersofqualityandthushad animpactonthevaluationofproducts.Ourviewisthatinpostwar Finlandtheparticipationofthestateinvalueformationtookplace especiallyinthecontextoftrustbuilding.Furthermore,italsobuiltup trustinFinnishproductswithindomesticmarkets. Thechangeinthetraditionallifestylesetoffbyindustrialismanda consumption-basedsocialstructuregaverisetovariousquestionsoftrust asthepublicfounditselfmakingnewkindsofchoicesandfacingnew kindsofrisks.Incapitalistmarketeconomiesthedistributionsystem isonecentralfactorthatstructuressocietywheretrustisconstantly measured. According to Zygmunt Bauman (2001), in the modern worldpeopleareconstantlyseekingequilibriumbetweensafetyand freedom.Thiskindofamodernlifestylealsolaysemphasisontrustin variousactorsandinstitutions. Trust can be regarded as a response to expected future behavior (Lundvall 1996, 14). According to Kirsi-Marja Blomqvist (1997, 277),thereissomeempiricalevidenceofpositivefunctionsoftrustin relationshipdevelopmentandcooperation.Blomqvist(1997,282–283) stressestheimportanceoftrustintheconstructionofpartnershipsand incooperation.Insecurities,vulnerabilitiesandrisksconnectedwith economycreateaneedtobuildtrust. In daily life, trust is one of the key elements of interaction. For exchangetotakeplaceinthemarkets,themarketparticipantsmusthave
117 sufficientlysimilarviewsonthenatureoftheiractions.Ineconomic research,trustisgivenacrucialrole,asitincreasesthepredictability ofhowpeopleact,makesthemadjusttochangesfasterandenhances strategicflexibility.Trusthasbeenrecognizedasasignificantaspectin, forexample,thetradeofinvestmentcommodities,clientrelationship management-led marketing and other forms of production and marketingbasedoncooperation(seeBlomkvist1997;Seppänenetal. 2005). TheimageofKekkonenasaconstructorofFinnishindustry,onthe onehand,andofFinland’ssuccessintradeandpolitics,ontheother, istypicaloftheprevailingtime.Itshouldbenotedthatinatraditional agrariansocietypeoplewereusedtoco-operatingatapersonallevel,and trusttiedintothislevelwasthereforecentral.However,modernization processes,industrialismandnationbuildingshiftedtheco-operation frompersonaltoaninstitutionalandsystem-basedlevel,wheretrust is tied to societal structures (e.g. Zucker 1986). In the newsreels Kekkonenservedasapersonalbuilderoftrustandasamediatorof trustbothdomesticallyandinternationally,especiallyinthedirection oftheSovietUnion.
CONCLUSIONS
Thischapterhasexaminedhoweasternandwesterneconomicsystems were featured in Finnish newsreels. Furthermore, we have discussed theimportanceoftrustineconomicsystemsandtheroleofnewsreels constructing trust among Finns. Our findings show that newsreels featuredtwokindsofmodernizationprocesses,oneineasternplanned economy and the other in western market economy.While eastern economyconcentratedonlargescaleindustryandtheimportanceof state,westerneconomywasmoredeterminedtopointouttheworkof companiesandconsumption. TheFinnisheconomyandthenation’spoliticalleadersadaptedtheir behaviorbothtoeasternandwesterneconomies.Itisclearlyvisiblein thefilmshoweasternplannedeconomygeneratedinterestinindustry andstate,andhowwesterneconomywasadaptedtoconsumerdemands. TheroleofFinnishleaders,especiallythecentralroleofPresidentUrho
118 Kekkonen,wasfeaturedinthefilmsdistinctly.PresidentKekkonenwas shownasthenumberonesalesmanforFinland,supportingworkand welfareforthenation.
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121 DancingattheVähtäridancehallinKokemäkisomeevening inthe1960s.Photographerunknown(KansanArkisto).
ANGLO-AMERICANPOPMUSIC, FINNISHTANGO,ANDTHECONTROVERSIAL IMAGESOFMODERNITYINFINLAND INTHE1960S
JannePoikolainen
ACOLLISIONOFMUSICSTYLES
The year 1963 was in many respects an epoch-making year in the historyofpopularmusicinFinland.Aboveall,itisrememberedasthe yearofthebreakthroughofAnglo-Americanguitar-basedpopmusic. The Finnish general public was introduced to the sounds and line- upofguitarbandsinthespring,alongwiththeclimaxoftheboom ofrautalanka(‘wire’),auniqueinstrumentalmusicstylecombining Fenno-Slavicfolksongsorromances,twistrhythm,andheavilyechoed electricguitarsàlatheShadowsandtheVentures.Therealrevolutionary turn,however,wastocomeinNovemberwhentheBeatles’singleTwist andShoutrushedrighttothetopofthenationalchartsandcleared thewayforawholegenerationofBritishbeat,rhythmandblues,and variousstylesofAmericanpopandrock.(JalkanenandKurkela,2003, pp.463,467–470.) Alongwiththerecordsales,thenewmusicalinfluencesalsoaffected therepertoiresofnewlyfoundedFinnishguitargroups,whichoften
124 formedtoplaycoverversionsoftheirBritishandAmericanideals.The influenceofAnglo-Americanbandscouldalsobeseeninthenewstage namesoftheirFinnishcounterparts,suchasDanny&TheIslanders, Jim&TheBeatmakers,orTopmost,tonameafew.(Bruun,Lindfors, LuotoandSalo,2002,pp.77–79.)Inadditiontothemusicaltasteand repertoire,thebreakthroughofAnglo-Americanpopalsoaffectedthe outwardappearanceofFinnishyouth.Thisbecameparticularlyvisible inthemod-influencedpopparit(‘thepopyouth’)subcultureemerging intothestreetsceneinthemid-1960s.(See,forexample,Puuronen, 2003,pp.384–385;Vuori1971,pp.95,103–112.) Yet1963wasnotonlyayearofnewsounds;italsosawtheemergence ofaphenomenonmuchmoretraditionalinitsmusicalcontents:the strongrevivalofFinnishtango.UnlikeAnglo-Americanguitarpop, tangoalreadyhadadecades-longhistoryinFinland.Itarrivedinthe southerntownsviaEuropeintheearly1910sandstartedtogainwider popularityinthenextdecade.ThefirstknownFinnishtangopiece was supposedly heard as early as 1914, but domestic tango music wasnotrecordeduntil1929.Afterthis,Finnishtangoslowlybegan toestablishitsstatusaspartofthelocalmusicculture,achievingits final breakthrough in the late 1930s and during the SecondWorld War. At that time, Finnish tango also began to acquire its unique nationalcharacter,particularlythemelancholicminormoodandthe lyrical themes related to Finnish nature and the Finnish mentality, thusseparatingitselffromtheArgentineanandEuropeantangostyles. (Gronow,2004,pp.14–16,20–23;Suutari,1994,pp.21–24.) Inthepostwaryears,Finnishtangocontinuedtoconfirmitsstatus asacornerstoneoftheFinnishdanceculture,reachingitsfirstheyday inthe1950s,duringtheprimeofOlaviVirta,themostwell-known andrecognizedFinnishtangosinger.Inthelatterhalfofthedecade, however,newmusicaltrendsandtheremovalofimportrestrictions onforeignrecordsputastoptothisuptrend,pushingtangounderthe surfaceoftheFinnishmusiccultureforseveralyears.But,asitlatercame out,the1950stangocrazehadonlybeenawarmupforthesuddenrise of“tangofever”in1963.Duringthetangoboomofthefollowingyears, Finnishtangobecameexceptionallypopularbothwithintherecord
125 market and at dance pavilions1, making the most successful tango singersstarsandidolsinthesamemannerascontemporarypopstars (see,forexample,Iskelmä12/1963,4–5;Iskelmä4/1965,4;Suosikki 5/1964,62–63;Suosikki5/1964,73,Suosikki6/1964,76–77).Asa result,Finnishtango,insteadofbeingonlyaspecificstyleoftangoora formofdancing,acquiredthestatusofadistinctmusicstyle.(Gronow, 2004,pp.24–32;JalkanenandKurkela,2003,pp.426,473–476,479; Suutari,1994,pp.24–25.) Outofthemanymusicalphenomenaofthemid-1960s,thesetwo– thetangofeverandtheemergenceofAnglo-Americanpop–doubtlessly definedthemusicallandscapeofthetimemostdramatically.However, ifwewanttounderstandtheculturaldynamicsoftheFinnish“sixties”, weshouldnotonlyfocusontheparticularmusicstylesinthemselves, butalsostudytheproblematicinterrelationshipbetweenthem,evident fromtheverybeginningofthesimultaneousbooms. Theconflictbetweenpopandtangoquicklydevelopedintoaheated culturalconfrontation,manifestingitselfoneveryleveloftheFinnish popularmusiccultureforhalfadecade.Itwasnotuntilabout1968 thattangofinallylostitsplaceinthelimelighttopopandrock.The confrontationcouldbeseeninthepolarizationofthecharts,andin theincreasingtensionsbetweenaudiencesatthedancepavilions,which werecommonarenasalsoforpopgroups.Conflictalsobecamevisible in the tension between the pop youth and the rasvikset (‘greasers’) subculture,whosemembershadadoptedthestyleofBritishrockers but have in many cases been described as passionate supporters of Finnishtango.2Inthemedia,theconfrontationwasparticularlyvisible
1 InFinland,theperiodfromtheendoftheSecondWorldWartothelate1960swas thegoldenageofdancinganddancepavilions.Aftertheabolishmentofthewar-time danceban(completelyin1948)andthepermissiontoorganizedanceswithoutother programme (1945), numerous new dance pavilions were erected all around the country,mostlyinthecountrysideandtheoutskirtsoftowns.Thenumberofpavilions reachedover1,000inthe1950s.Alongwiththem,facilitiesfordancingwereoffered bypeople’shalls,youthassociationhalls,andothersimilarbuildings,numberingalmost 3,000inthe1950s.Thesebuildingswereimportantdancevenuesparticularlyinthe coldwintertime.(JalkanenandKurkela,2003,pp.352–353.) 2 As a subculture, rasvikset was quite heterogeneous, the stylistic and ideological elementsvaryingbetweenlocalgroups(Vuori,1971,p.110).Itisalsouncleartowhat extentthesegroupssharedanyclearmusicalpreferences.In1965,JyrkiHämäläinen
126 onthepagesofdomesticmusicmagazines,whichpublishednumerous edgyarticlesandletterstotheeditorincludingcommentsbothforand againstthetwomusicstyles. In the 1960s context, the confrontation of pop and tango was oftenpicturedasaclashof“musicaltastes”,referringmostlytothe aesthetic features of the music styles. This interpretation, however, seemssomewhatinsufficientconsideringtheintensityoftheconflict andespeciallythefactthatthemusicpersewasoftendiscussedquite superficially in the public debate surrounding it. Instead, a more in-depthreadingofthisdebateshowsthattheconflicthadamuch widersocio-culturalbackground,relatedtothetensionscausedbythe rapidmodernizationofFinnishsocietyinthepostwardecades.Inthis article,Itakeacloserlookatthislinkage,particularlyasitappeared inthewritingsandletterstotheeditorofthreeFinnishpopularmusic magazines:Suosikki(‘TheFavorite’),Iskelmä(‘HitTune’),andStump.3 Inthemid-1960s,thefragmentationofFinnishmusicaudienceshadnot yetcausedsignificantspecificationinthecontentsofthesemagazines. Thustheyofferagoodviewoftheideasandattitudesofbothparties oftheconflict:popfans,popyouth,andyoungpro-popjournalistson oneside;youngtangoenthusiasts,tango-preferringgreasers,andother opponentsofpopmusicontheother. Thisarticlefocusesespeciallyontheconnectionbetweenthemusical conflictandthetwosub-levelsofthepostwarmodernizationprocess that were particularly evident within the debate on pop and tango:
thechiefeditorofSuosikkimagazine,wrotethattherewasnoclearlydistinguishable English-style rock’n’roll based‘rockers’ group in Finland; only a local version of the subculture,calledrasvaletit(‘greaseheads’).Thearticlegivesnoclearpictureofthe musicaltasteoftherasvaletit,onlyimplyingthatthemusicalpreferencesreachedallthe wayfromtheRollingStonestoFinnishtango(Suosikki11/1965,pp.4–13,28,67).Three yearslater,PekkaGronowandSeppoBruun(1968,p.79)describedthemembers oftherasviksetsubcultureasagroupthatlistensto“rock”butfavoursdancevenues withtango.Nevertheless,inpopularmemoryandlocalhistories,therasviksetisoften linkedspecificallywithtangoandthe“moretraditionaldancepavilionculture”(see, forexample,AikamatkaOulu;Heikkilä,2005,p.104;Karkiainen,2009;Vuorinen,2005, p.251.Seealso,Bruun,Lindfors,LuotoandSalo,2002,p.102;Kurkela,2005,pp.15–16; Vuori,1971,p.104). 3 For a similar linkage between early jazz and the interwar modernization wave in Finland,seeHaavisto,1991,pp.60–62;JalkanenandKurkela,2003,pp.253–255.
127 westernization(Anglo-Americanization)andurbanization.Wewillalso see how the images attached to pop and tango reflected the hopes, fears,andexpectationsconcerningmodernizingcultureandyouth.This approachopensupaninterestingviewofthedynamicsbetweenpopular music,taste,andsocio-culturalchange,aswellasthepotentialofmusic cultureasaframeworkfordiscussion–explicit,implicit,orsymbolic –onlargersocialphenomena.Thisperspectivealsooffersaunique glimpseoftheattitudesamongFinnishyouthofthe1960stowards culturalmodernization,showingthattheywerenotashomogeneous andfavourableasoftenpicturedinthepopularmemory.
TUNESOFMODERNITY
In the 1960s, Finland was going through a massive modernization process.Thisprocessconsistedofmanydifferentdimensionsandlevels, includingariseinstandardofliving,growthofprivateconsumption, rapidurbanization,andaradicalleapintheeconomicstructurefrom onebasedonagriculturetowardsonebasedonindustryandservices. (Granberg, 1993, pp. 74–77, 81–82; Hjerppe and Jalava, 2006; Myllyntaus, 1993, pp. 60–64.) It also entailed the all-embracing, acceleratingwesternizationofFinnishsocietyandculture.InFinland, asinEuropeingeneral,thiswasoftenexperiencedas“Americanization”, thatis,anincreasingpenetrationofAmericaninfluencesintothedifferent sectorsofeverydaylife.Soon,“America”–aunitythatconsistedatleast asmuchofimagesandmetaphorsastherealityofAmericansociety (seeKroes,1996,p.40;Pells,1997,p.153)–becameanimportant measuringrodforsocialandculturaldevelopment.Infact,theroleof “America”asamodelfor“modernity”inEuropewassonotablethat theseconceptshaveoftenbeenusedasdirectsynonyms.InFinland, thisabsorptionwaspromotedespeciallybythemediaandadvertisers whowidelysharedthecommonEuropeanvisionof“Americanism”as asymbolofwealth,freedom,casualliving,technologicaldevelopment, andotheraspectsofidealmodernlife.(See,forexample,Heinonenand Pantzar,2001;O’Dell,1997,pp.164–165;Pells,1997,p.154.) InthecontextofpopularandyouthcultureinFinland,however,the equationofmodernizationandwesternizationwithAmericanization
128 seemssomewhatinsufficient.InthisfieldthemodelofAmericawas paralleledbyanother,atleastequallystrongsourceofinfluence:Great Britain(seealso,SørensenandPetersen,2007,p.129).Towardsthemid- 1960s,Britain,andespeciallyLondon,becamethecradleofnewtrends inpopularcultureandyouthfashion,whichweremonitoredclosely byFinnishyouthmagazines.Inpopularmusic,theroleofBritainasa transmitterofmodernwesternyouthculturewasparticularlyimportant. The “British Invasion” reshaped the charts all around Europe, and British influence on record sales was clearly visible in Finland, too. Withinthefive-yearperiodstartingfromtheappearanceofTwistand Shout in December 1963, the monthly national single charts were toppedeleventimesandthealbumcharts(establishedinJanuary1966) twenty-twotimesbyaBritishpopartistorband.Incontrast,thefirst AmericanartisttoreachthesinglesTop5afterDecember1963was NancySinatrawithTheseBootsAreMadeForWalkin’inApril1966.The firstAmericanLPinthealbumsTop5wastocomeevenlater,itbeing theself-titlednumberonealbumbytheMonkeesinJanuary1967.(For thecharts,seeNyman,2005,pp.110–117.) TheroleofBritishpopularcultureandmusicasaflagbearerof modernwesternyouthinFinlandbecomesevenmoreconcretewhenit isnotedthatthe1950scrazeof“American”rock’n’roll–oftenpictured asthebreakthroughofthecommercialyouthcultureinEurope–had arelativelyminorappealforFinnishaudiences(JalkanenandKurkela, 2003,p.460.Seealso,Siefert,2007,pp.198–199).And,afterall,even rock‘n’rolloftenhadaBritishtoneinit:inmanyEuropeancountries muchofthemusicthatpassedasAmericanrock‘n’rollwasinfactof Britishorigin,atleastintermsoftheperformers(Pells,1997,p.206). Againstthisbackground,itseemsreasonabletoabandontheconcept ofAmericanizationandusetheterm“Anglo-Americanization”instead, atleastwhendiscussingthemodernizationandwesternizationofthe youthculture. ThesymbolicconnectionbetweenAnglo-Americanpopularmusic and western modernity was visible also on the pages of the 1960s Finnish music magazines.This link can be seen particularly in the imagesandepithetsattachedtoBritishandAmericanpopmusicbyits fansandproponents.Inarticlesandletterstotheeditor,popwasoften representedasthemusicoftrendyyouthwhowereinterestednotonly
129 innewmusicalsoundsbutalsoininternationalyouthculturalcurrents, newstylesofdressing,and,ofcourse,havingfun(see,forexample, Suosikki2/1966,pp.14–15,61;Suosikki6/1967,pp.28–29;Suosikki 10/1967,pp.70,75).Theseimagesweresummarizedillustrativelyin anarticlebyJyrkiHämäläinen(b.1942),thechiefeditorofSuosikki magazine and a tireless proponent of Anglo-American pop music culture.Inhisarticle,writteninOctober1967,Hämäläinenpictured fivestereotypicalfiguresofFinnishyouthculture,oneofthembeing “PetePoppari”,a“typical”popyouth:
Pete Poppari is a type that represents the majority of the country’s trendyyouth.Hehasanadmiral’sjacket,alongMickJaggerhairdo, tightpantsandahugepileofLPrecordsunderhisarm:ProcolHarum, Sandie Shaw, Young Rascals, Danny, Johnny [both Finnish artists] andwhateverisinandconnectedtobeatmusic.…Pete-Boytriesto starvethebarbers,hewants,passionatelyandwitheverynervefibre, totraveltoLondonandHollywood,andtogowherevertheaction is. … He spends his nights in a whirl. Jumping in the streets and dancehallswhereparalyzed,fossilizedsoulsstareathim,astonishedby hisjumping,toestrembling,inrhythmwith…StoneFree.(Suosikki 10/1967,pp.70,75.AlltranslationsbyJP.)
Thedescriptionis,ofcourse,caricaturedbutevenassuchitdemonstrates theconnectionbetweentheimagesofWesternmodernityandAnglo- Americanpopculture.Thequotationalsoshowsthatpopmusicwas not only considered a style of music but also a set of extra-musical valuesandstylisticchoices.Inotherwords,itwasalsoseenasalifestyle: “extraordinarilycheerfulandoptimistic” likethemusicitself,happyand casualastheimageofmodernityoverall(seeBergmann1998,p.81; Interview,male,b.1953). ThesymbolictiebetweenmodernityandAnglo-Americanpopmusic wasquicklynoticedbyFinnishadvertisers,whowereamongthemost importanttransmittersoftheimageryofWesternmodernity.Theideasof Westerncultureandyouthfulmodernityhadalreadybeensymbolically linkedtoAnglo-Americanpopularmusicinthe1950swhenrock’n’ rollmusic(althoughoftensunginFinnish)wasusedinadvertising blue jeans and other “American” products. In the 1960s, “youth
130 music”anditsperformersbecameincreasinglypopularinadvertising bothintheprintedandelectronicmedia.(Heinonen&Konttinen, 2001,pp.174–176;Heinonen,KorttiandPantzar,2003,pp.7–15; Kilpiö,2005,pp.63,230–247,307–311.)Afterthebreakthroughof beatmusic,advertisementsalsoadoptedtheconceptsofthenewmusic culture;theword‘pop’withitsclearsymbolicmeaningswasthemost important of them.These buzzwords could soon be found in most imaginativecontexts:alocalclothingstoreadvertiseditsproductswith anannouncementstating“WearPOP–Skipper’sjacketisPOP”,and evenKansallis-Osake-Pankki,aFinnishbankknownforitsconservative image, marketed its own “go-go credits” (go-go-säästöluotto) (Bruun, Lindfors,LuotoandSalo,2002,p.80;Heikkilä,2005,p.75).
ASYMBOLICBREAKAWAY
YettheenthusiasmforAnglo-Americanpopmusiccultureshouldnot be understood only as a symbolic reach for Western modernity. In theatmosphereofthestrongculturalpolaritiesofthe1960s,italso meantdistancingoneselffromthedominantor“traditional”normsof contemporaryFinnishculture:
[I]tmeantaverystrongculturalpolarityandbreakaway,andtheideals wereadoptedfromatotallydifferentworld.Andofcourse,itirritated parents,notallbutmanyofthem,quitemuch.Maybeitwasalsothe intention,sometimes.Butitalsoirritatedthetangofolks,theso-called greaserswhowereregardedasyokelswithapoortasteinmusicandso on.So,itmeantbeingdistinct. (Interview,male,b.1953)
Besidesofferinganinsightintothemeaningofpopmusicasacultural breakaway,thequotealsobringsintothediscussiontheothersideofthe musicalconflict:FinnishtangoandFinnishtangoenthusiasts.Inthis musicalconfrontation,tangoacquiredanimportantsymbolicroleasan iconoftraditionalFinnishness,thusformingakindofculturalopposite for Anglo-American pop and the modernity it represented. In the writingsofproponentsofpop,theideaoftraditionality,however,very oftenmeantsomethingtotallydifferentfromtheideasofauthenticity,
131 originality, and security usually attached to it. Instead, it was seen moreasbackwardness–aninabilitytoseethat“timekeepsonrolling” (Iskelmä4/1966,p.39).Tangoand“tangofolks”,fortheirpart,were seentorepresenttheunwantedelementsofthisbackwardFinnishness, suchasconservativeness,clumsyformality,andproblematicnormsof genderandsexuality4.Theseimageswerepersonifiedintheportrayalof tangoenthusiast“TeuvoTango”,anotherstereotypicalfiguredescribed bychiefeditorHämäläinen:
[Beer], whispers in a girl’sear, tangos, car rides, jokes at the dance paviliontable,andescortingthegirlhomemoreorlesssuccessfully createthecolourfultextureofTeuvoTango’snight,atexturerhythmed by jumpampampampaa [an onomatopoeia for the heavy rhythmic patternofFinnishtango],badbreath,dance,andlong,deepsleep. (Suosikki10/1967,pp.70–75)
Thiscriticalimagewasbackedupbyletterstotheeditor,senttomusic magazinesbyproponentsofpop.Thefollowingletterisofparticular interestbecauseofitsparodictone.Itiswrittenfromtheperspective ofatangogreaserwho,whileunabletoseehisownridiculousness, disapprovesofapopfanlivingnextdoor:
Tango-ladisatoughlad,withhaircombedback,yellowteeth,and armpitssmellinglikecatpiss.Andhehaspatentleathershoes,too. There’sayeah-yeah[referstopopmusic]boylivingnextdoor,listening toyeah-yeahmusicandboozing.Theseareseriousmatters.Milkand psalmsaregoodfortheyouth.Andwomenshouldwearatopknot, right? (Stump1/1968,p.13)
Intertwinedintheseimagesofbackwardnessandstagnation,tangoand themelancholic“whining”(Iskelmä2/1963,pp.34–35)oftangosingers
4 Tango,asadancestyle,providedafavourableenvironmentforadolescentsexuality; thedancepositionallowedexceptionallyclosephysicalcontactwiththeoppositesex. Thismaypartlyexplainthepopularityoftangodancingamongtheyouth.(Kontukoski, 2012,91.)
132 wasaclearculturalcounterpoint,whichunderlinedthemodernityof popculture,andagainstwhichthepopyouthcoulddefinetheirown nationalidentityandvisionsofafutureFinland. Themeaningofpopandtangoassymbolicindicatorsofcultural modernityandbackwardnessbecomesvisiblealsointhediscourseof shameapparentinsomecommentsonthestateofthecountry’smusic scene.ThefollowingquotationfromSuosikkiisillustrativeofthis:
Istangoournationaldisgrace?LotsofdubiousthingsgooninFinnish showbusiness.Foreignersaregettingtoknowusasmetsäläiset[‘the oneswholiveintheforests’;referstobackwardness].Travellingaround ourcountry,theyhaveclearlyshownhowridiculoustheythinkwe are.TheFinlandoftango,saunaandcensorshipisgettingonthemap. Everybodylaughsatus! (Suosikki10/1967,pp.11,27.Seealso,Suosikki 2/1966,pp.14–15,61;Iskelmä1964,pp.34–35)
Thiscitationalsoshowsthattheculturalconflictbehindthemusical confrontation was not seen simply as an intrinsic struggle for the adoption or rejection of Anglo-American influences, with Finland onlyasareceivingornon-receivingparty.Instead,itreflectsanidea ofFinlandmouldingitsculturalimageintheeyesofthewesternizing world through choices in music and other products of the popular culture.Fromtheperspectiveoftheproponentsofpop,thereseemsto havebeentwopossibleoptions:tomovetowardsthemodernWest,or toremainstuckinthebackwardtraditionalFinnishness–andmaybe fallevendeeperintotheculturalsphereofinfluencesoftheeastern neighbor,theSovietUnion,alreadycastingitsshadowoverthepolitics andeconomicsofFinland(seeSuosikki2/1966,pp.14–15,61). WhattheclaimsofthebackwardnessoftheFinnishmusicculture missed, however, was that the Anglo-American pop culture also confrontednotableoppositioninmanyhighlywesternizedcountries, includingthe“cradles”ofpopandrock,theUSAandBritain.Inmany respects,theculturalatmospheresinthesecountrieswereevenmore intolerantthaninFinland.InboththeUSAandBritain,manypopular bands,includingtheBeatles,theRollingStones,andtheDoors,were bannedfromcertainmajorcities,andsomecitiesforbadetheuseof allpublicpremisesforpopconcerts.In1964,theUSadministration
133 tried to ban the Beatles from touring the country.In this case, the attemptwasunsuccessfulduetotheheavypressureoffans,butmany otherBritishbandsoftheera,suchastheKinks,werenotaslucky.The increasingpopularityofpopmusicalsoraiseddirectprotestcampaigns whichculminatedintheanti-rockdemonstrationofthirtythousand people–bothteensandadults–inMiamiinMarch1969.(Martin andSegrave,1988,pp.117–127;Roberts,2010.)Inthissense,claims thattheFinnishmusicculturewas“outstandinglybehindthetimes” (Suosikki2/1966,pp.14–15,61)wereexaggerated,atleastifthecultural atmospheresoftheUSAandBritainareusedasmeasuringrods.
CULTURALIMPERIALISMANDMORALDECAY –THEPERSPECTIVEOFTHE“TANGOFOLKS”
ThesymbolicrolesofAnglo-AmericanpopmusicandFinnishtangoas markersofmodernityandtraditionalculturewerebynomeanspromoted onlybytheproponentsofpop.Tangoenthusiastsandopponentsofpop –thesegroupsoftenoverlappingeachother–sharedtheseimages,but gaveclearlydifferentmeaningsto“modern”and“traditional”.Whereas popyouthpicturedthewesternmodernitycarriedbythepopculture asapromiseofculturalprogress,theothersideoftheconflictsawit moreasathreattotheFinnishcultureanditsautonomy(seealso,Pells, 1997,pp.202–203).Anarticletitled“KuolemaGo-Go’lle!”(‘Deathto Go-Go!’),writtenby“awell-knownFinnishhitmusicperson”under thepseudonym“Sebastian”,isillustrativeinthissense:
Theprintedword,andnameslikeTuppukylä[‘Boondocks’],Härmä [‘Hinterland’], and many others, are used as a weapon against the Finnishaudience.WeFinnsarewidelymockedforlovingtangoand foxtrot.Theytrytotelluswhatwehavetoadmireandwhoserecords wehavetobuy.Butisn’tthisabsurd!We,theyouth,aretheverybuying audience,thecustomerwhoisalwaysright!…[W]echooseourown idolsandbuytheirrecords.Itisbynomeansthemagazines’business totellusaboutwhatTHEYwant,butaboutwhatWEwant!Itisn’ta flawifwearen’tliketheAmericansandEnglish!…Intheend,every nationwantsitsveryownidols...Iskelmä5/1966,p.7)
134 ThiswritingbringsthecriticaldiscussiononAnglo-Americanpopclose tothelargerEuropeandiscourseofculturalimperialism,fuelledbythe increasingeconomic,political,andculturalinfluenceoftheUSAin WesternEuropeduringthepostwaryears.Thiscriticalinterpretation of (Anglo-)Americanization was based on the image of a powerful centrethatthreatenedthetraditionalandauthenticlocalculturesof theEuropeanperipherywithendlessforce-feedingofimportedideas, values,andproducts.Itwasalsocharacteristicforthisinterpretationto placelittletrustinthepossibilitiesofthereceivingculturetotransform theimportedculturalinfluencessothattheycouldbeabsorbedwithout thereceiverslosingtheirauthenticityorautonomy.(Pells,1997,pp.188– 189,202–203;Prato,2007,pp.447–448;Åsard,2004,pp.16–17.) However,acloserlookatthemusicallandscapeof1960sEurope showsthattheideaofculturalimperialismunderestimatedthecultural potentialofthelocalorperipherallevelinmanyways.Anglo-American culturalproductsandinfluencessurelyarousedenthusiasmallaround thecontinent,butthisdoesnotmeanthattheseproductsandinfluences werealwaystakenasgiven,withoutbeingfilteredthroughsediments ofnationalculture(seeCapuzzo,2012,pp.612–613;Åsard,2004,pp. 17–18).Agoodexampleofthisiscoversongs,particularlythecover versionsofAnglophonehitswiththelyricstranslatedinto,orrewritten in,thelocallanguage.PaoloPrato(2007,p.444)hascalledthesesongs “a cross-cultural space” typical of “peripheral countries in an age of transitiontofullmodernity”,usingtheartofcoveringasaninstanceof transformationofimportedculturalproductsintoaformthatfitsthe localcultureandtraditions.Inhisarticle,heoffersinterestingexamples from1960sItaly,butalargelysimilardevelopmentalsotookplacein Finland,wheretranslatedandoftenstylisticallytamedcoverversions ofthelatestAnglo-Americanpopsongswerecommonallthroughthe 1960s. Also, the early Finnish “rock’n’roll” performances of the late 1950sandearly1960s,oftenstylisticallyconventionalized,ridiculed or infantilized, are demonstrative examples of this kind of cultural domestication(seeKärjä,2003,pp.124,126–127).EvenFinnishtango itselfwentthroughthisprocessduringits“Finnishization”. Nevertheless,intheculturalatmosphereofthe1960s,manyclearly saw the exterior cultural influences as a real threat. In this context, Finnishtangowasgivenaroleasasymbolofculturalauthenticityand,
135 assuch,acounterforceagainsttheinfluxoftheAnglo-Americanpop musicculture.Consequently,thenationalcharacterofFinnishtango wasemphasized–thistimeinapositivesense–anditwasevenreferred toasthe“nationalhymn”ofFinland(Suosikki6/1968,pp.20,32,75). Tangobegantodominatethemusicalrepertoireatthedancepavilions, whereaspopwasseldomtolerated.Popbandstouringthecountryoften hadnochoicebuttoadjusttothesituationandplaytangos,orface ahostileaudiencethatwasnotafraidtorespondtopopsongswith vegetables,coins,orotherflyingobjectsthrownattheband.According tothestoriesofmusicians,localtangoenthusiastswouldevenhittheir knivesontheedgeofthestageinordertounderlinethemusicalrulesof theevening.Sometimesasufficientamountoftangowasalsoensured bywrittencontractsbetweenbandsandpromoters.(Bruun,Lindfors, LuotoandSalo,2002,p.102;Heikkilä,2005,p.133;Suutari,1994, p.25.) Along with the worry about the authenticity and autonomy of theFinnish(music)culture,aconcernoftenembeddedinthedeep structures of the criticism, the opponents of Anglo-American pop musicwerealsodeeplytroubledbytheinfluencethemusicstylehad on Finnish youth. It was clear that the western pop music culture entailedmanyvaluesandidealsthatcollidedradicallywiththevalues andnormsofthedominantFinnishculture,particularlythemiddle classeducationalideologyof“home,religion,andfatherland”.Infact, thiscollisionwassoseverethatsomeopponentsofthe“sixties”cultural revolutionstillnamethebreakthroughoftheBeatlesasanimportant turningpointinthecrumblingof“genuineFinnishness”(Purhonen, RoosandHoikkala,2008,pp.189–190). Thenormativecrisisbecameconcreteespeciallyinthedemoralizing effect Anglo-American pop culture was seen to have on the youth listening and playing it. Journalist Erkki Pälli (b. 1935) offered an excellentexampleofthisworryinhisarticle“Miksiruotsalaisetpop- pojateivätpidätytöistä”(‘WhySwedishpopboysdon’tlikegirls’),in whichhedescribedthenumerousvicesofpopcultureinSweden.In the1960s,FinnishmagazinesobservedSwedencloselysinceitwasa commontransitionrouteofAnglo-Americaninfluencesontheirwayto Finland;itwasalsothecountryoforiginofmanypopularpopgroups (seeMäkelä,2007,p.111).Thistime,however,therewaslittleleftof
136 the glorification of the Swedish pop scene. Instead, Pälli connected Swedishpopbandswithalcohol,drugs,onenightstandswithfans, venerealdiseases,homosexuality,andtheoverallperversityofsexual life.(Iskelmä10/1967,pp.20–21.Seealso,Bruun,Lindfors,Luoto andSalo,2002,p.105.) Theimageofmoralandculturaldecaywassharedinmanyconservative quarters criticizing pop music, particularly certain rigidly religious societies.TheirvoicewasechoedinthepamphletHätähuutonuorten puolesta(’ACryforHelponBehalfofOurYouth’)byPaavoHiltunen (1965). He juxtaposed British-style pop with music played in ”the jungleofAfrica”inordertobringdancerstoecstasyandstartup“sexual orgies”.Healsostatedthatpopmusicseemedtobe“nourishment”for juveniledelinquentsandyoungpeoplewhohadlapsedintoalcoholand indecency,thus“feedingtheirwilltoliveoutsidethemoralstandards ofthesociety”.WhatisexceptionalinthestatementofHiltunenis theracialelementincludedintheimplicationoftheAfricanrootsof Anglo-Americanpopmusic–somethingrarelydealtwithinthepublic discussionongenreinFinland.However,thisreferencewasstillquite restrainedifcomparedtosimilarcommentsforexampleintheUSA: in1968,forinstance,AlbertGoldmanoftheNewYorkTimesdescribed thestyleoftheRollingStonesas“sado-homosexual-junkie-diabolic- sarcastic-nigger-evil”andpracticallycalledMickJaggera“nigger-lover” (citedinMartinandSegrave,1988,p.123). AnotherstronglycontroversialfeatureoftheAnglo-Americanpop culturewastheeffectithadontheappearanceofFinnishyouthand particularlysomeofitsmalemembers.Themostcontroversialelement ofthenewpopfashionwasthelonghair,orthe“Beatleshair”asitwas alsoknownas.Ifcomparedwiththehippiestyleofthelate1960s,the Beatlesstylewasstillfairlymoderate,thehairhardlyreachingtheear level,butinthemid-1960s,itarousedstrongantagonismanddisgust bothamongtheadultsandyouth.Long-hairedmaleadolescentshad togetusedtoinsultsfromgreasersandotherpassers-byinthestreets, andathometheirparentsoftenhadnomoretolerationforthishair style,manyofthemforcingtheirsonstogetahaircut.Insomeschools, headmastersandteachersforbadeboys’longhairstyles,andthosewho refusedtoobeycouldbesuspendedtemporarily.Numerouscafesand barsprohibitedlong-hairedyoungmenfromenteringtheirpremises.
137 (See, for example, Bruun, Lindfors, Luoto and Salo, 2002, p. 103; Nyman, 1999, pp. 72–75. See also, Martin and Segrave, 1988, pp. 117–118.) Theproblemofthenewstylistictrend,however,notonlylayin whatwasseenasuntidiness.Thenewstylealsoseemedtoobscurethe strictgendernormsofthetime.Fromtheperspectiveofthecritics, theappearanceandcasualtyofpopstarsandtheirmalefanshadlittle incommonwiththetraditionalidealsofmanhood,definedbytraits such as physical strength, courage, competitiveness and self-control (see,forexample,Hapuli,1993,pp.105–107).5Thisdifferencewas emphasizedfurtherbythetraditionallymasculinestarimageofmale tangosingersandparticularlythetoughmasculinityandstrictgender rolescherishedbytherasviksetsubculture.IntheAmericanpress,the Beatlesstylemighthavebeenjudgedas“asexual”(MartinandSegrave, 1988,p.118)butfromtheperspectiveofFinnishopponentsofpop, thechangeinstyleappearedaspurefeminizationofthemaleyouth. Thisinterpretationcanbeseeninmanyanti-popwritings,suchasthis lettertotheeditorwrittenbythepseudonym“Aatami”[‘Adam’]:
I’vealwaysthoughtthatit’snicetohavebothwomenandmen–both girlsandboys.Itwouldalsobeniceifgirlsresembledwomenasmuch as possible, and boys, correspondingly, resembled men as much as possible.ButthinkofTheBeatles,TheRollingStones,and,ifyou like,theirlocalrivals,CayandTheScaffolds[aFinnishpopband]! Sometimes,duetotheirlonghair,it’sdifficulttoknowatfirstsight if the people in the photos are women or men! This style is also mirroredintherecordingsoftheselong-hairedbands:sometimes,in therecordingsofmalebands,onehearssuchhighpitchesthatone suspectsthepresenceoftheso-calledweakersex.(Iskelmä8/1964,pp. 28–29.Seealso,Iskelmä1/1966,pp.40–41.)
5 InBritain,thiscontroversybetweenthenewandtraditionalideasofmasculinityled to a full-scale scandal after the Beatles were made Members of the Order of the BritishEmpirein1965,anawardoftengivenforexcellenceinmilitaryservice.Asa result,hundredsofMBEmedalswerereturnedinprotest.(MartinandSegrave,1988,p. 118–119.)
138 Another possible interpretation was homosexuality, as in the case ofamaleinterviewee:“Irealizedonlylaterthatmyownfather,for example,hadprobablythoughtorfearedthathissonmightpossibly be–becauseofthingslikegrowinghishair,ordifferentclothesand ideologies–somethingelsealsosexually.”(Interview,male,b.1953.See also,Iskelmä10/1967,pp.20–21;Suosikki1965,pp.2–5.)
BETWEENURBANANDRURAL
InadditiontotheconfrontationofWesternandFinnish,theconflict betweenAnglo-AmericanpopandFinnishtangowasalsolinkedto anotherstrongdichotomypresentintheFinnishsocietyofthe1960s. Thiswasthedichotomyofurbanityandrusticity(seealso,Jalkanen and Kurkela, 2003, p. 482). At this point, it is important to note thatthemusicalconflicttookplaceinthemiddleofamassiveand exceptionallyfasturbanizationprocess.Thisprocess,havingitsroots inthe1950s,reacheditspeakinthelate1960sandthe1970s,and itaffectedpracticallyeveryFinninonewayoranother.Innumbers thismeantthattheshareoftheFinnishpopulationlivinginurban municipalitiesincreasedfrom32%to60%between1950and1980 (StatisticalYearbookofFinland1981,p.5).Thismadeurbanizationone ofthemostcentralaspectsofpostwarmodernizationinFinland. Furthermore, the “Great migration” was closely connected with anothersocialupheaval:thechangeineconomicstructure.Duringthe threedecadesbetween1950and1980,thenumberofFinnsworking inagriculturedroppedbytwothirds.Theprocessthusextendedthe effectsofurbanizationfromachangeinresidentialenvironmenttothe basicsofeverydaylife.Theyouthofthe1960swerefrontrowobservers ofthesesocialandculturalprocesses,someofthemasmigrants,some ascityyouth,andsomeasthosewhostayedinthecountrysideand sawthedistressofthefarmers.(Granberg,1993,pp.74–77,81–82.) Againstthisbackground,itisnotsurprisingthattheincreasingtensions betweenurbanandruralculturesalsopenetratedtheyouthandmusic cultures. As a phenomenon, the confrontation of pop and tango in many waysofferedfavourablegroundfordealingwiththefrictionbetween
139 thecitiesandcountryside.Thiswasensuredbytheculturaloriginsof thesemusicstyles.Beatmusicwascharacteristicallyurban,risingfrom theclubsoftheBritishcities,andthesubsequentwavesofAmerican popandrockhadtheirrootsinthebohemiancommunitiesofNew York, Los Angeles, and San Francisco. Finnish tango, on the other hand,hadgaineditsstatusasthemusicofthecountryside,andhad totallydistanceditselffromtheurbanexoticsofSouthAmericaand Paris,whichithadexudedinitsearlyyearsinFinland.Therusticity oftangowasalsomanifestedinthemusicmagazines,particularlyby theproponentsofpopmusic.Theclearestexampleofthisdistinction- makingwasthewayinwhichwell-knownpopmusicians–mostof whomwereurbanitesthemselves–enhancedtheseimageswiththeir stories about the antagonistic and aggressive tango audiences of the typicallyruraldancepavilions. The polarized images of urban pop and rural tango were clearly shared by many tango enthusiasts, too. A reader from Alavus, for example,wrotetoIskelmätocriticizethemagazineforneglectingits ruralreadership.“Yousee,herewedon’tlikemonotonousmusiclike foreignguitarmusic,butprefertolistentotangosandwouldnaturally liketohavemoreinformationparticularlyontangosingers”,thereader stated(Iskelmä4/1967,pp.32–33).Whatiseye-catchinginwritingsof thissortisthefeelingofothernesstheyshowinrelationtotheurban cultureandcityyouth.Thesefeelingsarealsoevidentinthefollowing lettertotheeditor,inwhich“Rami”,amalereaderfromthecountryside, sharedhisexperiencesofencounteringurbanculture:
Aboyfromthehinterland,Helsinki,arecordstore.Asillythought ofbuyingarecord,adomesticone.The“stadinkundit”[aslangterm foryoungmenlivinginHelsinki]standingbythecounter,rautalanka intheair.Myturn,atlast,“Finnishtango,please”.Astupidrequest, thesalesclerkgazesatme.…Shechecksanyway,doesn’tfindit.–A domesticrecord,arrivesslowly,shecomplains.Apityifitdoesn’tarrive atall?Aboyfromthehinterland.Helsinki…(Iskelmä6/1963,p.27.)
Inreality,thegeographicaldistributioninthepopularityofthemusic styles(andsurelytheculturalnormsaswell)wasnotassimpleasthe writingsinthemusicmagazinesimplied.Anglo-Americanpopmusic
140 hadmadeitsbreakthroughinthesoutherntowns,butitspopularity amongtheruralyouthwasincreasingtowardstheendofthe1960s(see, forexample,Kontukoski,2012,p.90;Suosikki5/1966,pp.60–61).A surveyonFinnishmusicaltastes–datacollectedin1968–showsthat inthelate1960spopwasstillmorepopularintheurbanareasbutthat urbanitywasnolongertheprimaryfactordefiningitsaudience.Instead, whatdefinedthisaudiencegroupmorethananythingelsewasitsyoung age.(Toiviainen,1970,pp.48–49.)Similarly,tangoenthusiastscould befound,althoughdecreasingly,amongthecityyouthaswell(see, forexample,Suosikki5/1966,pp.60–61).Withinthemusicaldebate, however,thepictureofastrictgeographicalpolarizationofaudiences andtastesheldonpersistentlyforyears. Thedebateonurbanityandrusticityshouldnotbeseenasdistinct fromthemoregeneraldiscussiononmodernizingyouth,justasthe urbanization of Finnish society cannot be separated from the larger frameworkofthepostwarmodernizationprocess.Infact,sometimes within the musical debate, the images connected to urbanity and rusticity were so closely bound with the imagery of modernity and traditionality (and of Western culture and Finnishness) that these dichotomiesbecamepracticallyabsorbed.Thepseudonym“Sebastian”, forexample,identifiedtheculturaldecayofpopculturedirectlywith modernWesternurbanitywhenwritingthat:
[i]fanAmericancitycalledNewYorkhasablockinhabitedbyone thousand long-haired homeless bums who admire Donovan and Dylan,itisbynomeansashameforourcountrynottohaveasingle blocklikethat(onlyasinglestreetsomewhereinHelsinki)!(Iskelmä 5/1966,p.7.)
Asimilarnegativevisionofurbanitywasalsoechoedinseveralpostwar tango lyrics that pictured the urban environment as lonely, noisy, alienating,and,assuch,anantithesisofwholesomecountrylifeand thebeautyofFinnishnature(Kukkonen,1996,pp.159–162).Asa curiosity,itcanbeaddedthatthis,infact,bringsthesetangoslyrically closetothecharacteristicallyAmericangenresofcountry,bluegrass,and, somewhatsurprisingly,theso-called“southernrock”styleofbandssuch astheAllmanBrothersandLynyrdSkynyrd.Inthe1960sand1970s,
141 thesemusicstylesglorifiedtheruralenvironmentandlifestyleofthe pastthreatenedbytherapidurbanizationof“theSouth”andmodern commercializedculture.Thiscanalsobeseenasanimportantfactor explainingtheirnationwidepopularity.(Elmore,2010,pp.104–107. Seealso,Jenkins,2006.)ContemporaryFinns,however,weregenerally unawareofthesereactions.Formostofthem,“America”stillrepresented somethingurbanandmodern,justas“Americanism”representedthe willingnesstopursuethesefeaturesasculturalandsocialideals. Themostobviousexampleoftheabsorptionoftheurban–ruraland modern–traditionaldichotomiesistheconceptoftangoraja(‘thetango border’),usedbytheperformersandproponentsofpopmusicinthe 1960s.Theconceptreferredtoaculturalborderseparatingthosepartsof Finlandwherepopmusiccouldbeplayedonstagefromthepartswhere notmuchbuttangowastolerated.Basicallythismeantdistinguishing between the urban areas of Southern and Central Finland, and the peripheral areas of the North, East, and Ostrobothnia in theWest. Theideaofthetangoborderwassustainedespeciallybythetouring musicians who shared their negative – and surely often exaggerated –storiesabouttouringbehindtheborder.Thisdescriptionbymusician M.A.Numminenisagoodexampleofsuchstoriesinthemagazines:
I say, brave is the band that dares to travel North from Jyväskylä withouttangocovering90%oftheirrepertoire.Isay,youshouldn’t dothat,orifyoudo,youwon’tdoitagain.OntheNorthernsideofthe tangoborder,youhavetoplaytangos80–90%ofthetime.Unlessyou do,you´reintrouble!MusicianstellthatinOstrobothniaabandwas threatenedwithaknifebecauseitdidn’tplayenoughtango.(Suosikki 5/1967,pp.6–9,33.)
Whatmakestheconceptofthetangoborderparticularlyinteresting isthatitcompiledallthenegativeimagesofthetangocultureand connected them closely with the countryside and the people living there.Inthiswayitalsobroughtthevisionof“Tango-Finland”closer totheideasofthecontemporaryFinnishcultureradicals–theflag bearersofthe“sixties”–whopicturedruralFinlandasthecradleofthe conservativenessandstagnatedformalitytheycriticized(seePurhonen andHoikkala,2008,pp.138–139).
142 MUSICALCONFRONTATIONAND THEFINNISH“SIXTIES”
AsIhavepointedout,theculturaldebatebetweenthe“tangofolks” andproponentsofpopwasoftenbasedmoreonstereotypicalimages ofculturalmodernitythanonfactualknowledgeofthestateofthe Finnishorinternationalmusicculture.Thusitscontentsshouldnot betakentooeagerlyasadescriptionofFinnishcultureinthe1960s; thewritingsinthemusicmagazinesoftentellmoreabouttheattitudes oftheirwritersthantheirsubjectassuch.TheFinnishmusicculture coulddoubtlesslybejudgedasbackwardandconservativeifmeasured withthetypicalmeasuringrodsofculturalmodernization,i.e.idealized images of “Anglo-Americanism” offered by the music magazines andotherformsofpopularmedia.Butiftheideaofbackwardness is validated with a claim of the Finnish cultural atmosphere being exceptionally intolerant towards new pop culture, it becomes more questionable.Afterall,Anglo-Americanpopmusic(andthecultural phenomena it represented) encountered remarkable opposition and obstaclesbasicallyeverywhereitwasplayedandperformed,eveninthe USAandBritain. Furthermore, it must be remembered that no matter what the debateinthemagazinesmayhaveimplied,theoppositiontoAnglo- Americanpopmusicculturedidnotnecessarilymeanthatallthose sharingthisantagonismfeltthesametowardsallWesternor“modern” cultural influences. The outward style of the “tango greasers”, for example,originatedfromtheBritishrockersubcultureandAmerican motorcycle movies. The most informed greasers also followed internationalsubculturaltrendswiththeintensityequaltothesupposed cosmopolitanismofthepopyouth(Puuronen,2003,p.385). Whatthediscussioninthemusicmagazinesalsoleavesuntold,is thatalongwiththemodern–traditionaldichotomy,themusicalconflict had another important confrontation behind it: the confrontation betweenthetwolevelsofthenationalschoolsystem.Theimportance of educational level, and thus, the socio-economic background, as adefinerofaudiencegroupscanbeseeninthe1968surveyonthe musicaltastesofFinns.Accordingtothesurvey,Anglo-Americanpop musicwasmorepopularamongtherelativelyeducatedyouth,whereas
143 “traditionalmusic”,includingFinnishtangoasoneofitssub-categories, waspopularparticularlywithintheuneducated(i.e.lower)socialgroups. (Toiviainen,1970,pp.48–49.Seealso,Kontukoski,2012,p.91.)In otherwords,theconfrontationofpopandtangowasalsoaboutmaking adistinctionbetweenthesocialclasses.Thisobservationissupported by the social structure of the popparit and rasvikset subcultures: the formerconsistedmostlyofsecondaryandhighschoolyouth,whereas thelatterwascomposedmainlyofworkersandpupilsofcomprehensive andvocationalschools(Puuronen,2003,p.385). Thisconnectionbetweenclassandmusical/culturalpreferencesof Finnish youth contradicts the West European poll results from the 1950s.AccordingtopollstakeninBritain,France,andWest-Germany, theintensityofanti-Americanismonculturalgroundsincreasedwhen moving upwards on the socio-economic ladder. More precisely, the blue-collarworkers,farmers,andoperatorsofsmallbusinessesshared amorefavourableimpressionoftheUSAandAmericanculturethan didpeopleintheprofessionsorgovernment.(Pells,1997,pp.160–161, 238.)Whetherthisanomalyisduetonational,generational,age-group- related,orotherdifferences,isthesubjectofanotherstudy. The main focus of this article, however, is not on studying the equivalence between the images and the “reality” but on discussing howtheimagesandstereotypesattachedtothemusicstylesreflected theattitudestowardsthethenongoingsocialandculturalchanges.The mostfocaloutcomeofthisapproachisthatitbringsoutthediversity ofthereactionsthatculturalmodernization–beitinthemeaning of westernization or urbanization – caused among Finnish youth. This is particularly interesting since the popular, nostalgic image of the“’60syouth”–bothinFinlandandabroad–hasoftenpictured thisgenerationasahomogeneousunitygladlywelcomingtheAnglo- Americanyouthcultureanditsofferings(see,forexample,Karisto, 2005,pp.34–35).Manyacademicsalsoseemtohaveacceptedthis imageofpostwaryouth“gravitating”(Pells,1997,p.240)toAmerican cultureandusingitasagestureofrebellionagainsttheoldergenerations andauthorities;andsincethehistoricalstudyofanti-Americanismin Europehasoftenfocusedmoreontheacademicandpolitic,thatis,on institutionalizedandadultlevelsoftheresistance,thisimagehastoo seldombeenquestioned.
144 From a more general perspective, the confrontation of Anglo- AmericanpopmusicandFinnishtangooffersaninterestinghistorical casewhich,foritspart,shedslightonthedifferentsocialandcultural linkagesbehindtheformationofwhatweconsidermusicaltaste.Asthe chaptersaboveshow,popularmusicisalwayscloselyconnectedwiththe historicalcontextinwhichitisproduced,marketedandconsumed.In thecaseofpopandtango,thefocalconnectionlaybetweenthemusical stylesandcontroversialexperiencesinrelationtothemodernization process. Theconfrontationalsoillustrateshowthepopularmusicculturecan functionasaforumfordiscussinganddealingwithissuesrelatedto largersocialandculturalphenomena.Thisfunctionwashighlyessential fortheFinnishyouthofthe1960s,notleastbecausethemusicculture itselfwasoneofthemostimportantroutesthroughwhichtheelements oftheongoingculturalmodernizationwererelayedtoyoungFinns. Another reason for the importance of this function was the lack of moreofficialpublicforumsforthiskindofdiscussion.Asthereportof thenationalyouthresearchcommitteestatedontheyouthofthelate 1960s,they“wouldliketobeinvolvedintheissuesconcerningtheir society...However,therearenosufficientmechanismsforinvolvement” (Aalto,1971,p.24).Inthesecircumstances,withtheofficialroutes ofinvolvementanddiscussioneitherunobtainableordistantinterms of age and competence, the music and popular culture offered an alternativespacefordialogue,bothfamiliarandeasilyaccessible.As PekkaGronowandSeppoBruunputitin1968(p.80),“popmusicis almosttheonlythingthroughwhichtheyouthcanexpressthemselves withoutinterferinginadults’affairs”.
145 References
Magazines
Iskelmä Stump Suosikki
Interviews
Interview,male, b. 1953. Interviewed by Janne Poikolainen inTampere, 15 February 2008.
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149
PARTII. CONSUMPTION ASSPECTACLE: AGEOFTHE TELEVISION, AFFLUENCEAND MEDIATISATIONOF CONSUMERSOCIETY Afamily gatheredaround thetelevisionin theearly1970s inTuupovaara towatch theprogram ”Moscow’s GreatCircus”. Photographer unknown (Kansan Arkisto).
TELEVISIONCREATINGFINNISH CONSUMERMENTALITYINTHE1960S
Jukkakortti
Industrialproductionandsupplyofconsumergoodsfundamentally “revolutionised”westernsocietiesinthe1960s.Thebreakthroughofthe Finnishconsumersocietywasaresultofthestrongmovementtoward modernisationaftertheSecondWorldWar,andthemostrapidstage ofmodernisationtookplaceinthe1960s.InFinnisheconomichistory, theperiodfromtheearly1960stothemid-1970sisconsideredoneof theperiodsofstructuralchangeofthe20thcentury.1Itisreferredtoas thethirdphaseofFinland’sindustrialisationthattookplaceintheeraof the“secondrepublic”(1944–1991)(Alasuutari,1996).Finland’spost- wardevelopmentcanbeseenaspartofthe“goldenyears”(Hobsbawm 1996)ofWesternEurope,i.e.1950–70;thedevelopmentwas,however, exceptionallyrapidevenwithinthatcontext. TheFinnishpost-warrationingendedin1954.Suddenly,therea widerangeofalternativesinfood,clothingandotherproductswasnow available.FinlandwasonitswaytobecomingwhateconomistJohn KennethGalbraith(1958)definedasan“affluentsociety”.Economic situationsofhouseholdsimproved,andpeoplecouldaffordwashing machines,refrigerators,vacuumcleanersandTVsets.Saturdaybecame
1 It was preceded by the structural changes of the 1890s, 1920s and late 1930s. Illustrativeoftherapidityofchangeandgrowthofwealthisthattheaveragegrowth ofincomepercapitainFinlandbetweenthelate1940sandthemid-1970sequalledto thegrowthoftheprecedingtwocenturiescombined(Hjerppe,1979,p.37;Hjerppe, 1990,p.47).
154 aweeklyholidayinadditiontolongerannualholidays,whichincreased leisuretimeandacceleratedconsumption.Increasedmoneywasspent onhobbies,travellingandentertainment.VisaHeinonen(2000,pp.14– 16)referstothispost-warreconstructionperiodasthebreakthroughof theconsumersociety.“Goldenyears”alsomeantculturalrevolution. Advanced communication services contributed to the increased importance of popular and youth cultures, and the cultural change was characterised by Americanisation. Concurrently with increasing economicprosperity,theFinnslearnedanew,consumption-oriented wayoflife.Akeyroleinthisprocesswasplayedbythedevelopments inmedia,especiallytheadventoftelevision. Togetherwithsuburbanisation,“motorisation”,thebirthofyouth cultureandincreasingeconomicprosperity,televisionwasanessential partoftheexpansionofconsumercultureintheUnitedStates,the leadingcountryoftelevisionculture,inthe1950s.Therealtriumph oftelevisioninEurope,whichwasstillrecoveringfromthewar,did nottakeoffbeforethefollowingdecade,anditsimpactonconsumer cultureinEuropewasthusnotassignificantasintheUnitedStates.This resultedlargelyfromthefactthatinEuropetelevisionwasmainlybased ontheideaofpublicservice,whereasintheUnitedStatestelevision wasthoroughlycommercialandtherebybusiness-oriented.Television, however,hadacrucialroleinthetransmissionandadoptionofanew andmodernwayoflifeinEuropeaswell. Television is intrinsically linked to the post-war leisure-time consumerism,whichispenetratedbymodernity;itcanbearguedthat televisionwasattheheartofmodernity.Therapidspreadoftelevision gaveanewdirectiontoanumberofindustrialbranches,includingfashion (Samuel,2001,p.46;Robins&Webster,1985,p.41).Whenhuman experiencewastoagreaterextentlinkedtopurchasableandsaleable commodities,televisionbecameanimportantmeansoftransmittinga consumerethosfromcorporateproducerstoconsumers. Televisionprovidedmodelsformodernconsumerism.TheFinnsnot onlysawintheirlivingroomsthemodernframeworkofconsumerism createdbyAmericantelevisionprogrammes,butalsoreceiveddirect instructions for living in a consumer culture through television commercials.FinlandisoneofthepioneersinthehistoryofEuropean commercial television. Television commercials were immediately
155 adopted in the mid-1950s with the first television experiments. Televisioncommercialsadvancedthechangeinconsumeridentityand mentalityinauniquewayinthe1960s,whenthesignsofhedonistic consumerism became “acceptable” at the end of the decade (Kortti 2003). The article examines how television influenced the formation of post-war Finnish ‘consumer mentality’ (see Heinonen & Autio in thiscollection)andthecreationofa‘newidentity’relatedtoit.Here, identityisconsideredasaformofmentality(seeHyrkkänen2002,89– 90).Mentalityhasbeenseenascollective,oftenautomaticsubconscious behaviour of everyday “normal life” among the (ordinary) people, whereas identity is a more experimental, subjective and short-term conceptionofselfwithinaparticularsocial,geographical,cultural,and politicalcontext.Theconceptofidentitycomesclosetotheconcept of‘philosophyoflife’sinceitcouldrequirementalactivityfroman individual and media as well as media related consumption (about ‘consumer identity’ later) can play a significant role in the process. Mediaoperatesonbothsubconsciousandconsciouslevels:itispart ofthemental-historicalcontextoftenlinkedwithculturewhichhasan effectonanindividualoritmaybeadeviceforcreatingaphilosophy oflife(seeKortti2011a).Henceinthisarticle,‘newidentity’refersto agivensituation:consumptioncentredmodern/postmodernmentality ofthe1960sfuelledbymedia. Thetopicisapproachedfromtwopointsofview:Howdidtelevision spreadinFinnishlivingrooms,andwhatwasitsstatusasasymbolic commodity?Howdidtelevisionwithitscommercialsprovidemodels formodernFinnishconsumerism?Inotherword,insemioticterms, howdidtelevisionsignifythedevelopmentofconsumercapitalisms? Thelatterquestionisnotsostraightforwardbyanymeans,inthelight ofFinland’sgeopoliticalpositionbetweenEastandWestduringthe ColdWarleftadistinctmarkontheearlyyearsofFinnishtelevision. ThearticleisbasedonoralhistorymaterialonthehistoryofFinnish television viewing and a number of Finnish television commercials fromthe1960s,whichwereusedinmytwopreviousstudies(Kortti, 2003;Kortti,2007).Theemphasis,however,isonthereminiscencesof
156 television.Themethodologicalframeworkconsistsofananalysisoforal historydataandasemiotics-basedhistorical-culturalanalysis.2
COLDWARBATTLEFORBROADCASTINGSPACE
LikemanyotherEuropeannations,Finlandsawstrongadvocacyfor making television a public, non-commercial medium. In the end, however,thecompromisearrangementpatterneditselfaftertheBritish system,inwhichtherewasbothapublicandacommercialstation.The resultwasahybridsystem,inwhichsomeprogrammingwaspurely public,whileotherprogrammingwascommercial,muchlikeinthe UnitedStates.Underthecircumstances,Finnishtelevisionwasdiverse, butofhighgradeinthestandardsofthetime:thebalancebetween educationalandentertaining,commercial(i.e.American)programmes was good.The Finnish experience differs especially from the other Nordiccountries,whosetelevisionremainedadvertisingfreeuntilthe late1980s. Because of advertising, Finnish television broadcasting started as earlyas1956,andatelevisionnetworkquicklyspreadtoallpartsof Finland.Withouttheinvolvementofbusinessandadvertisingpeople, Yleisradio,thenationalbroadcastingcompany,wouldprobablynever haveacceptedadvertisinginitsoperations.TheveryfirstFinnishpublic televisionbroadcastfeaturingadvertisingwassentinearly1956.Itwas sponsoredbyAmerTupakka,aFinnishtobaccocompany.Thisinitial broadcastwassentbytheFoundationfortheTechnologyPromotion, whohadestablishedtheirownTVstationayearbeforethat.Itbeganas
2 The television commercials, altogether 216 in the above-mentioned doctoral dissertation (Kortti 2003), are derived from various sources, but mainly from the FinnishFilmArchive(presently,theNationalAudiovisualArchive).Theoralhistorydata derivesthe1996surveyElokuvaennenjanyt(‘Cinemapastandpresent’),organisedby theFinnishFilmArchiveandFinland’sNationalBoardofAntiquitiesasajointprojectto commemoratethehundredthanniversaryofcinema.Partofthequestionsdealtwith televisionandvideo.Thesampleconsistsof249outofatotalof845respondents.In thiscontext,itisnotmeaningfultopresentthematerialsandmethodsindetail.For detailsabouttheanalyses,seeKortti,2003,pp.168–186;fordetailsabouttheuseof oralhistorymaterial,seeKortti,2007,andKortti&Mähönen,2009.
157 anenthusiasticexperiment.ThestoryofthisTVstation,calledTesvisio, endedin1964,whenYleisradioboughtitafterTesvisioencountered an economic crisis. Yleisradio started television broadcasting in the autumnof1957andfromtheveryfirstdayitincludedcommercials.3 Theextramoneywasneededmainlybecausetheconstructionofthe VHFnetworkforradiocostalotofmoney(Kortti2003,pp.20–40). Besidesthefundingoftelevision,therewerealsootherproblems in starting Finnish TV broadcasting in the mid-1950s. The Soviet television programmes were transmitted from Estonia through the TallinnTVstation,andpeoplecouldwatchitsprogrammesinSouthern Finland.TheTallinntelevisionserviceconstitutedaseriousproblem for Finland, as it offered the Soviet Union an excellent medium of propaganda.TheFinnishgovernmentcouldnotpreventtheimportof Soviettelevisionsetsoreventheestablishmentofarelaytransmitter atPorkkala,theSovietmilitarybasenearHelsinki,whichtheSoviet Unionhadleasedfor50yearsaftertheMoscowArmisticeof1944.4In additiontotheprogrammes,itwasalsoacaseoftechnologyandaCold Warbattleforbroadcastingspace.TheSovietswantedtoselltheirTV systemtoFinland.TheAmericanRCAwon,however,mainlybecause theyofferedtheirtransmissionsystemathalftheprice.Anotherfactor fortheoutcomewasthatbutalsobecausetheFinnishbusinesspeople –andthoseinthetechnologydepartmentofYleisradioaswell–wanted thewesternsystem,alsobecauseitwasthenclearthattheSovietshad fallenbehind(seeSalokangas,1996,pp.133–134). BoththeUnitedStatesandtheSovietUnionlaunchedanextensive seriesofculturalexchangeprogrammesintheyearsfollowingStalin’s death. It included, among other things, expanding the coverage of its broadcasts abroad and to begin exchanging radio and television programmeswiththeWest.In1961,forexample,theSovietUnion
3 Yleisradio decided to begin a separate company, which would be independent ofYleisradio and would be owned by advertisers, advertising agencies and film production companies.The new company was called Oy Mainos-TV Reklam Ab (nowadaysknownaschannelMTV3,thethirdoldestcommercialtelevisioncompanyin Europe). 4 PorkkalawasreturnedtoFinlandin1955.
158 hadprogrammeexchanges:with55altogethercountries–andnotonly withthesocialistcountries.Theexchangewiththewesterncountries consisted mostly of documentary films, recordings of great events andsomefeaturefilms.Thiswasnotamarginalphenomenonduring theColdWarera,butanimportantmanifestationofit.Overall,the culturalexchangeandinfluencehaditsownroletoplayintheCold War(Mikkonen,2011). AlthoughSovietprogrammeswerealsobroadcastedintheearlyyears ofFinnishcommercialtelevision,Americanprogrammessoontookover theforeignprogrammesupply.IntheearlydaysofFinnishtelevision, theAmericanspractisedtheirwartime“psychologicalwarfare”especially throughtheUSIS5(UnitedStatesInformationService),whichsupplied awealthofAmericanfilmprogrammestoFinnishtelevisioncompanies, includingYleisradio.Nonetheless,forreasonsoffairnessandinorder toavoidfrustratingforeignrelationsthatwereimportanttoFinland, evencommercialTesvisioshowedSovietprogrammesintheearlydays ofthechannel(Keinonen,2011,pp.182–187). However, the Finnish commercial television companies actively aimedtopromoteWesterncultureintheColdWarcontext.Especially after the Second World War American “cultural imperialism” took a strong hold over the whole of post-war Western Europe through media.Altogether,theAmericanisationofFinlanddidnottakeplace intheinfluxofphysicalartefactsasmuchasintheformofideasand culturalgoods.Americanproducts,suchascars,wereofteneithertoo bigortooexpensiveforFinnishconsumermarkets.Besides,therather smallmarketsinFinlandwerenottooattractiveforAmericanfirms. Thetransactioncosts,importfees,costsofpacking,freight,andsoon weresimplytoohigh.AlthoughFinlandwastheonlywesterncountry participatingintheSecondWorldWar,whichdidnotreceivethepost- warMarshallAidpackage,Finlandreceivedinstead“theMarshallAid ofideas”(Alaketola-Tuominen,1989,pp.9,21).Americawasidolised inthe1950sand1960sjustbecauseitseemedtobeaplaceinwhich thingswerebetter,faster,andmoreeffective.TheAmericanmarketing
5 TheUShistoriansspeakmoreabouttheUSIA(UnitedStatesInformationAgency), andtheUSISreferredtotheUSIA’sofficeinFinland(Keinonen,2011,pp.183).
159 ideasandAmericanismasareferentsystem6foradvertisinghadastrong influenceonFinnishtelevisioncommercials.
BECOMINGASTATUSOBJECTFORLIVING ROOMS
Television’sarrivalintheFinnishhouseholdsundoubtedlytriggeredone ofthebiggestchangesinthesociallifeofthe1960s.Television’srolein bringingthenewmodernlifestyletopeople’severydayliveswasvital.It transformedpeople-to-peoplecontactsandadvancedaculturalchange inwhichtheagrariansocietywaslearningnewways.Intheprocess, televisionconveyedthenewconsumeristmodelsforliving. TelevisionspreadrapidlyinFinland.In1964,Finlandwasranked eighthinthecomparisonofthepenetrationoftelevisionlicensesper capitainEurope.By1966,threeinfoururbanemployeehouseholdand intotalmorethanhalfoftheFinnsownedatelevision.Inthesameyear, televisionalsospreadintoLapland,leavingslightlyaboveahalfpercent ofthecountryoutsidethecoverageareaoftelevision. Socialdomesticationof‘radicalinventions’,suchastelevision,tends tobemoredifficultthan‘lessimportant’innovations.Ittakesmore timeforthemtotakerootinpeople’slifestylesandwaysofthinking (Pantzar1996,pp.17,19).Thereisanelementofdiscretionintheir acquisition,whichmightbeexplainedbothbythehighcostofthe goodandmorecarefulcontemplationoftheneedfortheinvention. Nevertheless, within a short period of time television did become fashioninFinland. Manyhadfamiliarisedthemselveswithtelevisioninpublicplacesand abroadaswellasatfriends,neighboursandrelativespriortoacquiring theirowntelevisionreceiver.ManyHelsinkiansandvisitorstoHelsinki rememberthetelevisionpresentationsattheStockmanndepartment storeinthe1950s.Aftertelevisionbroadcastsbegan,peoplewereable to view television programmes in radio shop windows even outside ofHelsinki.Newtechnologywasaparticularlypowerfulexperience
6 Referentsystemsareclearlyideologicalsystemsanddrawtheirsignificanceformareas outsideadvertising(seeWilliamson,1998,pp.17,19).
160 for people in the rural areas, where part of the population was still unacquaintedevenwiththecinema:
Mybrothersentmymotherhisoldtelevisionset,andwhenwevisited herwegottowatchit.Itwasareallywonderfulexperiencethereinthe backwoods,whereevenelectricityhadarrivedjustrecently.Wesatthere likeitwasatheatreandweresimplyawestruck.Eventhecommercials seemedlikeafancyplay.Wefetchedteaorcoffeefromthekitchenand thenwejustenjoyedourselves.Itwasasifwehadenteredtheworldof art.Thechildrenwereparticularlyamazed.(Female,born1920)
Sociallifeinruralareaschangedrapidlyandradicallywiththespreadof television.Earlier,socialinteractionwasbasedlargelyonspontaneous neighbourly visits and associations.The impact of television on the latterwasnegative.Forexample,thesavingsbanks’get-togethersin ruralareasbecamefrustratingfromtheperspectiveoftheorganisers’ work,whenthefarmersandtheirwivesmovedtotheotherroomto watchtelevision(Kuusterä,1995,p.508).7 Thedesiretofollowtheneighbours’behaviourmayhavebeenan importantreasonforpurchasingatelevisionset;consumertheorists have defined the behavioural pattern as “keeping up with Joneses” phenomenon.8
IboughtaTVformyselfin1962,andIboughtoneformyparents asaChristmaspresentthenextyear.Inthecountrysidetelevisionwas acquired,orratherIacquiredit,becausetheneighbourshadoneas well,andtheOstrobothnianscouldn’tstanditiftheneighboursseemed tobebetteroff.(Male,dateofbirthunknown)
7 However,intheearlyyearsoftelevision,whenfewpeopleownedone,thetradition of neighbourly visits experienced a short period of revival. People from the neighbourhoodaswellasfromfartherawaygatheredtoviewprogrammestogether inthehouseholdsinpossessionoftheapparatus.Therecouldbenumerousguestsfor manynightsinrow.Oftenthespectatorsrangedfromchildrentograndparentsand fromfamilymemberstovillagers.Talkingandcoffeedrinkingwereanintegralpartof viewingtelevisiontogether. 8 Otherimportantreasonsincludethechildren’swishes,thedesiretoviewaparticular programme(e.g.theOlympicGames),andsimplythepervasinessoftelevision.
161 Atravellingtelevisionsalesmanrecalls:
When the village bigwigs had been manoeuvred into trying out a television, the neighbours were made envious and the sales went up.Theyaskedthesalesmanwhichoneandhowexpensiveasetthe neighbourhadbought.WhenIrepliedIalsosaidthattherewereof coursecheapermodelsofequalquality.Asaconsequence,thebuyer oftenwantedabitmoreexpensiveonetheneighbourhad.(Male,born 1932)
The“bigwigs”werenotonlyaffluentenoughtobuyatelevisionset, butalsoactive,curious,enlightenedandprogressivepeople.Oftenthe adoptersofnoveltiesarelocalopinionleaders.Inthebiggestcities,too, thewell-offwereamongthefirsttopurchaseatelevision.Formany,it wasalsoanobjectofstatus:
Accordingtomymother,thesecondtelevisionsetinthewholevillage wasatourhome(afarmhouse),eventhoughmygrandfatherwasa relativelystingyperson.TheTVwassaidtobeboughtjustforthesake ofshowingoff.(Female,born1970)
Theconsumerresearchershavebeeninterestedinthestatusvalueof consumptioneversincetheclassicstudiesbyThorsteinVeblen(Theory oftheLeisureClass,1899)andGeorgSimmel(DerMode,1904).Veblen examined especially the development of conspicuous consumption, andSimmelnotedhowfashionseemstotrickledownfromtheupper classes to the lower. Due to the example set by the progressive and enlightenedopinionleadersofthecommunities,membersofthelower socialgroups,suchsmallfarmersandfactoryworkers,couldbecome inspiredabouttelevision.InBourdieu’sterms,astatusobjectgivesthe ownertheopportunitytotellabouthistasteandposition.Indeed,in Distinction(1984),hisclassicstudyonthesociologyofconsumption, sociologistPierreBourdieuviewsconsumptionasasymbolicpower struggle. As the society became more affluent, consumption became more democratic.TheFinnishpost-war“pioneerspirit”togetherwiththe ideaofthewelfarestatepavedthewayformodern,moredemocratic
162 consumption.FinnishsocietyhasnotbeenaclasssocietylikeFranceor England,evenifthe“bigwigs”,lords,priests,merchantsandwealthier farmershavebeenadmired,enviedandimitatedhere,too.Assuch, theFinns’motivesforacquiringatelevisiondidnotdifferfromthe motives discovered in other countries. For instance in Britain, the mostimportantreasonforpurchasingatelevisionsetwasitssymbolic statusvalueandthesignofmodernityattachedtoit(O’Sullivan,1991, p.166). Basedontheoralhistorymaterialusedinthestudy,itisnotpossible tomakeanyclearconclusionsaboutthesocioeconomicbackgrounds ofthepersonswhopurchasedtelevisionsetsandthosewhorefused to do so. However, in the material, the buying of television sets is occasionally associated with rich families, and the poor families’ purchaseisconsideredsurprising.Overall,thepurchaseofatelevision setisconsideredfairlyprogressiveandthetelevisionsetitselfisseenas astatussymbol;butseveralrespondentsalsospecificallyemphasisethat theneighbours’exampledidnotaffecttheirpurchasingdecision.On theotherhand,thosewhotakeanegativeviewontelevisionemphasise thatthepurchasewasnoturgentandthattheyhadbetterusefortheir time than watching television.These texts are often written by the highlyeducated. Televisionsoonbecamethepropertyofnearlyallsocialgroups.Asa consequence,itsstatusvaluesoonfaded.Inspiteofitsdomestication, itsstatusvaluehasnotbecomecompletelyirrelevant,however.Indeed, sincethe1960s,statushasagainbecomeclear,forexample,inconnection withowingacolourtelevisionorabigflat-screentelevision.
LOWBROW(CONSUMER)CULTURE
Televisionviewingintheruralareasdifferedfromthatoftheurban areas;inasimilarvein,theviewinghabitsoftheworkingclassdiffered fromthoseoftheuppersocialclasses,especiallyintheearlydaysof television.Thepurchaseofatelevisionsetwasmostrapidamongthe middlesocialstrata.Lowersocialgroupscouldnotaffordit,whereasthe upperclasseshadalowopinionofit,atleastatfirst.Forexample,inthe Helsinkiarea,whichischaracterisedbytherelativelyhighproportionof
163 peoplewithahighformaleducation,afairlylargenumberoftelevision setswereboughtinashorttimeintheearlydays.Televisionviewing wasnotasfrequentintheruralareas,however.Televisionwaslooked down on especially in the families in possession of what Bourdieu calls‘culturalcapital’.Intheearlydays,therewereevenanti-television sentiments present especially in the intellectual circles of the upper middleclass.Thisgrouplabelledtelevisionas‘lowentertainment’and preferredthetheatreandreadliteratureinstead.Televisionwasregarded asunlearnedandvulgar(Kortti2007,pp.218–246). This kind of “high culture snobbery” and contempt for popular culture were characteristic of the cultural debates of the 1950s in Finland (see Peltonen, 1996). Novelties manifested nearly limitless opportunitiesfortheearlyadoptersandsellersofnewtechnologies, whereasthelearnedregardedthemasathreat(Pantzar,1996,p.10). In the United States as well, the upper social groups represented a clearminorityofviewers;theywerealsomostcriticaltowardtelevision advertising,whilethelowerclassesweremorereceptive.Owingpartly tothis,televisionsetadvertisingaimedtoemphasisethatpurchasinga setwasasignofthe“goodtaste”ofamodernAmericanfamily(Samuel, 2001,p.41;Tichi,1991,p.21). Aperiodicstudy(Nordenstreng,1969,p.22)conductedbyYleisradio inApril1968showedthat,evenaftertelevisionhadpenetratedvirtually the whole population, “there were slightly more of those who were satisfiedwitharadiointheso-calledupperendofthesocioeconomic scalethaninthemiddleclass.”Accordingtoastudyconductedin1970, radioandtelevisionwerevaluedmostinthe“lowersocialstrata”(Alfors et al., 1970, p.23). The idiom of television was considered closely relatedtotheworking-classculture,whichtendstoavoidintellectual workandtoconfineitselftoconcreteformsofexpression.Ithaseven beenassumedthattheidiomoftelevisionispartlyworkingclassbased. Indeed,televisionappealstotheworkingclassmorethan,forexample, literatureortheatre(Alasuutari&Siltari,1983,p.88). As regards television-related consumption, television programmes providedforviewersameanstoreflectculturaloranyotherformsof capital.Intellectualorasceticapproachestotelevision(lifewithouta TV)arepresentespeciallyamongthehighlyeducated.Aquotefroma teachersumsup–toacertainextent–whathasbeenstatedabove:
164 Aslongastelevisionhasexisted,Ihaveviewedthemostappropriateand dignifiedprogrammes,ifIhavehadthetime,thatis.Usually,thenews, thebestoffactual,artsandmusicprogrammes,theSundayworshipand religiousprogrammes,ifIhavenotbeenattendingchurchperforming myduties.Ihavealwayswatchedfewentertainmentprogrammes,and Ihavechosenthemcarefully.Oftheforeigntelevisionserials,etc.,I viewonlythosethatcompriseofcorrectlyspokenlanguage,British Englishorwell-pronouncedGerman.Theartisticqualityoftheatrical performancesmeansmuchtome.ThelifeIhavebeengivenissucha valuablegiftthatIdonotwanttowasteitonprogrammesthatarenot mentallydevelopingorgiveupliftingexperiences.(Male,born1928)
According to the popular culture researchers John Fiske and John Hartley(1996,pp.116–126),thedevaluingattitudetowardtelevision of the educated class stems from tensions between oral and written cultures. Television essentially represents an oral culture of lower value, as opposed to the more valued educational written culture. For instance, the well-known American media critic Neil Postman (1985)hasblamedtelevisionforruiningAmerica’sfour-hundred-year- oldtypographicculture.Inaddition,Postmanclaimsthatithasalso trivializedrhetoric. Postman (1985, pp. 64–82) also points out how the “graphic revolution”sincetheinventionofthetelegraphandthephotographhas createdapseudo-context–“astructureinventedtogivefragmentedand irrelevantinformationaseeminguse”.AccordingtoPostman,television only provides visual amusement with no genuine connection to our lives.HereferstoAmericanessayistSusanSontag’sfamousessayOn Photography,inwhichshestateshowlanguageisthemediumweuse tochallenge,dispute,andcross-examinewhatcomesintoview,whatis onthesurface.Photographyinstead“impliesthatweknowaboutthe worldifweacceptitasthecamerarecordsit”(Sontag1978,p.23). Itisobvious,thatculturaleliteshavehistoricallyalsovaluedtextover imagebut,ontheotherhand,filmhashadanimportantroletoplay amongtheEuropeanpostwarintelligentsia.Infact,thisnewintellectual cinemaculture–which,ontheotherhand,wasalsoveryliteralinthe formsoffilmcriticism–liveditsheydayinthefiftiesandsixties(seee.g. Kortti2011b).Theculturaldistinctionsbetweenanintellectualelite
165 andapopulacewasnotsomuchwithtextandimageaswith“goodand bad”cultureduringthearrivaloftelevision(seePeltonen1996).
FROMTARGETSAVERSTOHEDONISTS
Televisionquicklypermeatedalldemographicsegmentsinspiteofthe relativelyhighpriceoftheapparatus.Peoplejocularlyreferredtothe aerialsonrooftopsasbankruptcyrakesorpennants.Inruralareas,in particular,televisionstoodforprogressivemodernity,whichinvolved arisinglivingstandardandincreasingleisure.Itmayevenoverridethe milkingmachineinthelistofacquisitions.Attheturnofthe1960s, thepriceofatelevisionsetwasequivalenttothatofapurebredcow orthreemonths’ofaworker’sgrosssalary.Itturnedoutthatsocial welfare boards were forced to “deliberate the problem of whether welfarebenefitsshouldbegrantedtofamilieswhichwereintemporary difficultiesdifficultyasaresultofpurchasingawashingmachine,a mopedandatelevisionsetatthesametime”(Siipi,1967,p.210). Finnishconsumptionunderwentastructuralchangeasitdoubled between1952and1975.Asaconsequence,anincreasingproportionof consumptionexpenseswerespentontransport,housing,recreationand otherexpenditures,insteadoffood.Publicconsumptionbegantoplay anincreasinglyimportantroleinthenationaleconomy.Inadditionto satisfyingthebasicneeds(foodandclothing),thenumberofhousehold appliancesincreasedrapidly(Heinonen,2000,p.17;Vattula,1983,pp. 462–463,466–467). Inthescarcityofthe1950s,moralisingnotionswerestillattached todomesticappliances–aswellastotelevisionandthecar.Theywere regardedasextravagant.Targetsavingandavoiding“unnecessarycosts” wereconsideredtobetheprerequisitesofawealthierlife.Moneywasdrawn fromtheaccountonlywhenitwas“absolutelynecessary”.Apparently, atelevisionsetwasconsideredassuchanessentialexpenditure.Even ifthe“bankruptcyrake”upontheroofmayhavedriventhepoorest familiesintoeconomicdistress,durablegoodsparadoxicallybecamea toolformanagingconsumptionimpulses,whenbanksandeconomic policyleadersurgedpeopletosavefordomesticappliances,inaddition tosavingforahome(Pantzar,2000,pp.38–39,41,66–67,73).
166 Besides refrigerators, washing machines and vacuum cleaners, televisionwasamongthemostimportantdomesticacquisitionofthe 1960s.AllofthesewerefoundinmorethanhalfofFinnishhomes bytheendofthe1960s(Kortti,2003,p.254).Domesticappliances were an essential part of the post-war development of the Finnish economy(Pantzar,2000,p.66).Inprivateconsumerexpenditures,the proportionoftheamountofmoneyspentondomesticappliancesgrew seven-foldfromthebeginningofthe1960stothemid-1970s(Vattula, 1983,p.462).Household-relatedtelevisioncommercialswerealsoan important part of television advertising. For example, commercials related to housekeeping and household maintenance accounted for 15% and commercials related to home and interior decoration for 5%oftheannualturnoverofthetelevisioncompanyMTVin1968 (Mainos-TVtiedottaa1968).9 Theadvertisingofdomesticapplianceslaidemphasisonrational consumption, the ideology of frugality and efficiency: a washing machine would save time and a refrigerator and freezer would save money,whichmakesthemrationalinvestments.InaUPOrefrigerator commercialfrom1965,arefrigeratorsalesmanisonthewaytopresent theproducttoaclient,andheexplainstoahousewifethatusinga fridge costs only as much as the glass of milk her son holds in his hands.A1968freezercommercialbythesamemanufacturer(UPO) underlinesthesamebankmetaphorbyassociatingbetweenthefreezer andamoneybox:“WhenyouhaveaUPOfreezer,it’slikeputting moneyinabox.Youwillsavemoneywhenyoubuyfoodcheaplyin largequantities.”Thereisanelementofrationalistedificationpresent inthecommercialsfromthe1960s.Afreezerwasseenasarational investment for the food management of home economics, a “food bank”(Pantzar,2000,p.53–57). TherelativelyrapidriseoflivingstandardsafterthewarinFinland wascharacterisedbyacertainkindofsavingmentality,whichcame through,forinstance,fromthebanks’post-waremphasisonsaving. Savingwaspartofthepost-wardevelopmentoftheFinnisheconomy. Target savers were the heroes of the 1950s and the 1960s. It was
9 Mainos-TVtiedottaa.OyMainos-TV-ReklamAb4thOctober1968.MTV3archives.
167 inconsistent,however,thatthepeopleweresimultaneouslyengouraged toembraceconsumerism;itwasfearedthatpeoplelackedselfcontrol. Targetsavingwasjustifiedbycomplexpsychological,social,economic andculturalarguments.Evencommercialbanksparticipatedintaking careofpeople’ssavings,intheveinofsavingsbanks,co-operativebanks anddairies.Basedonadvertisementsinthemagazinesoftheera,Mika Pantzar’s(2000,pp.67,71)studyshowsthatFinnisheconomicpolicy, whichincludedthefuturestoryofprogressandcriticismofsatisfying one’simmediateneeds,wasvisibleintelevisioncommercialsofbanks. ThismentalityispresentinthePYPbank’scommercialfilmPYP- avain (‘PYP-key’) from 1962, in which bank services combine a connotation of trust in the future and enlightenment, along with a long-term consumerist ideology.The advert includes the myth of a targetsaver,whoisarationalandtenaciousperson.Savingisliterally portrayedasakeytoabetterlife.Bysavingitispossibletopurchasea carandahome.Atthesametime,childrenarealsotaughttosave.This restrainedmethodofbecomingwealthierstartstocrumbletowardsthe endofthedecade.InthePYPbank’scommercialSäästäpuolet(‘Save half’)from1966,itwasalreadypossibletogetaloanforasummer cottageorfor“anything”. By1969,morehedonisticconsumption,emphasisingindividualism andleisure,waspresentinbankcommercials.Inthe“Reindeerantler” commercialofSäästöpankki(‘Savingsbank’),amodern,“far-sighted individual”,astheannouncerdeclares,isrelaxingbyacampfireina wildernessinLapland.Ironyandhumourwere,bynow,allowedin bankingcommercials.Theviewersexpectthehikertobewritingpoems orstoriesofLapland’swilderness,untilitturnsoutthatheiswriting acheque. Teachingpeople to save was the spirit of the times. The public authoritiesregulatedfinancialactivities.“Shackledmoney”increased competitionbetweenthebanks,becausefinancingwasalmostentirely basedonborrowing.Itwasnotpossibletouseinterestratesasameans ofcompetition,because,forpoliticalreasons,interestrateswerekept aslowaspossibleandsubordinatetothegrowthpolicyoftheday. Savingsbanks,forinstance,hadtheirowneducationaldepartments untiltheendofthe1950sanddisseminationoffrugalitywasstated
168 asbeingthefirstarticleofthesavingsbanklaw.Thechangesintimes andattitudeswerealsoreflectedintheterminology.Theterm“savings propaganda”wasusedopenlyuntil1963,whenitwasreplacedbythe term“advertising”.Theterm“marketing”cameintousein1969.The emphasislaidonadvertisingwasexplainedbythefactthatthefocusof competitionhadshiftedtoincreasingtheavailabilityofbankservices. (Kuusterä,1995,p.432,503,506.) Theideologyoffrugalityinthe1950sand1960swasalsotargeted towardstheyoungpeopleofthebaby-boomergeneration,whowere beginningtohavetheirownmoneytospend.Thecooperativebank Osuuskassa,forexample,usedteenidolsinacampaignin1967.The commercial’stunewassungbythefolkgroupHootenannyTrio,teen idolJohnnyLiebkindandactor–singerPirkkoMannola.Advertising trademagazineMainostajawroteatthetime:
Sometimespeoplejokethatthebankswantwhat’sbestinaman,that is,hismoney.Wecan,however,establishthatthefinancialinstitutions inourcountryhave,inparticular,inrecenttimes,soughttoteachthe youthtothinkalittleaboutthefuture,too,whichtheyhaveachieved throughadvertising,amongotherthings.Although,astheonlyfinancial institutioninourcountry,Osuuskassa,forexample,hashadaso-called youthaccountinuseforaslongasfouryears.(Jäntti,1968).
There may have been reluctant attitudes to commercials, especially amongpoliticiansandsocialscientists,butpeopledidhavepositive experiencesaboutthemaswell.Especially,thejingles,thetunesused inadvertising,werememorable:
Children had their own programmes, and all the kids knew the commercialsandtheirtunesbyheartbackthen:‘Yhdyspankkiisour bank...’,‘Bysavingwilltheloangetpaid,thebankisalwaystheretoaid...’; andalltherest.(Female,born1922.)
169 TELEVISIONANDTHEMODERNCONSUMER IDENTITY
Modernity and consumer culture are interconnected in many ways, and modern identity, in particular, is twined around consumption. AccordingtoconsumerresearcherDonSlater(1997,pp.85,101),the metaphorofindividualchoicedominatespeople’ssocialsense:modern identityisbestperceivedthroughimagesofconsumption.Peoplecreate andreshapetheiridentitieswithcommodities.Theidentity,too,can beacommercialgood. Asmentionedabove,thegrowthofconsumptionhadanimportant roleintherapidmodernisationprocessinFinlandinthe1960s.In additiontobecomingvitalfortheFinnisheconomy,consumptionwas alsoassociatedwithperceptionsthatinfluencedthechangeinpeople’s generalmindset.Suchperceptionswerecreatedespeciallythroughthe new media, television and advertising, which were unprecedentedly effective.Televisioncommercialswerecombiningthetwo.Whatwas theconsumermodelconveyedtotheFinnsbytelevisionlike,then? HowdiditcreateFinnishpeople’sconsumeridentitiesandnewkindof consumermentality? SusanSontagprovidesaclueinanswertothesequestions,when she notes how industrial societies turn their citizens into “image- junkies”(Sontag 1978, p. 23–24). However, television has had an importantroleincreatinganimageculture–asocio-culturalstatein whichmediaimagesandmedia-influencedcommodity-signsareused assourcesforculturalidentity(seeJansson2002). Socialscientistshavearguedthatconsumption,spendingpowerand culturaltasteshavebeenemphasisedinthecourseofmodernisation, whereas sense of community has lost ground, which has led to atomisation of consumption (see e.g. Lash, 1994; McKay, 1997, p. 264). However, it has mainly concerned the postmodern societies. IstheassertionthatFinlandwasapostmoderncountryinthe1960s not,afterall,somewhatbold?WasFinnishconsumerismnotthenstill governedbytheawareness-raisingandrationaleconomicethosofthe farmers?Aresearcherinthefield,VisaHeinonen(1998,p.381)argues thatashift,whichwasvisibleeveninconsumereducation,tookplace in the mentality already in the 1960s. It appeared in the consumer
170 protectionistthinking,which,inturn,resultedfromthewelfaresociety concept.Inthe1970s,inthecourseofmodernisation,theshiftwas furtherunderlined. Are there then such postmodern features discernible in Finnish consumerism in the 1960s that are manifested in reflectiveness and atomisation?ExaminationofFinnishtelevisionconsumptionreveals thattelevisionviewinghasnotbecomeparticularlyatomisedeveninthe 2000s.Inaway,theidentityofaneducationalandsociologicalsubject ismaintainedintelevisionviewing,whichimpliesthatFinnstendto relyonrationalityandsafepredictabilityintheirtelevisionviewing. ThemoreextensivesurveyonthehistoryofFinnishtelevisionviewing Ihaveconductedshowsthat,evenifchoicesbecomemoredifficultand selectionroutineschangeduetoincreasedsupply,peopletendtocling totheiroldhabits.Regardlessofthechanges,anumberofeveryday mediaroutinesremainintact. While television had a radical impact on social interaction in the early days, many old Finnish traditions remained. The routine televisionhabitsweretransformedandadoptedintoFinnishcultural traditions. In this respect, television can be considered transmodern (Hartley,1999);televisionviewingincorporateshabitsthatareboth newerandolderthantelevision.Thetraditionofwatchingtelevision aftersaunaisthemostmarkedoldFinnishtradition,anditisverymuch alivetoday.TheBritishequivalentiswatchingtelevisionaftertea-time (O’Sullivan,1991,p.171).Themediacanalsobeusedtoexpandand cementtraditions,insteadofjustchallengingandunderminingvalues andbeliefs(Thompson,1995,p.183,192,195). Reflective modernisation and the accompanying new (consumer) identityaremanifestedespeciallyintheaestheticscreatedbytelevision. ThemodelsthenewconsumeristworldofferedtoFinnishhomesin the1960sweremosteffectivelyconveyedbytelevisioncommercials.As intheabove-mentionedcasesofadvertisinghouseholdappliancesand bankservices,withregardtoreshaping–oratleastrepresentations–of consumeridentityandmentality,aclearshiftinadvertisinganumber ofotherproductgroupscanalsobedatedtothelate1960s. Modernindividualismisintrinsicallylinkedtohedonisticpersonal fulfilment.Thereistalkofemotions,feelings,sensations,theprimary significanceofexperiences,andprofoundindividuality.Asexpected,the
171 increasinghedonismofFinnishadvertisinginthe1960sismanifested especiallyincosmeticsproductsadverts,whoseultimatefunctionisto improvepeople’sappearances.Butcosmeticsadvertising,too,changed bythe1970s.Onenolongerappliedmakeuponlyinordertobesafely married,buttorathertoemphasiseone’spersonalfulfilment.Asimilar typeofhighlyemotional“whattheproductcandoespeciallyforyou” thinking emerges in television commercials of a number of other productsaswell. In the late 1960s, women in particular were beginning to be representedasmorehedonisticandindependentconsumers.Therole ofwomenchanged,whenworkingoutsideofthehomebecamemore common.Inaddition,asaresultofachangeinthesocialandcultural mentality provoked by the debates and sexual liberation, which the feministmovementstarted,womenceasedtobemerelysensible“finance ministers”ofthehome.Womenwereincreasinglyurban,modernand mobile. Glamorous models appeared in the cosmetics commercials, andtheireventfullivesweremadeintoobjectsofidentification.Also, sexwasincreasinglyinvolvedintherepresentationsofwomen(Kortti 2003,pp.232–300). ThetelevisionadvertisingcampaignofShellFinlandtookthisfur- thestinthelate1960s.Thecampaignembodiedthe‘Supergirl’personi- fications;theleadingroleoftheadsplayedbyaFinnishsupermodel ofthetime.Shell’slong-standingandmemorablecampaignpresented afemaleequivalentofJamesBond,whoadventuredintotheman’s worldofadvertisingpetrolaswellasotherpetrol-stationproducts.The Supergirlwasindeedanobject,butatthesametimealsoveryindepend- ent(Kortti2003,pp.352–388). ThenumerousrolesoftheSupergirlcanbeperceivedasasignofa newkindofsubjectivity.AccordingtotheculturaltheoreticianStuart Hall(1988),oneborderlineofthe“newera”liesbetweentheobjective and subjective dimensions of the change. At the same time as the individualsubjecthasbecomemoreimportant,perceptionsregarding thesubjecthavechanged.Anindividualisnolongerwhole,asolidself, butratherfragmented.Fragmentation,oratomisation,isoftenusedto describecontemporaryconsumerculture.Thereare,however,evident signsofthatfoundfromFinlandinthe1960s.Infact,Hallisalsoofthe viewthatthe“culturalrevolution”of1968representsaturningpoint.
172 Inmanyrespects,thatyearmarkedaturningpointinFinnishtelevision advertisingaswell(Kortti2003,pp.412–413).
CONCLUSION:TIMEANDCHANGE
The phenomena of the era – urbanisation, internationalisation and investingineducation–hadastrongimpactonFinland,too.Europe was being rebuilt and the era was characterised by rapid economic growth,buildingofwelfarestatesandmodernconsumersocieties,and thespreadofmassconsumptionmodelsrelatedtothem.People’srole asconsumerswashighlighted.Newproductssuchasplastic,television, records and transistor radios permeated societies. Technological breakthroughswererevolutionisingeverydaylifeandtechnologywas morecapitalintensivethanbefore. Theyouthofthebaby-boomergenerationwasanimportanttarget foradvertisinginthe1960s,butyoungpeoplewerealsoatthecentre of the 1960s’ social movement, which believed in communality. Advertisingaspopularcultureandasameltingpotofotherpopular culturescreatedvariouskindsofmodelsaffectingeverydaylifeatleast indirectly,ifnotdirectly.Althoughitisnotlikelythatanyonewould havetrulyimaginedhimorherselftobeasupermanoraSupergirl,the commercialsreflectedandshapedthenewmentalityofthefragmented identity.Media is a very important identity resource, providing the fabricfordifferentiatingbetween“themandus”. Yet,it must be emphasised that we are talking about advertising imageshere.Itmustbekeptinmindthatadvertisingwillalwaysgivea selectiveandoftendistortedpictureofreality.Individualismhasbeen emphasised in advertising since the 1960s, but that does not mean thattheFinnswouldhavebecomemore“individualistic”.Nevertheless, individualisation was not just an advertising image, but it can be foundalsointhesocialpolicyofthesixties.AsthestudybyKirsti Ahlqvist(2010,pp.191–196)shows,thedocumentationofstatistics onconsumptionstartedtoemphasizeindividualautonomyandself- determinationinthe1960s. At the same time, most of the new consumer products such as televisionwerefamilyoriented.Actually,theprocessofindividualisation
173 tookplaceslowlyandwasnotinfactvisiblepriortopeople’slifestyles duringtheeconomicboomofthe1980s.Atthatpointintime,the baby boomers were given the opportunity to “expand their youth”, whenculturewasrejuvenatedandyouthfulcharacteristicsbecamethe benchmarkformiddle-ageaswell(Wilska,2004,pp.248–249). Allinall,theconsumercultureofthe2000sinmanyrespectsstems fromthe1960s,inparticular,thelate1960s.Manyofthecontemporary media-driven phenomena of consumption were already in existence backthen,atleastasanidea.Ontheotherhand,someconsumption habitstaketimetochangeandthuscarryonthetraditionsthatare beingreshaped.
References
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176
Roulettetableatthe Fenniarestaurantin 1983.Photographer RitvaKovalainen (TyöväenArkisto).
THELEGALIZINGOFROULETTE ANDCHANGESINFINNISHCONSUMER CULTUREINTHE1960SAND1970S
RiittaMatilainen
INTRODUCTION
AccordingtoGerdaReith(1999,p.1),“Ithaslongbeenrecognizedthat analysisofwhatmayappeartrivialormundanecangenerateinsights intofundamentalaspectsofsociallife”.Thisismystartingpointfor astudyoftheintroductionofthegameofrouletteinFinlandinthe 1960s,atimewhenFinnswereexperiencingextremelyrapidstructural andsocialchanges.Thefocusofthearticleistoregardanewlegalized formofgambling(roulette)andthediscoursesandpracticesrelatedto itascluesinanefforttoanalyzethechangingconsumerandleisure mentalitiesandculturesofFinns. Aftersomeexperimentingwithroulettesonboardpassengerships thatregularlytravelledbetweenFinlandandGermany,itbecamelegal toinstallroulettesinhigh-classFinnishrestaurantsandnight-clubsin 1969.ItshouldbenotedthatthefirstcasinowasestablishedinFinland in 1991 which is late in European or North American comparison butearlierthaninSwedenwherethefirstcasinowasopenedin2001. Before1991restaurants,nightclubs,andshipstravellingtoStockholm andGermanyweretheonlylegalplacesforplayingrouletteinFinland. Manynewspapersandmagazineswelcomedtheintroductionofroulette asawayofofferingFinnsaglimpseofthe“bigworld”ofgambling associatedwithcasinoslikethoseinMonteCarlo,beautifulwomenand
180 thechanceofmakingorlosingafortuneovernight.Theintroduction ofroulettewasconsideredasignofFinlandfinallymeasuringupto WesternEuropeanstandardsandtothe“continental”wayoflifeand consumer culture. However, there was an interesting discrepancy betweentheimageofrouletteandtherealityofthegame.Inorder toavoidaccusationsofdownrightgamblingthepriceofthechipwas verylowaswerethewinnings.Theclassandgenderaspectsofplaying roulettearealsoofinterest.Roulettewasmarketedasaformofgambling thatwasparticularlysuitableforthemiddleandupperclasses.Therole ofwomenwasalsoimportantintheplayingofroulette:contraryto manyotherEuropeancountriesthefirstcroupierswerewomen. Thesourcematerialusedforthispaperconsistsof14contemporary newspaper and magazine articles, interviews with the first Finnish croupiers (published in a book), official documents of the roulette operator,Finland’sSlotMachineAssociation(henceRAY)andlegal documentssuchasmemorandums.
GAMBLINGANDCONSUMPTION
Thefieldofgamblinghasreceivedsurprisinglylittleattentioninhistorical researchworldwideconsideringitseconomic,socialandculturalimpact ondifferentsocieties.Thesituationishoweverchangingrapidly.Anew schoolofgamblingstudiesisemergingandthepremisesofthisschool canbecrystallizedasfollows:Gamblingisanimportantpartofalmost everysociety’ssocial,culturalandeconomiclife.Gamblingperseisnot consideredapathologicalorcriminalactivity.Gamblingtakesplacein timeandinacertaincontext.Inchoosingtogamble,gamblersmakea consumerdecision,andthischoicemustbetreatedasarationalrather thananirrationaldecision.Gender,class,ageandplaceofresidence need to be taken into consideration with the help of, for example, ethnographicalstudies(See,e.g.,Reith1999;Casey2003,2008;Husz 2003,2004;Garvía2007;Marksbury2009;Matilainen2011). Manyresearchersofgambling(seee.g.,Garvía2007p.644,and Casey2008)regardthedecisiontogambleasaconsumerdecision. EmmaCasey(2008,p.3),whohasstudiedBritishwomen’sexperiences oftheNationallottery,pointsoutthatbuyingaNationalLotteryticket
181 isahugelypopularandroutineconsumerpurchase,whichhasarather uniquemassappealinwaysthatmanyotherconsumerproductsdonot. EventhoughparticipationinFinnishrouletteplayinginthe1960sand 1970scanhardlybedefinedasaroutinepurchase,itiseasytoagree withCaseythatgamblingproductsdotendtohaveanextraordinary appealforthegeneralpublicincomparisontomanyotherproducts. However,eventhoughgamblingisconsideredaconsumerdecision,it canstillhavearatherdubiousimage.ColinCampbell(1998,pp.237– 238)hasinterestinglydescribedthetendencyinintellectualdiscussions ofconsumptiontouseaterminologicaldichotomyofwantandneed. The rhetoric of need has received greater legitimacy in intellectual discussionsofconsumptionaswellasinthediscoursesandrhetoric ofordinarypeople.Asgamblingfallsintothewantcategoryithashad theunfortunatefateofbeingregardedassomethingnon-essentialand unnecessary,evenobjectionableandthusnotworthscientificenquiry.
FINNISHCONSUMERSOCIETYINTHE1960S ANDTHE1970S
What is a consumer society and what are the characteristics of a consumersociety?PaulGlennie(1995,p.165)statesthataconsumer societyisasocietywheremassconsumption,modernconsumptionand massculturearemerged.Thereareseveralsignsofaconsumersociety: forexample,agrowingpercapitaconsumptionofcommodities,more efficientmethodsofproductionandorganisedchannelsofdistribution, increasingsocialdivisionsoflabourandagreatersocialmobility,an increasing individualism and an increasing possessiveness related to fashionandadvertising.AllthesesignscanbeseeninFinlandinthe 1960sandthe1970s. InacoupleofdecadesafterlosingthewaragainsttheSovietUnion, Finnsexperiencedthebreakthroughofamodernconsumerculture.Of utmostimportancetounderstandingFinnishsocietyatthistimeisthe formationofthewelfarestatethatbroughtwithitvarioussocialsecurity benefits.Inthisperiod,Finlandcloselyfollowedtheexamplesofwelfare societiessetbyotherNordiccountriesandespeciallySweden.Thiswas madepossiblebytherapideconomicgrowthandstructuralchangesin
182 theeconomythentakingplace.TheFinnishwelfarestatereallytook offonlyinthe1960sasthegrowthofpublicexpenditureaccelerated. (ElorantaandKauppila2006,p.226).PauliKettunen(2006,p.297) statesthatduringtheColdWar,itwaspopulartocallFinlanda“Nordic democracy”ora“Nordicsociety”.InFinnishpoliticaldiscoursethis impliedaproclamationthatFinlandwasnotpartoftheEasternBloc despitethefactthattheinfluenceoftheSovietUnionwasverytangible inalmostallaspectsofpolitical,culturalandeconomiclife.Theconcept ofa“Nordicsociety”representedanormativestandardandacodefor thefutureinherentintheFinnishsociety.Kettunenstatesthat“the normativestandardandthefuturecodewereofteninterpretedinterms ofeverythingthathad“already”beenachievedinSweden”(2006,p. 299).ThisconnectiontoSwedenwasalsovisibleintheintroductionof roulette.Thustheself-imageofFinnswasbeingconstantlynegotiated betweenWestern,EasternandNordicvalues,influencesandimages. ThisconflictandtheneedtobelongtotheWesternworldcanalsobe seeninthediscoursesconcerningroulette. TheFinnishinvestmentrateremainedveryhighaftertheSecond WorldWaranditwasonlyinthe1970sthattheinvestmentstructure began to show signs typical for formerly industrialized countries (Hjerppe,Peltonen&Pihkala1984,p.56.).Paralleltothehighlevels ofpublicinvestmentwasthegrowingpopularityofprivatetargetsaving. Thekeyideawastocreateopportunitiesforanticipatorypleasure:people wereguidedandorientedtowardscommoditieswhiletheirconsumer impulses were being tamed at the same time. (Lehtonen & Pantzar 2002,pp.211and213).Pantzar(2000,p.82)suggestsinterestingly thatoneexplanationforFinnishhouseholdsratherrapidlymakingthe transitionfromanagrariancultureofsavingtoaWesternconsumer culturebasedonconsumptionduringthe1960sandthe1970scould bethatthehouseholdswereabletocreateanoriginalmodelcombining both Eastern economic tendencies, which focused on planning and investment,andWesternconsumerdreams. The public image of the Finnish consumer in the 1970s was no longerthatofathriftybuilderofthenationaleconomybutratherof acarefreeconsumer.However,inrealitypeoplecontinuedtosavedue tothefactthatconsumerexpectationswerefargreaterthantheactual amountofdisposableincome.Finnswereeagertotakepartinanew
183 consumerculturethatmadeitpossibleforthemtoacquire(oratleastto dreamabout)luxuryproductsandservicesthatearliergenerationshad hadverylittleexperienceofapartfromtheupperclass.ForFinnsliving inthe1970s(imagined)luxuryconsistedofsuchconveniencesand amenitiesasgoodfoodanddrink,swimmingpools,freeeroticaandfast (Western)cars.TheLottogirlbecameasymbolofthisnewconsumer cultureasVeikkaus(thenationallotteryorganizer)launcheditslotto(a formofmoneylottery)advertisingcampaignsatthebeginningofthe decade(Matilainen2006,p.144).Travellingabroadwasapopular,new aspectofthe“goodlife”eventhoughonlyaminorityofFinnswasable tofulfilltheirdreamsofexperiencingwarm,exoticplacesandpeople, romanceandfreedom.TravellingonboardpassengershipstoSweden, GermanyandalsotoEstoniawasparticularlypopular(Dumell2008,p. 59).ThepassengershipstravellingtoSwedenbecameespeciallypopular withtheadventofSwedishmasstourismandFinnishemigrationto Swedeninthe1960s. ThemostimportantarenaofFinnishconsumerculturewasbyfar thehome,andmanyFinnssavedinordertobeabletobuytheirown flat or house. The structure of consumption within the household wasdivided:menspentmoneyon,forexample,alcoholandtobacco products,whichwomenwereonlybeginningtoconsume.Thereforeit canbesaidthattheplayfulandhedonisticconsumerofthe1970swas usuallyamanwhospenthismoneyoncars,boatsandswimmingpools. Thedreamwastohaveaswimmingpoolindoorsofasingle-family houseandtoleadamorepopularversionoftheimaginedlifestyleof Americanmillionaires.Theallureofmodernluxuriesandfreeerotica wasalsoevidentinthepopularJamesBondfilmsatthetime(Sarantola- Weiss2008,pp.93,96–97,and163–164). TheinfluenceoftheSovietUnionandtheEasternBlocwasalsofelt intheconsumerculture.Oneofthemostprominentconsumerdurables ofthetimewasEasternBlockcarwhichwerepopularespeciallyinthe 1960s.TheinfluxofcheapEast-Europeancarsmadeitpossiblefor working-class people to buy a car, but Western cars had by far the greater status. Contrary to many Western European citizens, many Finns had personal experiences of the Soviet Union since travelling therewasverypopular.EventhoughmostFinnshadbeenexposedto therigideverydaylifeofSovietcitizensduringtheirtripstotheUSSR,
184 theimageofRussiancuisinewasluxuriousandnostalgic,withcaviar, champagne and the ubiquitous samovar (Sarantola-Weiss2008, pp. 157,and169). YetanotherchangeinFinnishconsumerculturewastakingplacein therestaurantsceneinthe1960s.AccordingtoMerjaSillanpää(2002, pp.254,and256),attitudestowardsrestaurants,barsandnightclubs hadlongbeencomplexandcontradictory.CertainlyFinnishProhibition Act(1919–1932)didnotmakemattersanyeasier.Themostevident questions that were constantly culturally negotiated concerned the relationsbetweensocialclassesandtherightofwomentoattendall kindsofrestaurantsandbarswithoutamalecompanion.Thedivision ofrestaurantsandcafésaccordingtotheirclasswasanoldpracticein Finlandwhichwasstartedattheturnofnineteenthcenturyinthecities ofHelsinkiandTurku.Restaurantsweredividedintothreecategories. Thefirstcategoryconsistedofthebiggestandbestkepthotelsaimed attheupperclasswhereasthirdcategoryrestaurantsweremainlyeating housesintendedfortheworkingclass.Therestaurantspatronizedby thelowerclasseswereunderthetightcontroloftheauthorities.The samesystemwasalsointroducedinthe1930sasFinnishProhibition ended.Sillanpää(2002,p.256)writesthat
Restaurantsweredividedaccordingtothesamesystemasinthelate 1800’s:classI,IIandIII.Lateronaninternationalfirstclassanda classIVwereadded.Therewerenobarcountersorstoolsallowedat restaurants for fear of prostitution taking root. In 1935 parliament prohibited dancing at restaurants, for it was seen as encouraging prostitutionandalcoholism.Therestaurant-goingofthelowerclasses wasunderparticularcontrol.
AftertheSecondWorldWar,restaurantswereconsideredtobecivic schoolsforFinnswhowereseentobeindireneedoflearningcorrect mannersespeciallyconcerningtheuseofalcohol.Butbythebeginning ofthe1960sthesituationintherestaurantscenehadbecomeuntenable. Despite the fact that number of people living in urban centres had increasedandsocietyhadundergonesomefundamentalchanges,there were still only a few restaurants, which were frequented mainly by theupperandmiddleclasses.Inthe1960stherewasclearlyaneed
185 forrestaurantstohaveamoreliberatedatmosphere,lessstrictdress codesandmoreliberalattitudestowardsfemaleclientswithoutmale company(Sillanpää2002,pp.255–257).Inthebeginningofthe1960s, anexperimentinopeningbeerhouseswasstarted.Asaconsequence the whole concept of restaurants was changed: the new ideal of an intimaterestaurantwheremildalcoholicdrinkscouldbeconsumed inapleasantatmospherewasintroduced(Kuusi2003,p.392).New alcohollegislationandalawonmedium-strengthbeercameintoforce in1969.Itwasnowallowedtoestablishrestaurantsinthecountryside andthenumberofrestaurantsroseconsiderably.In1969therewere morethan1,000restaurantsinFinlandandin1977morethan1,500. Mostimportantly,therewasnowagreatervarietyofrestaurantsand theycouldbeaccessedbyallcustomergroups.Theclassificationof restaurantswasgraduallygivenupataroundthesametime(Sillanpää 2002,p.255–257).Thesechangesintherestaurantscenewerevitalfor thegameofroulettetobecomerootedinFinland.
THECULTURALHISTORYOFROULETTE INFINLANDBEFORETHEINTRODUCTION OFLEGALROULETTEPLAYING
Thenineteenthcenturywasanimportantperiodinthedevelopment and democratization of various forms of gambling.The period saw theappearanceofrecognizablymodernformsofthecasino,thepublic racetrackandthemechanizedslotmachine.Whatwas,however,the newthingwasthatinplaceofthemassivesumswageredbyaristocrats inearliertimesgamblingbecamemoredemocraticwithmoremodest stakesandwithgamesthatmanypeopleatthesametimecouldtake partin(Reith1999,p.74).Thegameofrouletteestablisheditsstatusin themiddleofthe19thcenturyandbecamethemostimportantformof gamblinginEuropeancasinoseventhoughitdidnotsupersedetheever populargamesofcardanddice.Eventhoughcasinosweregenerally exclusive, the commercialism of at least some of these casinos bore witnesstosomedegreeofdemocratisation.Thiswasespeciallythecase insomeGermancasinos.ThemostfamouscasinoinallofEuropewas
186 thecasinoinMonteCarlo,whichwasestablishedin1861(Kortelainen 1988,p.21,andReith1999,p.74). Therouletteasweknowitwasbornwhen,inaFrenchinnovation, coloursandthirty-sixnumberswereaddedtothewheelrevolutionising the simplicity of the original game (Reith 1999, p. 76). David G. Schwartz(2006,pp.185and199)hassummeduptheculturalhistory oftherouletteinthe19thcenturybystatingthatspagamblingdefined Europe.TheRussianswereamongthemostcelebratedvisitorstothe Rhineresorts.AsFinlandwaspartoftheRussianempireinthe19th century,talesandstoriesofRussianaristocratsgamblingawayhuge sums in the casinos of continental Europe were familiar to many Finns.Themostinfluentialliteraryworkregardinggambling,Fyodor Dostoyevsky’sTheGambler(publishedin1867)hadalsobeenwell- knownthroughouttheyearsinFinland. MoneylotterieswerethefirstformofgamblinginFinland.Theywere introducedalreadyattheendoftheseventeenthcenturywhenFinland stillbelongedtoSweden.Duringthenineteenthcentury,theorganising ofmoneylotteriesgraduallyceasedandineffectbecameillegalbeing describedasanunethicalactivityinthecriminalcodeof1889.However, lotteriesofgoods(thatislotterieswithoutmoneyprizesforcharitable reasons)werepermittedinthenineteenthcenturyuntilthecriminal codeof1889madethemsubjecttolicence.Thecriminalcodeof1889 forbadeallotherformsofgamblingasillegalactivities.Thereforethere werenolegalcasinosorrouletteplayinginFinlandinthe19thcentury (Matilainen2009,p.24).However,illegalgamblinghadbeenapopular pastimeatleastamongmembersoftheupperstrataofsociety,anditis likelythattherewereroulettewheelsinactioninsecretgamblingdens andbrothelsalreadyinthe19thcentury.Furthermore,membersofthe FinnishupperclasseswithstrongconnectionstoSwedencouldplay rouletteinSwedishsparesortsbeforeroulettewheelswereforbidden therein1856(DeGeer2011,p.35). ThenovelistRafaelHertzberg(1887)offersanexampleofacontem- porarydiscourseongamblingashedescribesupper-andmiddle-class gamblinganditsdemoralisingconsequencesinhisSwedish-language novel Helsingfors-Monaco: skildring ur vårt hufvudstadsliv [Helsinki- Monaco:adepictionofourlivesinthecapitalcity].Thenovelwaspub-
187 lishedin1887.TheprotagonistCarlMöllerendsupkillinghimselfin Monacoafterlosingnotonlyallofhisownmoneybutalsothemoney hehadborrowedfromhisfather.Thenovelstartswithscenesfrom anupperclasshomewheresecretgamblinggatheringstakeplace.The gentlemenplaycards;noroulettewheelsarementioned.Thecourseof events,includinggamblingdebtsandpoorhealth,separatetheprotago- nistfromhisbrideandhetravelstotheFrenchRivieraandalsovisits thecasinoinMonaco.Thedepictionofcasinolifeissoperceptiveand vividthatitislikelythenovelisthadhadpersonalexperiencefromthe casinoinMonteCarloorthathehadreadDostoyevsky’sTheGambler veryclosely:“Therewasgamblingfeverintheair,alurkingandtreach- erousfever,whichpusheditswayforwardinhisblood,madethepulse rapidandburntthebrain”(Hertzberg1887,p.77.Translationfrom theSwedishbyRiittaMatilainen).Thesoundsandsmellsoftheexotic SouthtemptMöllertocontinuegambling:heturnstoroulettewith drasticconsequences.Notably,thenovelistdoesnotparticularlyexplain therulesofvariousgamesorroulette;theimpressionisthatthereaders ofthenovelarethoughttobe,atleasttosomeextent,familiarwiththe worldofcasinosandgambling.However,thenovelcouldbedescribed asamoralityplayandasawarningofwhatislikelytohappenifone darestoentertheworldofgambling. “Thegamblingprohibition”wasgraduallyliftedinthe1920sasmoney lotteriesandthetotewerelegalised.Finland’sSlotMachineAssociation (RAY)wasfoundedin1938andgivenamonopolyonallslotmachines inFinland.TwoyearslaterVeikkausOyAb,whichatthattimeonly operated the football pools, was established as a company and given themonopolyonsportsbettinginFinland.Oneofthereasonsforthe liberalizationofgamblinginFinlandwaspressurefromSweden:therewas desiretopreventFinnishgamblersfromtakingpartinSwedishmoney lotteriesandfootballpools(Matilainen2009,pp.27,29and34). AftertheSecondWorldWartherewereseverallegalalternativesfor Finnstogamble,butthefirstandtodatetheonlycasinotobewas openedinHelsinkiaslateas1991.Thismeantthatsomegamblers(of whichtheoverwhelmingmajorityweremen)chosetogambleinillegal gamblingdensallaroundthecountry.Thedensinthecountryside wereusuallysaunasordryingbarnswheremenwouldplaycardsand drink,butinHelsinkithedenscouldberatherwell-organisedandeven
188 glamorousplaces.Thereseemstohavebeenalivelysceneforillegal gamblinginHelsinkiatleastfromthebeginningofthe1950stotheend ofthe1970s.Thissceneisdescribedindetailinanoral-historybook basedonthereminiscencesofformercriminalswholivedinRööperi (Punavuori),anareathatusedtobeoneofthemostnotoriousworking- classquartersinHelsinki(NykänenandSjöberg2005).Apersoncalled Kuiva (Nykänen and Sjöberg 2005, pp. 222–223.Translationfrom the Finnish by Riitta Matilainen) recalls: “At that time there were alwaysthreebettergamblingdensandfewothers.…Thefineplacein RuneberginkatubelongedtoPekkaSalmiandReinoSalminenandthe policeneverraidedit.Theyhadthedenforthreeyearsandbothmade threemillionmarksoutofitincash.Therewasarouletteinoneroom, apooltableinanotherandaroomexclusivelyforcardplaying,plusa kitchen.Atbesttherewerearound20gamblers,sometimesevenmore. Thecrèmeofsocietywentthere.…Allthepeoplecomingtotheden wereacquaintedwithothergamblersandcametothedenforthefirst timeeitherwiththeproprietororthecroupier”. Kari Honkanen (Nykänen and Sjöberg 2005, p. 227), a retired policemantellsthatthegamblingdenswereofmoreusetothepolice whentheywereupandrunningandmakingprofitsfortheirowners: “Whenweknewwherethegamblingdenwassituatedandwhothe owner was we could keep an eye on the place and find there some peoplethatwereotherwisedifficulttopinpoint.Therewereburglars selling stuff, prostitutes and wanted criminals and also violent debt collectors.Thedenswerealsovisitedbydirectorsandbusinessmen… RAY’scasinoputanendtoallthesedens.Thereareacoupleofthem leftonlybecauseitisnotpossibletoplayoncreditintheRAY’scasino”. PekkaSalmihimselfhassaidthatheopenedhisfirstillegalgambling deninHelsinkiin1974.Inlessthanayearhestatestohavemadeover onemillioneuros(atthattimetheFinnishcurrencywastheFinnmark) byorganisingroulettegames(MattilaandErola2011,p.79). Insum,beforethe1960sthegameofroulettewasknowntomany Finnsthroughliteratureandperhapsthroughsomefilmsbutonlyafew Finnshadeverplayedit.Theimageofthegamewasposh;itwasthought tobeagamewherefortunescouldbelostovernight.Theroulettewheel didnotfittheimageof“tamed”Finnishgamblingunderthepatronage ofthestatethroughthemonopolyholdersVeikkausandRAY.
189 ORGANIZINGTHEROULETTETABLE RAYhadbeeninterestedinestablishingacasinointhe1950sbutithad beenforcedtogiveuptheideasincetheoppositiontowardscasinoswas sofierce.ThepublicjustificationRAYgaveforitsinterestincasinos andgamingwastheneedtoincreaseFinland’sattractivenesstoforeign touristsasaholidaydestination.Itisinterestingtonotethatanunofficial memorandumbyarepresentativeofthetouristindustrysuggestedin 1969thatRAYcouldestablishoneortwocasinosinFinlandinclose co-operationwiththetouristindustrysothatFinlandcouldbethefirst Nordiccountrytohavelegalizedcasinogamblingandthusbeableto competebetterinthetouristmarketagainstotherNordiccountries (Marte1968,p.18). In the beginning of the 1960s a couple of Swedish businessmen triedtogettheirhandsontheFinnishgamblingmarketbyplanning to introduce some roulette wheels in high-class night clubs. Some owners of night-clubs were excited about the possibility of having roulettewheelsintheirpremisesandsomepetitionsweremadetothe police regarding licenses for operating them (Iltasanomat 4.7.1964). Thegovernmentwasquicktorespond:in1964itwasdecreedthat roulettewheelswerecomparabletoslotmachinesandthusfellunder themonopolyofRAY(Kortelainen1988,p.174,andHeiskanen1992, p.7).ThemonopolyofRAYhadsufferedamildblowayearearlieras thenewspapersreportedthatpassengershipstravellingfromtheFinnish citiesofVaasaandKokkolatoSwedenhadintroducedslotmachines. Useofslotmachineswasonlylegalininternationalwaters(Helsingin Sanomat19.10.1963). TheAlandIslandsoffthewestcoastofFinlandwasthefirstregion where roulette wheels became legal in 1964. This was due to the autonomouslegalstatusoftheislands:in1951theislandsweregranted arighttoorganizeitsslotmachinesdifferentlyfromtherestofFinland (Kortteinen1988,p.144).Thefirstroulettewheelwasinahigh-class night-club;thepriceofachipwas50Finnishpenniesandthebiggest possiblewin50Finnishmarks(HelsinginSanomat5.7.1964).Thenext yearthenewspaperscouldreportthattheshippingcompanyStena’s passengershiptravellingfromStockholmtoTurkunowhadacasino onboard.Thepassengerscouldplayrouletteandtrytheirluckatthe
190 newcontinentalcraze,bingo.Thecasinoonboardwasestablishedby thesameSwedishbusinessmanBertelKnutsson,whohadtriedacouple of years earlier to introduce roulette in Finland. RAY was taken by surprisebythisbutrepresentativesfromRAYwereforcedtoconcede thatgamblingininternationalwaterswasnotillegal.RAYwaswaiting fornewlegislationongamblingtocomeintooperationbeforesetting upanyroulettewheels(SuomenSosialidemokraatti9.10.1965andUusi Suomi9.10.1965). In another magazine’scoverage of the roulettes onboard ships in May1968,thequestionofestablishingcasinosinFinlandwastaken up.Casinosareseenasnecessarybecausemanyforeigntouristsand Finnstoo,criticizedFinlandforbeingadullanduneventfulcountry.A representativeofRAYpointedoutthatthequestionnowwaswhether toplaceroulettewheelsincasinosorinfirstclassrestaurants.Ifthere were to be casinos, other games would be needed as well to attract touristsandindeedFinnishcitizens,whowouldhavetherighttovisit thecasinosaswell(Viikko10/5.1968). The experience gained from the trial roulette wheels onboard passenger ships was so encouraging that RAY decided to continue thetrialperiodwithroulettebyplacingroulettewheelsinhigh-class restaurantsandnight-clubsalsoonthemainlandtoo.Restaurantowners andthepublichadexpressedtheirhopethatroulettewouldbeallowed inrestaurants.TheMinistryofInternalAffairsconfirmedthatthesum ofthebetsandmaximumwinningswouldbethesameasinthetrial roulettegamesonboardthepassengerships:thecostofonechipwas50 Finnishpenniesandthemaximumwinwithonechipwas15marks. Thelowmonetarystakesandthus,theriskinvolvedinFinnishroulette weredesignedtoensurethatroulettewasregardedasentertainmentand couldnotthereforebeseenasobjectionablegambling(AnnualReport byRAYfortheyear1969). Accordingtothelong-heldtraditionoffollowingtheexampleof Swedennotonlyinpoliticsbutalsointheorganizingofgambling,the Swedishexampleandexperiencesoforganizingrouletteweretakeninto carefulconsideration(Matilainen2009).Oneofthereasonswhy“the gamblingprohibition”wasgraduallyliftedinFinlandstartingfromthe 1920swasthe(imagined)pressurefromSweden.Itwasthoughtthat themoneypouringoutofthecountryandintoSwedishmoneylotteries
191 andfootballpoolswouldbeputtobetteruseinFinland.DespiteFinnish suspicionstowardstheSwedishgamblingoperators,Swedenhadalways offeredmodelsfororganizinggamblinginFinland. TheroulettewheelsatthetimewereFrenchroulettewheels.The firstrouletteinmainlandFinlandwasstartedintherestaurantAdlon inFebruary1969andtheopeningnightbecameahugemediaevent. By the end of that year there were altogether 19 roulette wheels in FinlandofwhichsevenwereinHelsinki.Thefinancialresultofthe firstyearwassatisfactoryeventhoughRAY’sannualreportpointedout thatthelabourcostsofroulettewereveryhighincomparisontoslot machines.RAY’sunquestionablefinancialbackbonewasandstillisits slotmachines(AnnualReportsbyRAYfortheyears1968and1969). In the following years the number of roulettes increased rather modestlyuntiltheendofthe1970swhenbigchangesweremadein ordertorationalizegaming.In1974thecostofachipwasraisedfrom 50FinnishpenniestooneFinnishmarkandthemaximumwinwas now31Finnishmarks.Asaresult,roulette’sprofitsgrewsignificantly. Three years later 17 roulette wheels that employed both a croupier andacashierwerechangedinsuchawaythatasinglecroupiercould nowtakecareofthewholeroulettetable.Thischangeincreasedthe profitabilityofroulettewheelsandtheirnumbercouldbeincreased. In 1978 roulette’sprofits went up by 34 per cent.The cost of one chipwasstilloneFinnishmark,butstartingfromtheyear1979itwas possible to play roulette onboard some passenger chips with a chip worth10Finnishmarks.Thepassengershipswereonceagaindeemed suitablegamblinglaboratories.In1980someoftheFrenchroulette wheelswerereplacedbyAmericanones,whichmeantthateveryplayer hadtochoosetheirownchipcolourinordertoavoidquarrelsabout whohadplacedthewinningchips.Thecostofthechipwasraised againin1981.Thistimethediversityofgamblingvenueswastaken intoconsiderationasthecostofonechipcouldbeone,two,fouror fiveFinnishmarksdependingonthevenue(AnnualReportsbyRAY fortheyears1974–1981.) Inthe1970sand1980sroulettebecameanaturalpartoftheFinnish restaurant scene and culture. Even though the financial significance ofroulette’sprofitswasmodestincomparisontoslotmachinesand evenjukeboxes,RAYwantedtoholdontoroulette.Asroulettewheels
192 Figure1.TheprofitmadebyRAY’sroulettewheelsinmillionsof Finnishmarks,1969–1981.Deflatedto2011fixedprices.
Source:AnnualreportsbyRAY1969–1981.Datafromtheyears1971–1974ismissing.
hadestablishedthemselvesinthemindsoftheFinnishpublic,RAY wantedtodiversifyitsbusinessintoothercasinogamesaswell.RAY hadnotabandonedtheideaofaninternationalcasinoandchosethe introduction of the game of Black Jack in restaurants as a strategic steptowardsmakingdifferentcasinogamesthenormin1982.Aswas thecasewithmoneylotteries,tote,footballpoolsandrouletteearlier, theexperienceandexamplesetbySwedishBlackJackoperatorswere important.BlackJackwasstartedinthreeupscaleinternationalhotels inHelsinkiin1982.Atfirstthegamewasmarketedasalobbygame andasagameforbusy(business)travelers.Bytheendoftheyearthe gamecouldbeplayedatelevendifferentvenues.Aftertheintroduction ofBlackJacksomehotelswereineffectminicasinoswithslotmachines, rouletteandcardgames.TheintroductionofBlackJacktablesdidnot drawthesamekindofmediaattentionastheintroductionofroulette hadenjoyed.Itseemsthatbythebeginningofthe1980sFinnshadgot
193 usedtoandhadacceptedtheideaofplayingcasinogamesinrestaurants andnight-clubs(Kortelainen1988,pp.242–244andHeiskanen1992, pp.12,and16).
ATTHEROULETTETABLE
Thischapterispartlybasedoninterviewsofformercroupierspublished inthebookUudetpanokset.Puhettapeleistäjapelinhoitajista.[TheNew Bets.Talkabout gaming and coupiers] edited by Seppo Heiskanen in1992.SincethebookwaspublishedbyRAY(theoperatorofthe roulettetables)itisquitelikelythatsomenegativepointshavebeen ignored. However, the book offers a valuable source of information onthefirstyearsofFinnishroulettegamblingfromthepointoffew ofthecroupiers,whodealtwithroulettecustomersonregularbasis.A moregeneralviewonrouletteinFinlandisprovidedbyanalyzingsome newspaperandmagazinearticles. The reminiscences of the staff working with roulette wheels are filled with rather nostalgic memories of the glamour and respectful attitudestowardsthecroupiers.Theoccupationofacroupierwasnot knowninFinlandattheendofthe1960s,buttheatmospherearound theroulettetablesissaidtohavebeenbothrespectfulandconvivial. Nobodyseemedtobeinahurry.MsSeijaLehtinen(Heiskanen1992, p.9),oneofthefirstcroupiersandeducatorsofcroupiers,recollects thatFinnishclientslookedveryshyandintimidatedwhentheyentered arouletteroom.ThemagazineSeura(Seura1/5,1968)reportedon theroulettegamesonboardshipstravellingfromFinlandtoGermany, andthereporternoticedthatitwastheSwedeswhoweremostfamiliar withthegameofroulette.MsLehtinen,whowasinterviewedinthe samereport,pointedoutthatSwedeshadalreadybeenaccustomedto roulettesincetherewereroulettewheelsinalmosteveryrestaurantin Sweden.However,SwedeswereinterestedinFinnishroulettebecause, atthetime,one’swinningsattheSwedishroulettetablesconsistedof foodanddrink,whichhadtobeconsumedinthesameplacewherethe gamblinghadtakenplace(Heiskanen1992,p.9). Atfirstroulettewheelswereonlylocatedinhigh-classrestaurants andnight-clubs.ItisinterestingtonotethatRAYhadusedasimilar
194 kind of practice in the 1930s and in the beginning of the 1940s concerningslotmachineswhichwereonlyallowedtobeplacedonlyin firstclassrestaurantsandcafés.Thepracticemadeitalmostimpossible foryoungpeopleandespeciallyformembersoftheworkingclassto useslotmachines.Thispracticewasofcoursepaternalisticinessence andcaninsomewaysbecomparedtothestrictalcoholpolicy,which ledtotheintroductionofapersonalliquorcardandacustomercontrol policycalledbuyersurveillanceinthe1940s.(Häikiö2007,pp.131– 136).ThesepaternalisticrulesbecamelessstrictaftertheSecondWorld Warwhenslotmachineswerealsoallowedinsecondclasscafésand restaurantsinthecountryside. Inside the restaurants and night-clubs the roulettes were placed wherevertherewassuitableroomforthem.Itwasnotallowedtoplace roulettetablesintheservingarea,thediningroomorthebar.The roulettetablemightbefittedintoawindowlesscubby-hole.During the 1970s the need for roulette tables was taken into consideration whennewrestaurantpremiseswereplanned(Heiskanen1992,pp.13, and16).Theconsumptionofdrinkswhileplayingwasprohibitedas therouletteroomwasnotsupposedtobeusedfor“socializing”butthe customerswerenotexpectedtodineintherestaurantsasaprerequisite fortakingpartinrouletteaction(HelsinginSanomat1.3.1969).Mr MattiLappalainen(Heiskanen1992,p.16),whoworkedasacroupier in the 1970s, has a vivid recollection of a luxurious roulette room: “IrememberclearlythegamblingroomintheLido.Therewasasoft wall-to-wall carpet, thick and dark red velvet curtains, next to the gamblingtableapinkplushsofaandonthewallnexttotheroulette tablealargefancifuloilpaintingofanakedbeauty.Thelightingcreated averysensualandrefinedatmosphereintheroom.Inthe1970sthe rouletteswereplacedin“fine”placesthatwereopenuntil4o’clockin themorning.”Atleastthesekindsofposhrouletteroomstriedtoplay uptopeople’simagesofluxuriouscasinosinMonteCarloandelsewhere inContinentalEurope.ThedécoralsoservedtoremindFinnsofthe upper-classoriginsofroulette. The appearance of the roulette personnel can be described as glamorous.Atfirstmenworeablacksuit,alightshirtandabowtie. Lateronmenalsoworewaistcoats.Women’sskirtswerelongandthey hadwhitelong-sleevedshirts.Thehabitusofthecroupierswasunder
195 thestrictcontrolofRAY:menwithbeardsorlonghairwereusually nothiredascroupiers.Boththecroupiersandthecashiershadafeeling thattheywererespected.Itwasnotuncommonthatcroupierswere mistakenforbutlers(Heiskanen1992,pp.30,and39). Regionalnewspapersweregenerallythrilledabouttheintroduction ofrouletteintheirownregions.FearsaboutFinnsmorallyjudgingand abandoningthenewgameseemedtobeexaggerated.Theintroduction ofrouletteinanewtownwasalwaysanimportantmediaevent.The roulettepremiereswereeventswhereallthelocalVIPswouldgather, startingfromthemayor.Thenightwasfilledwithglamourandhad an international ambience. The allure of the game of roulette was partlyduetothefactthatthelanguagewasFrench,andassuchwas incomprehensibletomostFinnsbutwhichneverthelessaddedtothe excitementofthegame.Inthemedia,Finlandwasrepresentedasadull anduneventfullandindesperateneedofnewamenitiesmainlyaimed atforeigntouristsbutalsoattheFinnsthemselves.Itwasthoughtthat roulettecouldincreasetheinternationalattractivenessofFinnishcities andtownsandthatFinlandwouldfinallyopenupandtakeonamore WesternEuropeanattitudetowardsleisure,funmakingandgambling (Heiskanen1992,pp.7,12and18,andUusiSuomi18.2.1969;Ilta- Sanomat26.2.1969;NyaPressen27.2.1969;Ilta-Sanomat27.3.1969). However, Finland’s joy at finally living up to Western European standardswasnotsharedbysomeindividualswhocriticizedtheFinnish wayoforganizingrouletteinthepress.InanarticlepublishedinIlta- SanomatinMarch1969(Ilta-Sanomat27.3.1969),itwaspointedout that civilized foreigners travelling in Finland were aware of the real rulesofrouletteandthatthespeciallyadjustedFinnishruleswould onlyinvoketheridiculeoftouristsinthesamewayasthestrictFinnish alcoholpolicydid.AyearearlierayoungGerman(Seura1/5,1968) hadalsoexpressedhisdisappointmentattheFinnishrulesofroulette. ThereasoningwasthesameasthatputbyaFinnishmanayearlater:if youtaketheriskoutofaroulettegamethereisnoexcitementleft.And thusnoreasontoparticipateinthegame.Onefamousbusinesswoman andacelebrity(Heiskanen1992,p.19)alsomockedtheFinnishform ofrouletteforlackingtruecharmandrisk-takingopportunities.Amore large-scale negative newspaper campaign concerning roulette started
196 in1970s.Theaimofthereportswasnottoarousemoralpanicabout roulette per se but rather concerned stories about potential frauds aroundtheroulettetables.AccordingtoHeiskanen(1992,p.19),a myth was born about the croupiers who were, it was claimed, very capableofcheating. The first Finnish croupiers were women. Onboard the passenger shipstravellingfromFinlandtoGermanyforeignersinparticularwere astonishedatthefemalecroupierssinceallthecroupiersintheCentral Europeancasinosweremen.InthebookpublishedbyRAYthereason forthedecisiontohirewomenascroupiersissaidtohavebeenthat womenascroupierswouldbringacertaininnocenceandtrustworthiness totheroulettetable.Thewomen’spresenceascroupierswasthoughtto softenprejudicesagainstthegameofroulettewhichsomemightstill consider to be a particularly harmful form of gambling (Heiskanen 1992,p.18).Thesamejustificationsforhiringwomenascroupiers arealsogiveninonemagazinearticle(Seura1/5,1968).However,in thenewspaperstories,manyofwhichwerewrittenbymalejournalists, thelooksofthecroupiersseemedtohavestolenalltheattention.Inan articlepublishedinNyaPressen1.3.1969aftertheintroductionofthe firstroulettewheelinHelsinki,itwasclaimedthatbeautifulwomen andgamblingmakeagoodcombination.Buttherewasalsoawarning foroverlyforwardmen:thesebeautifulwomenwerecroupierswho couldnotbeharassedinanyway.Iftheywereharassedabutlerwould comeandtakecareofthematter.Inanarticlepublishedatthesame timebyHelsinginSanomat1.3.1969,aphotoshowsabeautifuldark andratherexoticlookingcroupierstandingbesidetheroulettetable.It isquiteobviousthatwomenwereusedascroupierstoincreasetheallure ofthegameandtoenticementotheroulettetables.Anotherreasonfor hiringwomenascroupiersmighthavebeenthatwomen’swagelevelwas lowerthanthoseofmenandwomenwerethoughttobemoreinneed ofpart-timejobsthanmen.
197 ROULETTEASASIGNIFICANTSYMBOL OFANIMAGINEDWESTERNEUROPEAN WAYOFLIFE
Overtheyears,asastatestooge,bothRAYandVeikkaushavebeenquite successfulintamingFinnishgamblingandturningitintoarespectable partofnormalFinnishlife(Matilainen2009,p.35).Thisisalsowhat happened with roulette. Before the introduction of legal roulette wheelsinthe1960s,veryfewFinnshadhadpersonalexperienceof thegame.OwingtotheculturalimagesofluxuriouscasinosinMonte Carlo and continental Europe and of roulette being an upper-class gameplayedbyRussianaristocratsindaysgoneby,thegamehadtobe partiallydemocratizedwithoutlosingtheexcitingelementsofluxury andexclusiveness.Onepartofthedemocratizationwasthelowcostof playing:ifachipcostonly50Finnishpenniesvirtuallyeveryonecould affordtotrytheirluck.Thelowcostofthechipandsmallmaximum winningsalsoguaranteedthatRAYcouldnotbeaccusedofpromoting and organising downright gambling where fortunes could be lost overnight. Theculturalandeconomicchangeintherestaurantscenewasvital forroulettetorootintoFinnishgamblingcultureandconsumerculture. ContrarytomanyotherEuropeancountries,womenwereallowedto actascroupiers.AsFinnshadmorefreetimeandmeansthanbeforeand asrestaurantsandnightclubsbecamemoreliberated,roulettescould offerexcitementandafeelingof“thebigworld”,albeitinasafemanner. However,thisdoesnotmeanthatroulettewasthefavouritepastimeof largenumbersofFinns. InasituationwheretheinfluenceoftheEasternblocandespecially theSovietUnionwasfeltinalmosteveryaspectoflife,takingpartin agameofroulettewasonewayofproclaimingthatFinlandandFinns werepartoftheWesternworldandcouldenjoythepleasuresoffered byincreasingconsumption.GeographersPauliinaRaento(2006)and SamiMoisio(2008)havebothintheirrecentworksmadethesame argument with other popular-cultural data (Finnish postage stamps andmaterialsabouttheFinnishEuropeanUnionmembershipdebate, respectively).Byintroducingtheconceptofconsumptiontothestudy ofrouletteinFinland,adeeperandmoretheoreticalunderstandingof
198 thisaffiliationensued,facilitatingcomparisonbetweenthisparticular caseandothercasestudies(Matilainen2011,p.90).Atleastinthe media,roulettebecameasignificantsymbolofanimaginedWestern EuropeanwayoflifethatmanyFinnswantedtolead.Itcanbesaidthat manyFinnswere“living”theimageofaWesternor“continental”way oflifewhenparticipatinginroulette.
SourcesandLiterature
Sources
Annualreports
RAY,1968–1981,AnnualreportsbyRAY
Memorandums
Marte,A.,1968.Mietintöpelikasinotoiminnanmerkityksestävaltiollejamatkailunkehit- tämiselle.[AmemorandumonthesignificanceofcasinogamingtotheFinnishstateand touristindustry],Helsinki.
Newspaper and magazine articles in a chronological order [translations by Riitta Matilainen] 1) HelsinginSanomat19.10.1963:RahapeliautomaattejaSuomen-Ruotsinmatkustaja- laivoille.Uhkapelimahdollistakansainvälisillävesillä.[SlotMachinesonshipstravel- lingfromHelsinkitoStockholm.Gamblingpossibleininternationalwaters] 2) Iltasanomat4.7.1964:Rulettiensaaminenravintoloihinepävarmaa[Itisuncertain whethertherewillberouletteinFinnishrestaurants] 3) HelsinginSanomat5.7.1964:RulettipelialkoieilenillallaMaarianhaminassa.Ahve- nanmaalaistenyritysensimmäinenSuomessa.(Thegameofroulettestartedyesterday eveninginMariehamn.AcompanyintheAlandIslandsisthefirstinFinland] 4) SuomenSosialidemokraatti[TheFinnishSocialdemocrat]9.10.1965:Pelikasinolai- vassaTurunjaTukholmanvälisessäliikenteessä(Acasinoonboardashiptravelling fromTurkutoStockholm] 5) Uusi Suomi 9.10.1965: Ruotsalaisvarustamon aluksessa pelikasino. Peli sallittu kansainvälisillä vesillä [A casino onboard a Swedish shipping company’s ship. Gamblingallowedininternationalwaters] 6) Seura1/5,1968:Rulettimerellä.[Rouletteatsea] 7) Viikko10/5.1968:Suomestapelihelvetti?[WillFinlandbecomeagamblinghell?] 8) UusiSuomi18.2.1969:Pelkurikinvoipelata.Rulettionjovapautunut.[Evenacoward canplay.Theroulettehasalreadybeensetfree] 9) Ilta-Sanomat26.2.1969:RulettiHelsinkiin.[RouletteinHelsinki]
199 10) Nya Pressen 27.2.1969: Hasarden är här! Roulettepremiär i Adlons “bakficka” [Gamblingishere.RoulettehasitspremièreinAdlon’sbackroom] 11) HelsinginSanomat1.3.69:EnsimmäisenruletinkokeilualkoiAdlonissa.[Experimenting withfirstroulettewheelstartedinAdlon] 12) NyaPressen1.3.1969Hasard,skönhetsägsvaraenbrakombination![Gamblingand beautysupposedtobeagoodcombination!] 13) UusiSuomi1.3.1969Ajanvietettä–eiuhkapeliä.RulettipyöriiHelsingissä.[Pastime –notgambling.RoulettespinsinHelsinki] 14) Ilta-Sanomat27.3.1969:mielipidekirjoitus:RulettiakuinMustaaPekkaa[Thegame ofrouletteislikeplayingMustaPekka(aFinnishchildren’scardgame)].
Novels
Hertzberg,R.Helsingfors-Monaco.SkildringurvårthufvudstadslifavSphinx.[Helsinki- Monaco:adepictionofourlivesinthecapitalcitybySphinx].Helsingfors:G.W. Edlund,1887.
Literature[translationsbyRiittaMatilainen]
Campbell,C.Consumptionandtherhetoricsofneedandwant.JournalofDesignHistory, Vol.11No.3(1998),pp.235–246.1998. Casey,E.GamblingandConsumption.Working-classwomenandUKNationalLottery play.JournalofConsumerCulture,3(2)(2003),SAGEPublications,pp.245–263. 2003. Casey,E.Women,PleasureandtheGamblingExperience.Aldershot:Ashgate,2008. De Geer, H. Statens Spel. Penninglotteriet, Tipstjänst, Svenska Spel. [State’s game. Penninglotteriet,Tipstjänst,SvenskaSpel].Malmö:Atlantis,2008. Dumell,M.MeritieRuotsiin[AcrosstheseatoSweden].Helsinki:Schildts2008. Eloranta,J.andKauppila,J.,2006.GunsandButter–CentralGovernmentSpendingin the20thCentury.In:J.Ojala;J.Eloranta;J.Jalava,ed.2006.TheRoadtoProsperity. An Economic History of Finland. Helsinki: Suomalaisen Kirjallisuuden Seura, pp. 217–243.2006. Garvía, R. Syndication, Institutionalization, and Lottery Play. American Journal of Sociology,Volume113Number3(November2007),pp.603–52.2007. Glennie, P. Consumption within Historical Studies. In D. Miller, ed. Acknowledging consumption:areviewofnewstudies.London:Routledge,pp.163–202.1995. Heinonen,V.Muutoksia suomalaisten vapaa-ajanvietossa – kotisohvalla, yhteisöissä ja matkailuelämyksissä.[ChangesinthewaysFinnsspendtheirleisuretime–inthe homesofa,inthcommunitiesandinthetravelexperiences].Kulutustutkimus.Nyt 1/2008.pp.2–23.2008. Heiskanen,S.(ed.).Uudetpanokset.Puhettapeleistäjapelinhoitajista,1992.[TheNew Bets.Talkaboutgamingandcroupiers].Espoo:RAY,1992. Hjerppe, R.; Peltonen, M. & Pihkala, E. Investment in Finland, 1860–1979. The ScandinavianEconomicHistoryReview1/1984,pp.42–59.1984.
200 Husz,O.PrivateDreamsandPublicExpectations.LotteriesAndDilemmasofProgress andSocialWelfareinEarly20th–CenturySweden.JournalofConsumerCulture2(1), pp.53–79.2002. Husz, O. Drömmars värde.Varuhus och lotteri i svensk konsumtionskultur 1897–1939. [TheValueofDreams.DepartmentstoreandlotteriesinSwedishconsumerculture 1897–1939]Hedemora:Gidlundsförlag,2004. Häikiö,MAlkonhistoria.ValtionalkoholiliikekieltolainkumoamisestaEuroopanunionin kilpailupolitiikkaan1932–2006.[TheHistoryofAlko.Thestateliquormonopoly from the end of the Prohibition to the European Union’s competition policy]. Helsinki:Otava,2007. Kettunen,P.TheTensionbetweentheSocialandtheEconomic–AHistoricalPerspective onaWelfareState.In:J.Ojala;J.Eloranta;J.Jalava,ed.2006.TheRoadtoProsperity. An Economic History of Finland. Helsinki: Suomalaisen Kirjallisuuden Seura, pp. 285–313.2006. Kortelainen,J.Pajatsojakansanterveys.Raha-automaattiyhdistys1938–1988.[Payazzoand thenationalhealth.Finland’sSlotMachineAssociation1938–1988]Porvoo:RAY, 1988. Kuusi,H.Viinistävapautta.Alkoholi,hallintajaidentiteetti1960-luvunSuomessa.[Wine for Freedom. Alcohol, governmentality and identity in Finland in the 1960s]. Helsinki:SuomalaisenKirjallisuudenSeura,2003. Lehtonen,T-K.,andPantzar,M.TheEthosofThrift:ThePromotionofBankSavingin FinlandDuringthe1950s.JournalofMaterialCulture2002;7.pp.211–231.2002. Mattila,J.J.,andErola,M.Kasinokeisari.PekkaSalmentarina.[Emperorofthecasino. ThestoryofPekkaSalmi].Helsinki:Helsinki-kirjat,2011. Marksbury,R.A.EthnographyinaCasino:SocialDynamicsatBlackjackTables.In:S.F. Kingma,edGlobalGambling.CulturalPerspectivesonGamblingOrganizations.London andNewYork:Routledge,pp.91–112.2009. Matilainen, R. “Doing the pools became so important that a Saturday night was unthinkable without it”. Gambling and gamblers’ experiences in XX century Finland.Ludica,annalidistoriaeciviltàdelgioco,12,2006.FondazioneBenetton StudiRicerche/Viella,pp.137–146.2006. Matilainen, R. A Question of Money? The Founding of Two Finnish Gambling Monopolies.In:S.F.Kingma,ed.GlobalGambling.CulturalPerspectivesonGambling Organizations.LondonandNewYork:Routledge,pp.21–37.2009. Matilainen,R.GamblingandConsumption:Thehiddenvalueofhistoricalperspectives. SuomenAntropologi:JournaloftheFinnishAnthropologicalSociety36(1)Spring2011, pp.89–91.2011 Moisio, S. Finlandization versus Westernization: Political Recognition and Finland’s EuropeanUnionMembershipDebate.NationalIdentities10(1):pp.77–93.2008 Nykänen,H.,andSjöberg,T.,2005.Rööperi.Rikoksenvuodet1955–1975.[Rööperi.The YearsofCrime1955–1975].Helsinki:JohnnyKnigaKustannus,2005. Pantzar,M.Tulevaisuudenkoti.Arjentarpeitakeksimässä.[Thefuturehome.Inventingthe needsofeverydaylife].Helsinki:Otava,2000.
201 Raento,P.CommunicatingGeopoliticsthroughPostageStamps:TheCaseofFinland. Geopolitics11(4):pp.601–629.2006. Reith, G. The Age of Chance. Gambling inWestern Culture. London and New York: Routledge,1999. Sarantola-Weiss,M.Reilustiruskeaa.1970-luvunarkea.[Plentyofbrown.Theeveryday lifeinthe1970s].Helsinki:WSOY,2008. Schwartz, D. G. Roll the Bones.The History of Gambling. NewYork: Gotham Books, 2006. Sillanpää, M. Säännöstelty huvi. Suomalainen ravintola 1900-luvulla. [Controlled entertainment.TheFinnishrestaurantinthe20thcentury]Helsinki:Suomalaisen KirjallisuudenSeura,2002.
202
TheroutebetweenHelsinkiandTallinnwasopenedin1965bythe m/sVanemuine.PhotographerYrjöLintunen(KansanArkisto). ACCIDENTALTRADERS –FINNISHTOURISTSINTHESOVIET UNIONINTHE1950s–1970s
HannaKuusi
INTRODUCTION
SomeforeigncommoditiesaremuchdesiredintheSovietUnion,and agoodpricemightbepaidforthemontheopenmarket.However,the touristisnotallowedtosellimportedgoodstoprivateSovietcitizens. Blackmarkettradingispunishable,thegoodsareconfiscatedanda fineisimposed.[--]Sellingclothesmaylooklikeatrivialthing,but itisconsideredaneconomiccrimeintheSovietUnion.(Lindström 1965,41.)
Atelevisiondocumentaryfrom1969toldaboutFinnstravellingby boattoTallinn,thecapitaloftheEstonianSovietSocialistRepublic. Ontheboat,nylonstockingsweresoldinasmallshop.Thecustomers were mainly male passengers, and according to the shop assistant sometimes over a hundred pairs of stockings were sold in one trip. Whensomemenbegantobuy,theothersfollowed.Overthefootage ofthedocumentapassengerwithathickprovincialaccentcomments: “Themosteconomicalwaytogetawomanistobuynylonstockings hereandputthemintoherbosom”.Itisnowonderthelastwordsof farewellbyrelativesattheportterminalwereoften“behaveyourself!” (Keskiviikko-katsaus,YLE1969).
206 ThepeculiaritiesoftheSovietconsumermarketshapedthenature ofthejourneysofwesterntourists.Blackmarkettradingandcurrency exchangewasillegal,butdespitetherisksitbecameverycommonona smallscale.Thismeantthattouristshadplentyofroublestospendat aratherrestrictedconsumermarket.Sightseeingandculturalholidays oftenbecametradingandshoppingtripsaswell. Thepurposeofthisarticleistoexaminetheexperiencesofordinary FinnishtouristswithrespecttothelittledevelopedSovietconsumer marketfromthelate1950stothe1970s.Itwasduringthisperiodwhen theSovietUnionopenedupitsbordersfortourists.Atthesametime Finnishmasstourismwastakingshape.Affordablepackagetourstothe SovietUnionbecamepopular,andFinnishtouristsvisitedparticularly the cities of Leningrad, Moscow,Tallinnand Murmansk as well as destinations on the Black Sea coast, for example Sotshi.The article isbasedonrecollectionsgatheredbyTheFinnishNationalBoardof Antiquities(NBA)in1981.Atotalof141respondentsreportedon theirjourneystotheSovietUnion,includingbothpackagetoursand independentvoyagestovariouslocations.
TRAVELLINGTOTHESOVIETUNION
Finnishtourists’visitstotheSovietUnionbegantoincreaserapidlyin thelate1950s.Thepopularityofthetripsparalleledthedevelopment ofmasstourisminFinland.Inaddition,twosignificanteventsboosted travelacrosstheeasternborder.In1958theSovietUnionallowedroad vehiclestocrosstheborder.Untilthen,thecrossingscouldonlybe madebytrainorbyaeroplane.Thismeantaffordablepackagetours bybusdepartingstraightfromlocalcommunities.Alsosignificantwas thereopeningoftheHelsinki–Tallinnsealanein1965.Tallinnwas nowonlyafewhoursawaycomparedtothelongsurfaceroutevia Leningrad. AuvoKostiainenhasdividedthetourismfromFinlandtotheSoviet Unionintothreeconsecutiveperiods.Thefirstsawthetransitionfrom individualtraveltomasstourisminthe1950sandearly1960s.Then asolidbasisformasstourismwascreatedinthe1960sandfinally,the 1970sand1980swereaperiodofestablishedmasstourism.Accordingly,
207 thenumbersoftouristsmultiplied.Inthemid-1950sapproximately 2500FinnsvisitedtheSovietUnionannually,inthemid-1960sthe figurewas50000andinthemid-1970s200000.Thesenumbersare relativelysmall,yetFinnsweretheSovietUnion’slargestwesterntourist group.(Kostiainen2001,p.111.) This was in accordance with the objectives of the Soviet Union’s officialtouristpolicy.Ina1955memorandumfromMinisterofTrade IvanKabanovtoMikhailSuslov,SecretaryoftheCentralCommittee, andAnastasMikoyan,FirstDeputyPremier,theMinistryofTradewas toarrangefortheentryofforeigntouristsnationbynation.Favourable termsweresuggestedfortouristsfromChina,NorthKoreaandother communiststates,aswellasfortouristgroupsfromIndia,Scandinavia, andparticularlyFinland.(Kabanov,p.1955.) Inturist,theSovietstateadministrationforforeigntourism,declared inthelate1950sthatthedoorsshouldbeopentovisitorsfromall countries.TheeffortsofInturisthavemosttypicallybeeninterpreted withinthepoliticalframeworkoftheColdWarasawaytoinfluence foreignopinion.However,accordingtoShawnSalmon,Inturistwasa commercialinstitution.Thestateneededforeigncurrencyforitsmilitary anddiplomaticcorpsabroadandtopayforconstantlygrowingimports. AccordingtotheInturist’shead,tourismwasamiracleindustryspurring Sovieteconomicgrowthandcreatingenormousopportunities.(Salmon 2006,pp.187–192.) The‘vodkatourist’hasbeenastereotypicalimageofFinnstravelling totheEast.Thelow-costandeasyavailabilityofalcoholicdrinksin theSovietUnionattractedvisitorsfromacountrywithstrictalcohol legislationandhighprices.DrunkenFinnsinthecityofLeningradwere apopularthemeintheFinnishmedia,andwerealsowellknownby thelocals.Officialmeetingswereevenarrangedtosolvetheproblem. ThebehaviourofFinnishvodkatouristshasbeenstudiedforexample byAnna-MariaÅström,whoanalyseditintermsofgrotesquenessand carnivalism.(Åström1993.) However,manytouristshadnumerousotherreasonsforvisiting. AuvoKostiainenhasexaminedthemotivesofFinnishtravellerstothe SovietUnionbasedona30-respondentsampleofthesamewritten memoirscollectedbytheNBA.Accordingtohim,motivesforthetrips werevariedandsimilartoanytourism:escape,excitement,curiosity,
208 Graph1.Leningrad1976:Finnishtourists’expectationsand theirfulfilment
Source:Palosuo,Hannele1976,table20,citedbyKostiainen2001,p.114.
adventure,relaxationandculturalhighlights,inadditiontodrinking. Manyexpectedtoseesomethingnewandalsotolearnmoreabout theirsocialistneighbourcountry.Forsomethismeantthebenefitsof socialism,andforothers,itsfailures.(Kostiainen2001,pp.118–119.) A survey study of Finnish tourists to Leningrad was conducted by sociologist Hannele Palosuo in 1976. She analysed over 700 questionnairesansweredbybustravellersinpackagetours.Thequestions included a section about expectations before the journey compared tooutcomesafterwards.Theresultsareinteresting.Femaletravellers expectedculture,maletravellershopedforrelaxationandamusement. Theinterestincultureexpressedbyoverhalfofthemalerespondents isnoteworthy,however.Expectingculturalhighlightswasatthetime unique in the context of mass tourism, but very typical of tourism to the Soviet Union. And such expectations were mostly satisfied. On the contrary,expectations concerning meeting local people and learningaboutSovietlivingconditionswereoftennotfulfilled.Maybe surprisingly,mostunexpectedwasshopping.Notmanyexpectedto
209 shopbut,particularlyinthecaseoffemaletravellers,shoppingbecame acommonactivity.(Palosuo1976). EventhoughFinnishtourismtotheSovietUnionhadmanycommon elementswithmasstourismanywhere,ithaditspeculiarfeatures.The curiosityandsensedadventurewererelatedrathertothebureaucracyof atotalitariancountrythantoexoticism.AuvoKostiainenhascrystallized thisquiteaccurately:
Travel to the Soviet Union, a socialist country, was a trip to the unknown,anditwasalsoakindofadventure.Thosemotivationsand expectationswerefulfilledbymanyoddities,bureaucraticbehaviourof thecustomsofficialsaswellasillegalbusinessbythetouriststhemselves. (Kostiainen2001,p.119.)
NARRATIONANDEXPERIENCE
Thewrittenmemoirsreportingonexperiencesabroadwereresponses tothe”Holidaytothesouthorotherjourneyabroad”,carriedoutby theNBAin1981.Thequestionnaire’s12questionswereansweredby over800respondents,ofwhom141hadvisitedtheSovietUnion.The latterwroteapproximately1500pagesabouttheirtripstovariousparts ofthesocialistcountry.Thelengthoftheresponsesdifferedfromafew pagesofhandwritingtodozensofcarefullytypedsheets. The only background information of the respondents concerned theirplaceofbirth.ThegeographicalareaofFinlandwasratherevenly represented.However,theinformationisparticularlyinterestinginthe caseofrespondentsofKarelianorigin.Althoughagewasnotmentioned, mostrespondentsseemtohavebeenmiddle-agedorseniors,andusually oftheagrarianorworkingclasses. The written memoirs are various and fragmented, and not a representativesample.Consequently,nogeneralizationsarepossible, butratherthecommonandgeneralarederivedfrompreviousresearch. However,thememoirsarerichnarrativesarticulatingtheexperiences rememberedbythetourists. Travelwritingistypicallystronglyinfluencedbytheconventionsof thegenre.Thenarrativeoftenfollowsthedramaticarcofadventure
210 including obstacles. Locals are seen as the genuine other and one’s travelling practices are compared with those of other tourists, the ignorantother.Andfinally,theobservingtouristtakesthepositionof aneyewitness,withtruereportingovercomingtheflawsofprevious narratives. Thetendencyforthenarrativeformtodeterminethecontentsof the story is clearly present in the collected memoirs of this article. Folklorist Jenni Korjus has called idiomatic travel stories “tourist folklore”. Finnish package tours to Soviet Union were very similar indestination,durationanditinerary,andcreatedasimilartypeof collectiveculture.Consequently,thestoriesaboutthejourneyswere crystallized by repeated themes. According to Korjus, these themes wererelatedtotheformalitiesattheborderandcustoms,illegaltrading andcurrencyexchange,thepolice,wiretapping,alcohol,womenand thelevelsofcleanliness.Manytimesthestoriesemphasizedtheexciting andeventhrillingaspectsofthetouristexperience.(Korjus2001,p. 152.) Naturally,travelwritingconcerningtheSovietenterprisewasquite probablyshapedbyideologicalviewpoints.MayteGómezhasstudied the writing of Spanish travellers to the Soviet Union in the 1930s. Accordingtoherthevisitingleftistintelligentsiabelievedinthepower of “fair observation”, but had to balance their obsession for “truth” withrelativelyunconsciouspre-determinedpoliticalideology.(Gómez 2002,p.69–70.) InthecaseoftheordinaryFinnishtouriststheideologicalviewpoint was often forthright. For example a union activist was invited to LeningradbyaregionalSovietcouncilin1959.Forhimthetourwas allaboutmodernfactorieswithhugemachinesandalsoaboutcultural offerings.Everythingwasnarratedinapositivetone.(NBAK28,p. 468.)Ontheotherhand,therewereothertouristswhohadavery negativeattitudetowardsalmosteverything.Yetoften,theforemost reasonforbitternesswasnotthepoliticalcontroversyassuchbutthe bittermemoriesofdefeatinthewarandthelossoftheKarelianIsthmus. OnerespondenthadparticipatedinatourtoPetrozavodskorganizedby theKarelianCluboftheFinland’sCentrePartyin1980.Shedepicted everythinginbadlight:evenwhenthefoodwasexcellent,therewas toomuchofit.(NBAK28,p.448.)Suchanattitudewastypicalof
211 respondentswhowouldbegintheirstorywith“myfirstexpeditionto theSovietUniontookplacein1942–44”.(NBAK28,p.489.) Travelmemoirsaregenre-boundnarratives,butalsotheformulated experiencesofindividuals.Thestorieswiththeirdramaticarcsarethe finaloutcomeoftheexperience–theyaretheimmaterialcommodity remainingfromthejourney.Inthisrespectitisnotnecessarytoseparate thenarrationfromtheexperience.However,therecertainlyarealways reasonsfornottellingeverything,eitherpersonalorbroaderones.One mustrememberthatin1981theSovietUnionstillexisted.
INTIMIDATINGCUSTOMSFORMALITIES
The narrated difficulties at the Soviet border may be interpreted as tourist-lore,butstillthestrictcustomscontrolwasashockformany travellers.ASoviettravelguideprintedinMoscowandtranslatedinto Finnishintheearly1960sdescribedhow“crossingtheborderisalways anexcitingevent,becauseontheothersidetherearepeoplelivingwith theirownhabits”.Withthistheguidebookwantedtoemphasizethat therewasnothinguniqueaboutthebordercontrolofthetotalitarian state.Itbecameevenmoreoutspokeninthenextsentences:“Allnations believetheirborderissacred.Becauseofthispleasetrytofulfilallthe conditionsandregulationsthereareimposedonarrivinganddeparting passengers.Inthiscasetheformalitiesdonotcausedelaysorharm, andtherearenotmanyofthem.”Thisisfollowedbyathree-pages presentationoftheborderprocedures.(Priss&co,pp.33–36.) The problems at the border were mostly related to the bringing inandtakingoutofgoods.Itemsnotallowedinincludedweapons, pornography,seeds,farmproductsincludingfruit,andmostessentially, any kind of material harmful to the Soviet Union politically or economically.Thisincludedreligiousmaterial,biblesandallwestern magazines.Touristsleavingwereallowedtotakewiththemfurproducts (1 of each); 2 watches or clocks; 1 tea, coffee or dinner service; 1 camera,andarestrictedamountofjewellery.Forbiddenitemsincluded Sovietcurrency,antiquesandartpiecesincludingicons.Thelatterwere allowedonlywithspecialpermissionfromtheculturalministryand
212 thepaymentofanexportfee.(Priss&co,pp.34–35;Lindström1967, pp.24–25.) Upon arrival the tourist had to fill in a form where the amount of foreign currency brought in, as well as detailed information on accompanyingitemswasreported.Oftenthecustomsofficialswould search luggage for forbidden objects and also listed items suspected ofcommercialpurposes.Whendeparting,thetouristhadtohavein possessionallthelisteditemsandreceiptsforallpurchases.Theamount ofcurrencythathadbeencarriedinhadtomatchwiththereceipts. Potentialsaleableitemswereconfiscatedandkeptatcustomsuntil thereturn.In1965agroupoffolkhighschoolteachersandstudents crossedtheborderinthebeginningoftheirtwelve-dayfieldtrip.For somereasononeteacherhadtwoelectricshavers,ofwhichonewas confiscated.Thecustomsofficeralsopaidparticularattentiontothe amountofnylonstockingscarriedbythefemaletravellers.Agymnastics teacher reacted to this and raised her voice. She explained how the womenneededplentyofthedelicatestockingsbecauseofthelengthof thetrip.WhowouldliketowalkaroundinthecityofMoscowwith tornstockings?Referringtothedignifiedcapitalcitywasenoughto satisfytheofficer.(NBAK28,p.467.) Anotherrespondenthadgottenintotroublewhenscissorsandblack paperwerefoundinhisluggage.Whenhewastakenforquestioning thechiefcustomsofficercouldnotunderstandwhyhewascarrying suchaweapon.Thetravellerexplainedthathishobbywascuttingout silhouettesandaskedifhecouldmakeasilhouetteofthechief.The officialhesitatedbutthenagreed,andaskedafemaleofficertostand byforsafety.Theylikedthesilhouettesomuchthattheyaskedforone ofthefemaleofficertoo,afterwhichtheinterrogationwasover.(NBA K28,p.467.) Some respondents experienced truly unpleasant moments at the border.Theirvehiclesweremeticulouslysearched,andtheywereharshly interrogatediffoundtobecarryingforbiddenitems,forexamplehymn books.(NBAK28,p.471).Theworstcaseswerewhenselectedtourists werecheckedmorethoroughly:suitcaseswereemptied,liningsofthe handbagsrippedoutandindividualswerestrip-searched.(NBAK28, p.465.)
213 Whenleaving,touristshadtoexplaintheirexpensivepurchasesif receiptsfromtheofficialcurrencyexchangedidnotcovertheprices. Presentsfromlocalshadtobeclearlymarkedwithgreetings.Awayto solvehavingnotenoughofficialcurrencywastodeclarehavingtaken aloanfromfellowtravellers–whentheydidnothaveexpensiveitems themselves.Oneteacherhadboughtsomuchemeraldjewellerythat hehadhisfemalestudentswearthenecklacesofthewayout.(NBA K28,p.467.) Soviet customs was particularly suspicious of the smuggling of forbiddenitems.Oneteacherwascaughtwithaniconunderhisclothes, andhisinterrogationdelayedthegroupforseveralhours.Hedidnot wishtocommentonthisepisodeanyfurther.(NBAK28,p.467.)Many tourists also experienced unpleasant moments when officials ripped filmsoutoftheircamerasbecauseofsuspectedillegalphotographing. Ontheotherhand,crossingtheborderwithextraalcoholwasonlya concernofFinnishcustoms,whichpouredthebottlesout. Crossingtheborderandfacingtheunknownhasbeeninterpreted withintheframeworkofritesofpassageandliminality.(Korjus2001, pp. 154–155). For many tourists it was certainly an adventure to boast about afterwards. But many inexperienced tourists were truly frightenedoftheguardsandthepossiblehumiliations.Manyepisodes attheborderwerementionedassomethingonewouldratherforget. Thefollowingillustratestheoftenintimidatingatmosphere:
AttheVaalimaacustomsIhadthefirstfeelingofleavingsomething safe.Well-dressed,healthySovietsoldierscametocheckourpapers, andtheircomparingmewithmyphotographtookunnervinglylong. Wedidnotexchangeonesmile.(NBAK28,p.412.)
SOVIETCONSUMERSOCIETY
Sovietideologypreferredproductionoverconsumption.Theemphasis of the five-year plans was typically on heavy industry and defence. However,the1930salreadywitnessedanefforttoproduceconsumer goods.Theauthoritieswereconvincedthattherewasadesirefornew
214 consumergoodsamongthepopulation.Basicneedshadbeenmet,and itwastimetoinvestinamorerefinedconsumerculture,todevelop “Soviettaste”.Bythemid-1930snewshopswereopenedandfeaturing itemswereproducedforfirsttimeinthefactories.AccordingtoJukka Gronow,more individualistic lifestyles were encouraged.The Soviet citizenwassupposedtoenjoylife.Thismeantthatformerbourgeois luxuriesweretobeavailableforeveryone.Chocolateandchampagne productionbeganandcaviarwastinnedsothatSovietworkerscould enjoyamorearistocraticlifestyle.(Gronow2003,pp.6–15.) However,inthe1950sconsumersocietywasstillinitsearlystagesof developmentwithconstantshortagesandlonglinesinshops.Duetothe wideningeconomicgapbetweentheEastandtheWest,consumption and living standards became a central concern of the “consumer communism”ofNikitaKhrushchevduringtherelativelycalmphaseof theColdWar.ItwasalreadyunderstoodthatthedestinyoftheSoviet systemwasrelatedtothesatisfactionofconsumers.AccordingtoSusan E.Reid“[p]romisestoincreaseconsumptionplayedacentralpartin the post-Stalinist regime’ssearch to renew and maintain its popular legitimacywithoutsurrenderingitsexclusiveholdonpower”.Thegoal oftheeconomicplanof1958–1965wastocatchupwiththeUnited Statesintermsoflivingstandardsandconsumergoods.(Reid2002, pp.221,225.) Reidalludedtoaneverydayitem,thestringshoppingbag,oravos’ka, asasymboloftheKhrushchev-eraconsumersocietyandsynecdoche fortheSovietconsumer.Thenameavos’kacomesfromthewordavos’ meaning‘perhaps’.Womenalwayshadtheiravos’kaswiththemincase theywouldrunintosomethingavailabletobuy.Thebagwasexpandable andtransparent,opentoinspection.Women’sspontaneousshopping wasimpulsiveandirrationalintheabundantWest,butinSovietsociety itwas,accordingtoReid,astrategyfordealingwithpoordistribution andshortages.(Reid2002,p.211.) Theavos’kascaughttheattentionofFinnishtouristsaswell.Shopping excursionswereoftentheclosestonecouldgettotheeverydaylifeof thelocalpeople.Observingopen-airmarketsandstoreswasapopular tourist activity for those interested in the local culture. Constant attentionwaspaidforendlessqueuingoftheSovietcustomers,which
215 wasactuallynotsuchadistantmemoryfortheFinns.Onerespondent witnessedin1980peoplelinedupearlyinthemorningonallfoursides ofashopnexttoherhotelinTallinn.Shewastoldthatbyeveningall thefoodwassoldout.(NBAK28,p.41.) Theavos’kas,stringbagswereparticularlynoticedbythetouristsfor tworeasons.OnerespondenthadvisitedaMoscowdepartmentstore. Thefemalecustomerseachhadastringbagintowhichallcabbage heads,beetrootsandbreadloaveswerestuffed.Protrudingfromthe topsofthebagswerebottlesofwineorvodka.Bottleshadbeenpicked upjustlikethatfromagrocerystand.Alcoholicbeverageswereoften displayedinarotatingrack,withchampagneonthetop.(NBAK28,p. 441.)Thiswasbizarrefortouristscomingfromalandofstrictalcohol policies.AlcoholseemedtobeapartofSovieteverydaylife,something theFinnswerenotusedto. AnotherunusualpracticewastheSoviethabitofbarelywrapping groceries.Thepurchaseditemswerejustpiledintotheavos’kaswithout any paper.The shortage of paper was visible in other ways as well. Forexample,onerespondentnoticedthescarcityofpapereverywhere inLeningradin1966.Verythinpaperwasusedinthehotelforthe registrationofguests.Intheshops,purchaseswerewrappedinlow- quality cardboard.This reminded the respondent of Finland in the 1920s.(NBAK28,p.477.) The unwrapped groceries were interpreted as backwardness or poverty.Manyfoundoff-puttingthelocalhabitofweighingunwrapped breadloaveswithhandsbeforeapurchase.TheFinnishhygienicnorms for retail had developed precisely during the pre-antibiotic era and the unpackaged foodstuffs were a shock for many. However, some interpretedwhattheysawinapositivelight.Thewrappingofbread waspossiblyunnecessary.(NBAK28,p.459.)Notwastingpaperwas understoodasprogressiveandsomethingtheextravagantWestcould learnfrom.
216 SELF-MADETRADERS
TheshortageofconsumergoodsintheSovietUnioncreatedaconstant demand and desire of western commodities. According to Shawn Salmon,touristsusuallyleftthecountrylighterthanwhentheycame –eitherthroughselling,bartering,givingawaythingsorbeingrobbed. Blackmarketersharassingthetouristswerecalledfartsovshchiki,andit wasdifficultfortouriststoavoidthem.(Salmon2006,pp.186–187.) Manyearlytouristswereunfamiliarwiththetradingactivity.One inexperienced respondent had travelled to Leningrad in 1965 for fourdayswithonlytheonedressshewaswearing,anightgownand toiletries.Shewonderedwhytheattendantonherfloorinthehotel wastalkingtohersoenthusiastically,graspingherbytheshoulders.She didnotunderstandthewomanandtoreherselfaway.Othertravellers laterexplainedtoherthattheattendantprobablywantedtobuyher dressandthatshewastryingtoindicatethattheywereofsimilarsize. (NBAK28,p.404.) Arespondentwrotethatherdaughter’swhitejeansweresomuch desiredbytwoyoungmenthattheyskulkedaroundthehotelfortwo daysuntilshethreatenedtocallthepolice.(NBAK29,p.466.)Other touristsfearedtheywerebeingshadowedbytwomeninMoscow,but itwasonlyatrenchcoatthestalkerswereafter.Thesamecoatattracted willingbuyersthroughouttheirstay.(NBAK28,p.467.)Oneman travellinginTallinnin1966realizedhiscaphadbeentakeninthe crowdandthatsomeroubleshadbeenputintohispocketinreturn. Theactwassosuddenhehadnotbeenquickenoughtoreact.Buthe didhavesomeextramoneytospend.(NBAK28,p.477). Experiencedtouristswerewellawareofthetraders,however.Acouple travellingin1960toLeningradtookoldclothesalong,becausethey knewtheywouldfetchagoodprice.(NBAK28,443.)Someregretted havingnotbroughtextraclothes,especiallyinthe1960swhenanything wouldhavesold.Evenwithouthavingthoughtofitwasnevertoolate toconsidersellingsomethingatthebeginningofajourney.Thebus tripfromone’scommunityinFinlandtotheborderoftenlastedseveral hours.Passengershadplentyoftimetolistentothetourleaderand busdriver,andtoexchangetraveltipswitheachother.Forexample,
217 stockingsandbubblegumwereoftenboughtcollectivelyatthelast stopsbeforetheborder.(NBAK28,p.485.) In a historical inquiry of Tallinn’s Viru hotel, Sakari Nupponen listedthemostpopularitemstosell.Thelistislong,rathermundane and presents a peculiar image of the essence of affluent western consumer society in the 1980s: nylon shirts, stockings, ball point pens,bubblegum,westerncigarettes,westernalcohol,coffee,Adidas gear, caps with any logo, fashionable clothes, plastic bags featuring advertisements, condoms, c-cassettes, Lada spark plugs, windscreen wipers,videocassettes,pornography,medicalsyringes,vegetableseeds andelectronics.(Nupponen2007,p.118.) Nylon stockings and men’s nylon shirts were probably the most commonitems.Moregenerally,syntheticnylonwasoneofthesymbols oftheColdWarofconsumption.AccordingtoSusanE.Reid,already in 1951 American sociologist David Riesman depicted the “Nylon War”asanalternativetothearmsrace.(Reid2002,p.222)Onthe otherhand,synthetictextilematerialswereaSovietsolutiontocloth shortages.Thedevelopmentofthechemicalsindustrywastoensurethe productionofconsumergoods.NataliaLebinahaspointedouthow syntheticsinparticularwereinKhrushchev’sinterests.Hewasquoted assaying“withoutthedevelopmentofsyntheticmaterialsitwouldbe impossibletoresolvetheclothingissue”.Hehimselfprovidedthelead andworeartificiallambskin.(Lebina2009,37,p.42.) Inthelate1950stheCentralCommitteewascallingforsignificant effortstochemicalizetheeconomyandpromotetheuseofsynthetic materials through popular literature, films and exhibitions. The successofwrinkle-proofandeasycarefabricswaswidespread.Nylon anditsSovietversionsmadearealbreakthrough,andaccordingtoa contemporaryjournalist,eventhoughinFrancenylonshirtswereworn onlybypoorstoreclerksandAlgerians,Sovietconsumerslovedthem. Demandgrewtosuchanextentthatgarmentfactoriescouldnotkeep up.(Lebina2009).Hence,westernsyntheticgarmentsmaintainedtheir positionastopblackmarketmerchandise. Infact,“stockingsascurrency”hasbeenawiderdiscoursetypical oftheWorldWarIIyearsandafter,asHeleneLavillehaspointedout. StockingsservedascurrencyforAmericansoldiersbuyingsexualfavours fromforeignwomen.AccordingtoLaville:“[s]tockings,therefore,carry
218 adoublemeaning,servingaspowerfulsymbolofconsumerismasboth supplyanddemand,ofdesireandfulfilment.”Thissymbolismbecame strongerinthecontextoftheColdWar.Productsdesignedforstyleand beautyratherthanfunctionandpracticalityrepresentedthesuperiority oftheWest.(Laville2006,pp.635–637.) BringingextrastockingsandshirtsintotheSovietUnionwasillegal, butbecauseitwascommon,touristsdidnotconsideritacrime.It provided a little extra money which was very much welcomed by ordinarytourists–theydidnothavethatmuchtospendtobeginwith. Manyregardeditalsoasakindofcharity,helpingtheirpoorneighbours with nice commodities.This sometimes meant that stockings were giventochambermaidsforfree.Themoralacceptanceofblackmarket activityextendedthroughthefullspectrumofFinnishtourists.Inthe 1960sagroupofFinnishpensionersfromNorthernFinlandtravelled toTallinn.TheretheywitnessedthesophisticatedskillsofaMemberof ParliamentfromTheCentreParty.Hewaswearingseveralshirts,and soldthemonebyone.(NBAK28,p.60.) EvenhavingideologicalsympathieswiththeSovietsystemdidnot always prevent illegal behaviour. An elderly lady on a cultural trip toLeningradsoondiscoveredthatsomeoftheothertravellerswere politically active students. On the bus they lectured her about the strategiesofsilentrevolution,voicinghighideologicalprinciplesand passing bottles around. As soon as the bus stopped at the Karelian Isthmus, one of the students sold his leather jacket. (NBA K28, p.412.) Similarattitudestowardstradingactivitieswerecommonamongst the Finnish left-wing youth delegates participating in the World FestivalsofYouthandStudents,from1947on.Thepurposeofthe festivalswastofosterworldpeaceandpromotethesocialistsystem. However,accordingtoPiaKoivunen,foreignerstookadvantageofthe factthatanythingcouldbesoldontheblackmarket.Forexampleone ofherrespondentshadsoldhistrousersoftheofficialuniformofthe FinnishdelegationinMoscow1957.(Koivunen2012,p.150.) Theinexperiencedwereeasytargetsofdeception.Onestudentsold hissunglassesinKareliaforworthlessroublesfromthetsaristperiod. Thiswasrecountedbyhisaccompanyingteacher–thetravellersseldom mentionedsucheasytrapsthemselves.(NBAK28,p.467.)Direct
219 theftalsooccurred.Oneyoungwomanhadherunderwearstolenfrom herhotelroom.(NBAK28,p.467.)Evenincaseslikethisthetourists werenotalwaysupsetbecauseoftheiroverallpositivefeelingsaboutthe journey.ArespondentreportedseveralmembersofagroupinSotshi in1976losingclothesintheirhotelrooms.Itwasnotconsideredtoo disastrous:therespondentnotedthattravellingalwaysinvolvessome risk.(NBAK28,p.484.) Eventhoughblackmarketactivitywascommon,noteverytourist daredtotaketherisk.Thestrictlawsandtheborderpolicearousedfear, andforsometheideaofbreakingthelawwastoodaunting.Because oftheirobedience,sometouristsranshortofmoney,astheamount allowedoutfromFinlandwasrelativelylow.(NBAK28,p.508.)In addition,therewereexamplesthatwarnedoftheserioustroubleone couldencounter.Oneelderlyrespondentwasexploringthestreetsof Leningradbyherselfasherhusbandwasnotabletoaccompanyher. Shewasstoppedbyamatryoshkawhotouchedherhome-madescarf. Therespondenttookthreepackagesofstockingsoutofherpocketand wasthenrapidlysurroundedbymanymorematryoshkas.Quicklythey tookthestockings,putsomemoneyinherpocketandleft.Thevery nextmomentthewomanwasarrestedbythepoliceandtakentojail whereshewasforcedtospendthenight.Herhusbandmusthavebeen veryworried.(NBAK28,p.465.) Therespondentswroteabouttheirsellingactivityquiteopenly,but theillegalexchangeofforeigncurrencywasnotmentionedtothesame extent. Currency crimes were considered more serious in the Soviet Unionandcouldbepunishablebyprisonsentences.Still,becausethe blackmarketexchangeratewaslucrative,itwascommonfortourists todealwithillegalmoneychangers. Small-scaletransactionswereforthetouristsmostlyofsymbolicvalue, buttheirvaluecumulatedonalargerscale.InTallinntheavailabilityof westerngoodsclearlyimprovedafterthelargeViruhotelwasopened in1972.AccordingtoSakariNupponen,Finnishtouristscounteracted thedeficienciesoftheSovieteconomy.ItwasthebusinessofViru’s chambermaidstoobtaingoodsfortheirfriendsandrelatives.Theydid notdaretoexchangemoney:thatwasdonejustoutsidethehotelby theseriousEstonianmoneytraders,orfartsovshchiki.Theseindividuals
220 werealsoknownasViruärikas,thebusiness-menoftheViruHotel. (Nupponen2007,pp.115–116.) Oneofthebigtraders,IndrekStahl,latertoldhisstory.Hebought nylonshirtsfromFinnsat3,10roubleseach,andresoldthemfor60 roubles.Healsoexchangedcurrency,butneverwentintothehotel himself.Contactpersonsbroughtthegoodsinandthepolicewasbribed. Oftenthetravelguidesplayedtheirparttoo.EvensomeFinnswereable torunenterprisesinstockingsorjeans.Stahlmadeoutafortuneand becameabusinesslegend.(Nupponen2007,pp.117–118).
SHOPPINGANDSOUVENIRS
Finnishtouristshadextramoneytospendasaresultoftheblackmarket tradingandillegalcurrencyexchange.Thiswashelpedbythefactthat thepackagetoursweretypicallyall-inclusiveorhalfboard,andthat mostoftheculturalactivitieswereincludedintheprice.Looseroubles madedininginfinerestaurantsandimpulsiveshoppingpossiblefor low-incometourists. However,shoppingattheSovietmarketwasnoteasy.Therewas not that much to buy,especially in the 1960s.The organization of the shops was complicated by separate counters for payment, and touristswereoftenstuckinlonglines.Inaddition,thecustomscontrol required receipts for purchases matching the officially exchanged currency.Consequently the extra money was often spent in situ on alcohol,womenandfancydinners.Sovietluxuriesoriginatingfrom the1930s,champagneandcaviar,aswellasthree-coursedinnersinthe finestrestaurantswereforonceavailabletoordinarywesterntourists. InFinlandtherestaurantswereexpensiveandoutofthereachofthe lowersocialclasses. The freedom to drink alcohol did not always have favourable consequences,asiswellknown.OnerespondenttoldofaFinnwho begandrinkinginLeningradandcontinuedthroughtoMoscowinthe 1950s.Hedrankallhiscash,madeamessinthehotelroomandbroke avase.Theothertravellershelpedhimwithmoneytobuyasouvenir forhiswife.Heboughtacaststatue,butitfellfromhistremblinghands andbrokeintopieces.(NBAK28,p.441.)
221 Apossiblewaytospendextramoney,compensateforshortagesin theshopsaswellasdealwiththecustomscontrol,wouldhavebeento purchaselocalservices.Thiswasnotcommonamongtherespondents, however.Itwasaresultofthelanguagebarrier,buttherewerealsoother reasons.OnetravellertoTbilisiin1978reportedhavingheardthat thehairdressersinGeorgiawerereasonablypriced.Butoncethereshe noticedtheoverdyedbeehivesofthelocalwomen,anddecidednotto makeanappointmentforaperm.(NBAK28,p.480.) Foreigntouristsweresupposedtobuytheirsouvenirsfromthehard currencyshops,BeriozkasorinUkraineKashtans.Thesewereopened in1964forthepurposeofprovidingforeigncurrencytothestate.The selectionwasfarbettercomparedtolocalshops,andordinarySoviet citizenswerenotallowedin.Inthesameveinforeigncurrencybarsand caféswereopenedinthemainInturisthotelsthroughouttheSoviet Unionin1965.Theywereintendedexclusivelyforforeigntourists, particularlythewesternones.ThebarsweredesignedalongAmerican and European models, and cocktails with ice were served. (Salmon 2006,p.192–194.) ThehardcurrencybarsandBeriozkasbecamepopulargatheringplaces for Finnish tourists. Women preferred beriozkas, and men favoured barseventhoughtheyboughtsouvenirsaswell.Afemalerespondent reportedthatduringatriptoSotshiin1976shevisitedaKashtan,a localforeigncurrencystoreeachday.Itwaspleasantsimplytostroll aroundandlookatthevariousitems.Sheendedupbuyingahand- embroidedshirt,acoupleofclayjugs,ajewelleryboxandnumerous smalleritemsaspresentsforherchildren.(NBAK28,p.484.) ThemostpopularpurchasesfromtheBeriozkas–andtosomeextent fromthelocalstores–weremusicalinstruments,emeraldjewellery, matryoshka dolls, Russian scarves with colourful flower decorations, cameras, alarm clocks and watches, samovars and tea services, tea, andRussianbread.Nottomentionalcoholandcigarettes.Apeculiar popularitemwas“serpentcream”purchasedfrompharmacies.Itwasan Asiancamphor-basedcream,analgesicandanti-inflammatory,andused forrheumaticproblemsaswellasmuscleandbackpain.Altogether,the listsofsouvenirsdonotappearveryabundantfromacontemporary perspective, but in the context of the 1960s and 1970s they were
222 anythingbutmodest.Furthermore,thequalityoftheSovietshowcase itemswashighandthepurchaseswereofgoodvalue. Musicalinstrumentswereparticularlywellknownfortheirreasonable priceandmanytimeswholeorchestrascrossedtheborderbackinto Finland, including balalaikas, mandolins, guitars, accordions and variousbrassinstruments.AccordingtoJukkaGronow,gramophones (patéfons),radiosandmusicalinstrumentswereSovietidealproductsof the1930s.Stalinhadpromisedthatlifewouldbemerrier,andmusic wouldbeaperfectmeansofit.InthewordsofGronow“whatbetter prooftherecouldbethanthesightofagramophoneonthetableofa kolkhozhutorinthesummergardenofadacha,witholdandyoung gatheredaroundit”.Inaddition,gramophoneshadonlyrecentlybeen introduced in capitalist countries and were a sign of technological advancement.(Gronow2003,p.63.) As a result, in 1936 every fourth young Soviet industrial worker hadaguitar,abalalaikaoramandolin,butonlyafewhadabicycle (Gronow2003,p.61.Table4).Watchesandclocksweredifferent:they werenotproducedinfactoriesbeforetheendofthe1930s,butplenty werecirculatingsecondhand.Membersoftheformerupperclasses hadtoselltheirwatchesandjewelryinordertosurvive.Onlyby1938 didtheshareofSoviet-madewatchesexceedthesecond-handonesof westernorigin.(Gronow2003,pp.65–66.) Porcelain tea services produced by the Leningrad Lomonosov PorcelainFactorywerealsomuchdesiredbyFinnishtourists.Inthis caseitwasnotonlyamatterofhighqualityandreasonablepricebut alsoofstyle.ModernistFinnishdesignbelievedinplainandsimple formlanguage,butmanyFinnsoftenstillpreferredmoretraditional patterns. (Kuusi 2009, p. 157.) As contrasts to the more minimal Scandinaviandesigns,theLomonosovporcelainitemsdecoratedwith cobaltblue,brightredandgoldattractedthetourists.Thehistoryof thefactoryisparticularlyinterestingasitwasfoundedin1744asthe ImperialPorcelainFactory,andsomeofitspatternshavesurvivedall politicalupheavalssince. The logic of the Beriozkas however, was not clear to the Finnish tourists. InTallinn,two librarians were asked by a chambermaid, a former school teacher, to buy her an umbrella from the foreign
223 currency store. The women did so, handed it over to her in complete secrecy, and were given some cheese for the favour. However,thelibrarianswonderedaboutthelogicofhavingseparate stores, and did not really understand it. (NBA K28, p. 55.) The complicated Soviet consumer market was difficult to comprehend.
CONSUMINGSOCIALISM
Eitheronaneducationalfieldtrip,individualholidayorgrouptour, thetravellersconsumedsocialism.Theyhadpurchasedatripandwere eitherpleasedordisappointedwithwhattheyreceivedforthemoney. Inmostcasestherewasmuchtoseewhetheroneappreciateditornot. ForexampleLeningradinthe1970swasformanyashockbecause ofitsausterityandgloominess.Ontheotherhand,itssimplicitywas somethingtheextravagantFinnscouldlearnfrom,accordingtoone respondent.(NBAK28,p.471.)Similarly,forsomerespondentsthe cityofTallinnwasdirtyanddepressing,forothersitwascleanand pleasant. Thetoursthemselveswererelativelylow-budgetandbecameeven lessexpensiveforthetouristswithextramoneyfromtheblackmarket activities.The illegally received roubles could not be used for large purchases,butbecauseofthemone’sentiretravelbudgetcouldbespent intheBeriozkas.Extradrinksandothercostscouldbecoveredwith themoneyfromsellingaswellasillegalcurrencyexchange.Thisoften meantthattouristscouldshopmorethantheyhadplanned,andthat theystillhadtoomanyofroublestospend. TheFinnishpackagetourswithexcessivebehaviour,Mediterranean pork feasts and vodka-tourism have been interpreted within the frameworkofcarnivalism.Anna-MariaÅströmhasdepictedhowthe touristsenteradifferentrealitywereeverythingisturnedupsidedown. Thecarnivalisticlaughiscombinedwithdifferentfeaturesofexcess withinthesphereofthegrotesque:heavydrinking,overindulgenceand sexualcontact.And,forabriefmomentthehierarchiesofpowerare ridiculed.(Åström1993,p.173.) The tourists’ temporary affluence can also be seen in terms of carnivalisticexcess.Thiswashighlightedbythegapinlivingstandards
224 betweenthecapitalistWestandsocialistEast.JenniKorjushasdescribed howtheabundanceofroublescreatedasuperiorattitudeamongthe Finnishtourists.Foramomentatleastanordinarytouristcouldfeel rich. This could produce rather irrational behaviour, for example throwingroublesoutofthebuswindow.(Korjus2001,pp.163–164.) Suchbehaviouroftensuggestedrevengeforwarlossesorsymbolized potentialtriumphintheColdWar. Sociologists Soile Veijola and Eeva Jokinen have criticized the carnivalistic interpretation of tourism in terms of gender relations. Indecencyandexcesshaveonlybeentypicaltomen,whilewomenhad theroleofcontrollers,withtheattributesofbeingdisciplined,abstinent andascetic.(Jokinen&Veijola1990,p.26.)Inthisrespectshopping andconsumptionascarnivalisticbehaviourwasanexception,becauseit wasthesameforbothgenders.Withtheirloosemoney,bothmaleand femaletouristshadliminalexperiencesattheSovietconsumermarket. Foramoment,theypassedbeyondeverydayausterity. Themicro-levelblackmarkethaditsimpactonFinnishtourists, particularlyinthe1960sand1970s.ButtheimpactofWesternitems on Soviet citizens – and possibly on the future of the whole Soviet consumer economy – was remarkable. A case in point is when a FinnishtouristgroupvisitedTallinnin1967.Atthedeparturethey gaveapresenttotheiryoungguide:aleatherbagfilledwithchocolate, tenpairsofstockingsandsomemoney.Thegirlweptwithhappiness. (NBAK28,p.59.) Toconclude, the inexpensive package tours to the Soviet Union becamepopularamongFinnsfromthelowersocialordersduringthe 1970sand1980s.TheuniqueSoviettourismexperienceincluded–in additiontotheoverallodditiesofSovietsociety–culturalhighlights such as ballet and art, fancy three-course dinners and impulsive purchases of consumer durables, all of which were out of reach in everydaylifeinFinland.Theliminalcrossoversintoanotherrealityas wellasthecarnivalisticexperienceswerefarmorecomplicatedthan thestereotypicalimageofavodkatourist.Thejourneyswereareal breakawayforbothmenandwomen,eitherinthesenseofashockor ofpleasureandindulgence.Andformany,paradoxically,consuming socialismmeantabundanceandexcess.
225 Sourcesandliterature
Primarysources NationalBoardofAntiquities,K28:Lomamatkaetelääntaiyleensäulkomaille[Holidayto thesouthorotherjourneyabroad],1981. Kabanov,Ivan23.4.1955.RGANI[RussianStateArchiveofContemporaryHistory], fondi5,opis30,delo113,pp.32–35.(SourcesuppliedbycolleagueAappoKähönen, PhD.) Keskiviikko-katsaus,YLE 1969. Directed by LeenaVihtonen, produced by Leo Matis. www.yle.fi/elavaarkisto[Retrieved6.9.2012] Lindström,Juhani:MatkailijanNeuvostoliitto.Weilin&Göös,1965. Priss,A.,Kasatkin,V.&Mazov,V.:MatkaNeuvostoliittoon.Vieraskielisenkirjallisuuden kustannusliike,Moskova[Moscow,undated,early1960s].
Literature
Gómez, Mayte. “Bringing Home the Truth about the Revolution: SpanishTravellers totheSovietUnioninthe1930s”.InBurdett,Charles&Duncan,Derek(eds.): Cultural Encounters. European Travel Writing in the 1930s. Berghahn Books, pp. 65–83.2002. Gronow,Jukka:CaviarwithChampagne.CommonLuxuryandtheIdealsoftheGoodLife inStalin’sRussia.Berg,2003. Jokinen,Eeva&Veijola,Soile:Omanelämänsäturistit.Alkoholipoliittinentutkimuskeskus, 1990. Koivunen,Pia:’Adreamcometrue’:FinnsvisitingthelandsofsocialismattheWorld YouthFestivalsinthe1940sand1950s.TwentiethCenturyCommunism:ajournalof internationalhistory,Issue4,pp.133–158.2012. Korjus,Jenni:“Näinnaapurissa?RyhmämatkailuaNeuvostoliittoon”.InKupiainen,Tarja, Laitinen,KatjaandVakimo,Sinikka(eds.):Minä?Missä?Milloin?Kolmetoistatulkintaa identiteeteistä.SuomalaisenKirjallisuudenSeura,pp.151–171.2001. Kostiainen, Auvo: “Towards the Unknown: The Motivations and Their Fulfillment amongFinnishTravelerstotheSovietUnion(1950’sto1970’s)”.InJarva,Eero, Mäkivuoti,Markku&Sironen,Timo(eds.):Tutkimusmatkallapohjoiseen.Giuseppe Acerbin Nordkapin matkan 200-vuotissymposiumi. Acta Universitatis Ouluensis B Humaniora40,UniversityofOulu,pp.109–120.2001. Kuusi,Hanna:”Toiveenaedullinen,käytännöllinenjakaunis”.InSusannVihma&co (eds.):Suomalainenmuotoilu2.Esineistäteollisuustuotteiksi.Weilin+Göös,pp.135– 163.2009. Laville,Helen:”’OurCountryEndangeredbyUnderwear’:Fashion,Femininity,andthe SeductionNarrativeinNinotchkaandSilkStockings”.DiplomaticHistory,Vol.30, No.4.September,pp.623–644.2006. Lebina,Natalia:“PlustheChemicalizationoftheEntireWardrobe”.RussianStudiesin History,vol.48,no.1,Summer,pp.33–45.2009.
226 Nupponen, Sakari: Aikamatka hotelli Viruun. Ajatus Kirjat, Gummerus Kustannus, 2007. Palosuo,Hannele:Leningradinmatkailu.TutkimusLeningradiinsuuntautuneenmatkailun historiasta,nykyisyydestä,häiriöistäjamotiiveista.UniversityofHelsinki[unpublished master’sthesis]1976. Reid,SusanE.:”ColdWarintheKitchen.GenderandtheDe-StalinizationofConsumer TasteintheSovietUnionunderKhruschchev”.SlavicReview,Vol.61.No2,pp. 211–252.2002. Salmon,Shawn:“MarketingSocialism:InturistintheLate1950sandEarly1960s”.In Gorsuch,AnneE.&Koenker,DianeP.(eds.):Turizm.TheRussianandEastEuropean Tourist under Capitalism and Socialism. Cornell University Press, pp. 186–204. 2006. Åström,Anna-Maria:”Suomalaistenturistimatkatitään–tutkielmagroteskiudesta”.In Korhonen,Teppo(ed.):Mitäonsuomalaisuus.TheFinnishAnthropologicalSociety, pp.161–179.1993.
227 Fashionshowandsale inaTamperedepartment storein1966. Photographerunknown (TyöväenmuseoWerstas).
FROMBACKGROUNDTOFOREGROUND: MUSICPRODUCTSFORPRODUCTION ANDCONSUMPTIONSPACES
KaarinaKilpiö
Manipulativemusicproductsarediscussedlessfrequentlytoday,but thegeneralideathatmusic“makesthingshappen”andlubricatesnearly everytypeofbusinessisevenmorepervasivethanitwasin1950sand 1960s.Dividingmusicintofunctional/non-functionalcategoriesno longerconstitutesameaningfulperspectivesincetherearefewgenres leftthatcannotbeputtouse.Studyinganddiscussingpreviousstylesof backgroundmusicandotherfunctionalmusiccanstillbeworthwhile inunderstandinghoweveryday(andeveryplace)musichasdeveloped. Tothis end, I have gathered and analyzed marketing material and mediatextsonMuzakinFinlandandconductedinterviewswithlocal backgroundmusicsalesmen.
MUZAK:SOCIALENGINEERINGLINKED WITHENTERTAINMENT
Thetermmuzakiscommonlyusedwhenreferringtobland,mostoften instrumental,recordedmusicusedtocreateadesiredatmospherein,for example,publicfacilitiesandtelephonesystems.Manyarealsoaware oftheword’soriginasacorporatename,withahistorydatingbackto the1930sintheUnitedStates.
230 In1922,MajorGeneralGeorgeSquiersoldTheNorthAmerican Companyhispatentedplanfortransmissionofsoundentertainment, education,andadvertisingviaelectricpowerlines.Squierenvisioned andplannedthesystemasoneresultofhisworkwithelectro-magnetic systemsduringhisarmycareer.Itwasinspiredbyideasonsoothingand energizingpiped-inmusicinEdwardBellamy’snovelLookingBackward (2000−1887)(Lanza,1995,pp.22−25).Organizingandrefiningthe idealedtothecreationofMuzakandthestartofpiped-inbackground musicbusinessin1934.GeorgeSquierpiecedtogetherthecompany namefromthewordmusicandthehighlysuccessfulcompactcamera brandKodak,whichhefeltembodied“one-solution-fits-all-consumers” ingenuity. The Muzak corporation’sproduct line, titled Stimulus Progression anddevelopedaccordingtothecompany’squasi-scientificprinciplesof subconsciousmanipulation,constitutespossiblythemostfull-fledged formoffunctionalbackgroundmusic1sofar.Inthewidestsense,the termbackgroundmusiccanbeusedtodescribeanymusicthatismeant tobeheardbutnotlistenedto.Typically,itisemployedinsituations whereotheractivities–predominantlythoseconnectedwithproducing andconsuming–aresupposedtoplaytheprimaryrole. Thestartingpointofthisdiscussioniswhathappenedwhenthe commercialbackgroundmusicsolutionswereimportedintoasmall northerncountrywitharapidlygrowingmarketeconomy.Acompany calledFinnestradacquiredtheMuzakfranchisingdealin1960.Atthe time,Finlandhadsucceededquitewellinremainingeconomicallyopen andfindingwaystoprosperinspiteofitssmallsizeandpopulation (Ojala,ElorantaandJalava,2006).Thiswasanenvironmentformany innovationsandideas,oftenpropelledbyindividualsorsmallgroups ofmen.Onesuchideawastosellmusicasaproduction/consumption enhancementtooltotheFinnishbusinessadministration.Theideaofa subliminal,pleasantwaytopersuadecitizenstoproduceandconsume morefitnicelyintheU.S.-derivedparadigmof‘consumerrepublic.’
1 Thetermsenvironmentalmusicandproductionmusichavealsobeenused.Formore ontheoriginsanddevelopments,seeToop(2007).
231 Thisparadigm,withitsfaithinmassconsumptionasaweaponinthe ColdWarstruggles,combinedeconomicabundanceanddemocratic politicalfreedom—asopposedtothe“impoverishment”oftheSoviet system(Cohen,2003,pp.125–127). “Scientifically”createdbackgroundmusicproductsraisedconsiderable expectationsintheearly1960s.AspromisedbyFinnestrad,theyhad beendesignednotforlistening,butforsubliminaleffects.Thecentral characteristicsofMuzakmaterialareeffectivelysummarizedbyRadano (1989,pp.451−2)asfollows:
Notably, there is a distinct lack of abrasive tone colors, harmonic ambiguity, rhythmic complexity, and swing that might make overt reference to musics outside the normative order. … Broadcast over multi-speaker public address systems, the recorded program lacks physicallocus.…Muzak,broadcastingcontinuallyandquietlybelow thedynamiclevelofnormalspeech,“hides”fromthelistener,becoming a kind of sonic wallflower, or as it has been described pejoratively, wallpapermusic.
Atthesametime,achangewasoccurringinthelisteningconventions oftheFinnishmusicculture.Atoneendofthe(imaginary)listening continuum was the subliminal manipulation of the human brain to increase economic growth through Muzak, and at the other end weretheFinnishproponentsofcontemplativelisteningand“serious music”.Thelatterweregraduallylosingthebattleagainstnon-attentive listeningandubiquitouspopularmusic.Bothendsofthecontinuum seemsomewhatfadedawaynow,andintheirplaceisamentalityof acomprehensive“soundtrackofourlives”.Musiccontinuestobean elementinintensivedesignprocesses:bothindividuallisteners(via,e.g., mobilepersonalmusictechnologydevices)andspecialistscreatesound environments,andbrandingwithsoundisessentialincommercialand publicspaces. In a world where the number of actors in musical “soundscape design” has multiplied and continues to do so, neither subliminal manipulationnorcontemplativeconcentrationonlistening,controlled byoneagent,islikelytocontinueworking.Sincethe1980s,subliminal backgroundmusichasbeenreplacedinmostcommercialenvironments
232 withforegroundmusic:arecognizablerepertoirewithamoreaudible characterandvolume.Anoverwhelmingamountofmusicencounters inpublicspaces(ofatleastWesternsocieties)isnowmusicforbranding purposes,intendedforlisteningwhileperformingotheractions,usually consuming. According to Michael Malone, founder of the highly successful foregroundmusicsupplierAudioEnvironmentsIncorporated,foreground musicis“simplyanoffshootofthepopularmusicexplosionofthe1960s” (SchuchandVandeMark,1998).Heisrighttousethewordexplosion; itincludesthepracticeofcombiningmusicwitheverydaylife,changes intheimportanceofcustomerservicesandinthenotionofacitizen, anderosionoflisteningfromcontemplativetosituational.Popularmusic “on the fore” emerged, slowing down scientifically justified musical manipulationalaMuzak.
MAKINGUNNOTICEABLEMUSIC ASTANDOUTPRODUCT
In Muzak sales promotion in the 1960s, several distinctions were madebetweentheproductandothertypesofmusic,andotherways of improving productivity. One main point was to emphasize the differencebetweentested,researchedbackgroundmusicand“musicas art”.TheMuzakproductwasclaimedtobeessentiallydifferentfrom the“surroundingmusicculture”,thatis,otherwaysinwhichpeople wereinvolvedwithmusic.Perhapsthemostimportantsingledefining featureofMuzakproductsandthekeyofbrandingMuzak–itsUSP2, sotospeak–wasthestimulusprogressionprinciple.Thisconceptwas developedduringthe1940sinordertosetMuzakdeliberatelyapart fromradiostations,whichwere,uptothatpoint,itsrivals. Stimulusprogressionwaslaunchedattheendofthedecade.Itwas basedonanelaborateanalysisofMuzak’semotionalcontentandenergy levelsinitsmusicrepertoire.Musicwasthenplacedin15-minuteblocks
2 USP=Uniquesellingproposition/point;adistinctideaorclaimcommunicatedtothe customerthatsetstheproductfavorablyapartfromgenericcompetitors.Theterm originatesinRosserReeves’1961book,RealityinAdvertising.
233 inanorderthat(bywayofmusicalenergylevels)counteractedthe averageworker’s“fatiguecurve”andsocontributedtoapsychological “lift”.Betweenmusicsegments,equaltimespansofsilence(or,atleast, nomusicalinput)wereprogrammed(Lanza,1995,pp.48−49;Sumrell andVarnelis).Thesilencesegmentswereabsentfromtheproductsfor useinconsumptionspaces. Foralmosthalfacentury,Muzakcouldbedescribedasasuccessful businessintheUnitedStatesandseveralotherlocationsworldwide. Therewerealsoplaceswherebusinessfalteredattimes.Onesuchmarket seems to have been Finland. Background music was imported and initiallymarketedmainlyasaninnovationforenhancingproduction withinworkplaces.Muzakproductsweremetwithinterestintheearly 1960s.Despiteitsgoodstartandthusadvantageoverothersuppliers, MuzakultimatelyfailedtokeepupwithcompetitioninFinland.The businesswasstymiedbytheendof1970sasaresultofseveralchanges in business life and music culture. Muzak’ssales tactic, which until thenhadbeenworking,turnedpeopleagainsttheproductwhenthe “surrounding” music started to make its way into the substance of everydaylife.
IMPORTINGTHEIDEA
ThemanbehindFinnestrad,andtheideaofimportingbackground music, was Eero Vallila, the then secretary-general of the Finnish publicbroadcastingcompanyYleisradio.Vallilatookaninterestinthe backgroundmusicindustryandimportedtheconcept.Hiscareerin Yleisradiocontinueduntiltheendof1960sandincludedappointments suchasassistantmanagerandfinancialdirector.Healsohadasignificant roleintherecurrentdebateconcerningYleisradio’scommercialrivals andtheirlicensing.Towardtheendofthe1960s,Vallilawasastrong candidateforthedirectorgeneralaswell.Hewassidelinedfromthe race, mainly due to a possible conflict of interest between business leadershipandYleisradioandforpoliticalreasons(Raatikainen,1980; Salokangas,1996).Vallilathenmovedinonthebackgroundmusic businessforgood.
234 ThebusinessagreementbetweenFinnestradandMuzakdatesfrom 1959,andthefirstclientsstartedusingtheserviceinearly1960s(Vallila, 2006).TheformerexecutivedirectorofFinnestradremembersexciting timesatthestartofthefranchisingbusiness:
WehadreadaboutthisandItravelledtotheUSandcontactedthe MuzakCorporation–naturally,wewerejustatiddler,nothing,really. …Butatthattime,weweresomewhatexotic,Iguess.Sowhenwe contactedthemasthefirstNordiccountry–andthirdfromEurope,if memoryservesmeright–itsomehowstruckachord.Thenthegeneral directorcametovisitusandgotapositiveimage,sothefranchisewas ours.(Lindén,2006)
Vallila was highly motivated and energetic: His ideas on diffusing Muzakproductswentasfarastosuggestradioprogrammingbased onMuzak’srepertoireforYleisradio(Henriksson,2009).Theproposal wasnevertriedout,butdiscussionabouthisidearesurfacedbefore launchingSävelradio,Yleisradio’sbrandnewprogramconcept,which wasaresponsetotheaudience’schanginglisteninghabitsandtastein music(Melakoski,1983,p.22).Theprogramwasasignificantchange in Yleisradio’s broadcasting policy and an acknowledgement to the widesupportgainedbypirateradiostationsintheearly1960s.Vallila alsocollectedstatementsfromhiscustomersforyearsinaneffortto trackdownspecificfeaturesofthebackgroundmusicsystemthatwere most valued among clients.These views of the clientele, somewhat homogeneouslywordedinlettersandcompiledinVallila’sarchivesina filetitled“Muzak-Gallupinvastaukset”,arelikelytohavebeengathered withmarketingusesinmind. Newspaper coverage was used extensively when launching the service:
Aftertheturnoftheyear,Muzag[sic]musicwillbegintoplayinwork placesandpublicfacilities.…ThepurposeofMuzaghasbeentocreate music that, played in work places, would brighten up workers and enhancetheirperformance.…Performersofthismusicarechosenfrom amongthepickoftheorchestras,andthedesiredmusicistransferredto eachcustomerindividuallyfromaspecialcentralstudio.(US,1961)
235 [R]emovingtheilleffectsofnoiseandthedangersofweariness,Muzak enhancesboththehappinessofemployeesandtheworkefficiencyfor thebenefitofallparties.(HS,1966).
Itisworthnotingthatthelatterpaper,in1966,refersto“parties”by thesameFinnishword (“osapuolet”)thatisusedwhenreportingthe incomespolicynegotiationprocess.Intheyearstofollow,relationships between these “parties”, employers, and employees, drew increased attentionasdiscussiononworkingconditionsradicalizedbytheend of1960s.
“SOMETHINGCOMPLETELYDIFFERENT” FORTHEULTIMATEWORKPERFORMANCE
Although the first Finnish background music client was – perhaps prognostically–arestaurant,3Finnestrad’smarketingwasinitiallyaimed primarilyatworkplaceswithmonotonousjobs.InFinnishindustrial psychologyliterature,therewerepreviousnotionsofaneedformusical, oratleastrhythmic,elementsinworkplaces.In1948,OhtoOksala,an influentialfigureinFinnishindustrialpsychology,complainedabout themachinesofhistime:
The rhythmic moves, knocks and rattles of the levers in quaint machineryhaveturnedintoacontinuousdroneofwheels.…Workers havequiteasensitiveearforsuchrhythm,whichtheyoftendownright create themselves in order to make the work easier. ... Factors that disturbtherhythmofworkareamongthegravestdrawbacksoffactory work.(p.17)
Oksalaconsideredmusicanimportantfactorforacertaingroupof peopleintheworkforce.Thisgroup–oftenwomenwhoperformed productionlineandroutineofficework–couldbeadaptedtorepetitive
3 TherestaurantoftheEngineeringSocietyofFinland,inInsinööritalo,Helsinki(Krister Lindén,2006).
236 andmonotonouswork,providedtheyhadadistractionthatwouldhelp themendureit.Fortheiremployers,musicwasusefulandhelpfulin theall-importantreadjustingoftheworkforcetomodernconditionsin theworkplace(Oksala,1948,p.8–9). Oksala’smanner and idea of (wo)man is typical of the efficiency movementanditsdescendants,suchasTaylorismandrationalizing. Hegivesexactadviceandmodelsbasedonobservationsfromworking conditions,theultimateaimbeingenhancedefficiencyinemployment andworkperformance.TaylorandSquierworkedontheirefficiency enhancementsystemsconcurrently,andMuzakalsosuitstheTaylorist workpracticesperfectly. Oneessentialfeatureofworkplacemusic–thereproducedversion, nottraditionalworkingsongs–istoprovideanoutletfordaydreaming and other mental activities that are, as Oksala puts it, “something completely different” from monotonous work. Music’scapability of evokinganemotionalresponseissignificantforIndustrialAgework music.LyricsareabsentfromMuzak’sStimulusProgression,and,as JerriAnnHusch(1984,p.131–2)statesinherstudy,“Musicofthe Workplace:AStudyofMuzakCulture”,“Themissinglyricalcontentof theworkmusicisusuallyrelatedtoissuesofloveandfriendship,”thus evokingstrongemotionalresponses,thatdo“notreflecttherealityof currentevents,buttheemotionalimpactofprevioussocialinteractions”. Thesocialcontentofthemusicis,inotherwords,hintedatbyfamiliar melodies, and the social experience is transferred from the present workingsituationtopastpersonalexperiences.Thisenablesworkers tomanagetheirtimeinasimilarmanner–thementaloutletfrom monotonousworkisprovidednotinrealtimebutthroughmusically- aidedfantasy.Theproductis,aspromisedinmarketing,formulated accordingtoefficiencyandproductionexpectations.
PLANNED,SCIENTIFIC,SUBLIMINAL
Formanybusinessleaders,solidproofofprofitabilitywascrucialin considering music investments for the workforce. Music had to be introducedasacalculatedtoolforpersonnelmanagementandefficiency, notafrivolousnovelty.Therewasnoconsensusonhowexactlythe
237 longed-for advances in efficiency and competitiveness would be attained.Moreimportantly,therewasnoonetrustedFinnishauthority onwhichtobaselocalmarketing.Itprovedmucheasiertoarguefor theimportantroleofplannedconditionsinwelcomingcustomersin consumptionspaces,whichlatercomprisedthemainmarketforMuzak products. Inmarketingtheproducts,thecareful,accurateplanningwiththe clientinmindbehindtheservicewasemphasized,aswellasindividual deliverytoeachclient.KristerLindén(2006)trainedsalesrepresentatives forFinnestrad,andheremembers:
This,however,wassomewhatofaqualityproduct,notexactlycheap either,therewerethesesustainedcostsandall.Sothat’swhyitwas muchcostlierthanwhatthesecompetitorshad.…[W]hatwasessential, whenpresentingtheproduct,washighlightingitsspecialandunique character.Themaindefinitionwasthatpeoplehadtounderstandthey werenotbuyinganyoldthing;theywerebuyinganabsolutelyunique product,onethatwasgoingtoholdup100%.
Insalesmanualsandrepresentativetraining,thefocuswasonconvincing clientsofthedistinctivequalityexclusivetotheMuzakbrand(though theterm“brand”wasnotinuseinthe1960s).Apointtobemade repeatedlywasMuzak’ssuperiorityoveranyothermusicalcontentthe managementmightconsiderplayingduringtheday,forexample,radio, recordcollections,andsolutionsbasedonplaybackfrommagnetictape.
SONICFORCE-FEEDINGANDITS(FEW) DISCONTENTS
Inthemid-seventies,whentheMuzakbusinesswasstillexpandingin Finland,acolumnistforthenewspaperKalevawroteacidlyaboutthe qualificationsetforMuzaktunes:theycouldnotcontainsinging,betoo interestingorear-catching,orotherwisemeetthedemands“normally setformusic”.Thecolumnistusesseveralothersarcasticexpressions in his text, inserting quotation marks around the word “composer”
238 whenmentioningthatsomeFinnishtuneshavealsobeenselectedfor Muzak’srepertoire.Hecallstherepertoire“castrated”,“senilewithout a doubt”, and an “ear-injected music sedative”. These are familiar characterizationsfromcriticsofbackgroundmusic.Theyhavebeen conspicuoussincethe1960sandcontinuetobeusedinthedebate onfunctionalmusic.Intheendofthecolumn,thewritertakesnote offoregroundmusicandfindsitjustasdisturbing,statingthatthe “bawlingjukeboxinthecorner”confirmsthereis“noshelterfromsonic force-feeding”(Karemo,1975).Attheendofthecolumn,Karemothus speaksoutmoreforconcentratedlisteningandtherighttosilencethan againstmanipulation. The early stages of the background music business in Finland, however,didnotmeetveryactivepublicresistancefromproponents ofmusic’sartisticvalueandattentivelistening.Thismayhavebeen becausetheFinnish“seriousmusic”scenehadcontroversiesofitsown inthe1960s.Thenewgenerationchallengedoldwaysofcomposing music and communicating with audiences. Their experiments and concertswithelementsadaptedfromperformanceartwereridiculed byseveralestablishedcomposersandcritics,whowereirritatedbythe self-confidence of the reformers as well as their musical work.The generationshadopposingviewsonthevalueofdifferentmusicgenres as well. Many young composers had turned to popular and/or folk musicforinfluences.Theystartedtotakepopularmusicalexpression more seriously,adapting and developing their own styles and using populargenrestoconveysocialmessages. Bytheendofthe1960s,itwasclearthatinnovativeforcesworked withinbothso-calledartmusicandpopularmusic.Theseforceswanted musictobeseenandheardasanimportantmeansofexpressionfor meaningful,evenpoliticalmatters.Certainlynotallmusicchanged, but thinking about and discussing music became topical issues. Minor concerns, such as manipulative musical practices, were often overshadowedandleftfairlyundebateduntilthe1970s.
239 “DON’TSTARTWITHSUCHNONSENSE!”
The task of launching American scientifically-produced background musicinFinlandhadnotbeenstraightforwardandeasyinspiteofgood newspaper coverage and general goodwill. Some technical problems increasedFinnestrad’sinitialcosts.Thelocaltelephonecompanywas notpreparedtoletitstechnologybeusedforsomethingquitenewand unknownbeforeextensivenegotiations(Lindén,2006).TheMinistry ofFinancedidnotassenttoFinnestrad’srequeststoimportMuzak tapesfreefromturnovertaxation.4TheFinnishComposers’Copyright Society, Teosto, fought against making business with music while notpayingthetariffsnegotiatedbyTeosto,butlostthebattle.The formerdirectorofFinnestrad,KristerLinden,notedinaninterviewin 2006thatthiswasatoughdisputeandthatToivoMikaelKivimäki’s (Finland’swar-timeprimeministerandaprofessorofcivillaw)personal interestandbackingwereessential. FinnishmanagementwasnotusedtoAmericanideasandmethods in management consulting and rationalization. The local version of business leadership was young and mostly derived from German scientific management, not so much AmericanTaylorism.This was partlyduetoalanguagebarrier:proficiencyinGermanwasmuchmore commonthanEnglish.Anew,moreWestern-thinkinggenerationof businessleaderswasemerginginthelate1950sandstartedworking duringlaterdecades,butthemajorityofmanagementwasstilltrained beforeandduringWWII(AinamoandTienari,2002,p.72–3). Some difficulties also arose from the divided music scene of highbrowclassicalmusicappreciatorsontheonehandandawidespread appreciationofpopularmusicontheother.Formersalesmenhavevivid memoriesoftheattitudeproblemstheyfacedwhenintroducingthe ideaoflightmusicforcustomerserviceunits:
4 CorrespondenceDec1961–March1962betweenFinnestrad,MinistryofFinance(the FinnishequivalentfortheDepartmentoftheTreasury),Tullihallitus[NationalBoard ofCustoms],andOyYleisradioAb(theFinnishBroadcastingCompany,consultedon whetherpublicperformanceofMuzakproductscouldbeconsideredpublicservice broadcasting.FinnestradpointedtothefactthatMuzaktapesonlycametoFinlandfor hireandwerereturnedafteruse.Musicwasdeemedtheactualmerchandise,notthe tapes.Exemptionfromtaxationwasdenied.
240 ...andyoucanimagine–Imeanit’snothingtoday,butatthattime – the kind of biased thinking there was... say,I’dgo to banks and insurancecompanies:“What?Music,here?”liketheyhadaholychurch goingthere;“Don’tstartwithsuchnonsense”.Sotherewerethesehuge wallsofprejudiceandonereallyhadtoworktoknockthemdown. (Lindén,2006)
“CUSTOMERSWILLSTAYLONGERAND BUYMORE”
Music had already been successfully employed in constructing the –mostlyfeminine–consumeridentityofdepartmentstorepatronsin theUnitedStatesstartinginthe1880s.Thesoundscape–musicians hiddenbehindscreensor“vine-hunglattices”playingamiablemusic –wasacrucialpartofwomen’sexperienceoffeelingsafeandproper ataluxuriousshoppingfloor(Tyler,1992,pp.82,102–104).Thereis aninterestingcontrastherewiththeSovietideologyof“retailingthe revolution”,whichwasdescribedindetailbyHilton(2004).When the Soviet GUM department stores were introduced, the concept wasdesignedtomakeiteasyforworking-classmentoapproachthe consumptionspaceandwasthus
[a]processthatfavoredworking-classmalesbysymbolicallyclearing thecommercialsphereofmiddle-andupper-classwomen,andsecuring itforworking-classmen.Certainly,thisimagedidnotreflectreality, but symbolically it speaks to the masculine political culture of the Bolsheviks.(Hilton,2004,p.943)
Introducing the gentle atmosphere of background music in Finnish retailing spaces was a step towards a Western, femininely-oriented notionofmassconsumption. The Muzak repertoire was never pronouncedly arranged with feminine traits in mind. However, it did lack certain characteristics frequently associated with masculinity in Western listening culture: activebasslinesandbrasssections,clearlyaudiblepercussiveinstruments, rhythmicirregularities,andsoon(see,e.g.,TaggandClarida,2003,pp.
241 669−670).The“feminine”string-dominatedlegatoecantabilemelody linesweredefinitelycharacteristicofconsumerspaceMuzak. Stockmann, the largest and most luxurious department store in Finland, conducted a small-scale enquiry with their employees in 1951(City,1951a,1951b).Aftertheresultsprovedthemajorityof employeesfoundbackgroundmusicdesirable,Stockmanninstalleda publicannouncementsystemandplayedmusicforemployeesduring certain times of day.The basic idea had been copied directly from Muzak’sideology:Musicservedasatoolincombatingfatigueduring theworkday.Stockmannwasapioneerinmanysuchsmallerandlarger reforms,forexample,aday-carecenterforthesaleswomen’schildren asearlyas1946.Butcompaniesthatprovidedtheirownbackground musicwithinretailorcustomerservicesettingswerenotunusualbythe timeMuzakproductshitthemarkets.ThisiswhyFinnestradhadto tacklethegrowingbusinessofconsumptionspaces.Whenaskedabout the best-selling background music product, Krister Lindén (2006) replied:
Wellyes,customerservicewasit,ofcourse...andwehadtonaturally [adapt] then, although we were ideologically, so to say, trying to promotespecificallythisworkmusic–theideaofit–sothatitwould notjustbetheordinarykindofbackgroundmusic.
The“ordinarykindofbackgroundmusic”referstoseveraldifferent solutions,notallofthemasthoroughlyconsideredasinStockmann’scase. Judgingfromthe“before–after”materialusedbytheMuzaksalesmen, thecompaniessettledonsolutionsthatweredifferentcompilationsof personalrecordcollectionsandradiosets,resultinginvaryingdegrees ofsatisfactionfromemployees.TheownerofFinnestradcommented in a television interview that background music “programming for services–thefunctionthereis,ofcourse,completelydifferent–itis justentertainingbackgroundmusic,andtheaimisnotthesameaswithin workplaces”(Vallila,1972). Inthe1970s,thereweresimplynotenoughcustomersfortheMuzak productinitsoriginalformasanindustrypsychologytool.Restaurants andstoresformedthefastestgrowingsharesofclients.
242 In Finland, competition also tightened. Several new formats and technical solutions, which were often based on the inexpensive and easilytransferablec-cassette,wereintroducedforprospectiveclients. Music programs tailored to each client’s needs encroached on the market.Thisdevelopmentquicklysupplantedthecarefullycreatedidea of“scientific”musicaimedatthesubconsciousastherightsolutionfor efficient production and consumption. A salesman for a competing musicsupplier,FazerMusiikki,recalls:
InFinland,this[claimforincreasedproductivity]wasprettyquickly invertedinthewaythat[themusic]extractsthejuicefromtheworker: thebestinputpossible...Ourotherpointwas“hey,wecanmakeyou musicthatfitsyourimage”.WithMuzak,youhadnochoice.Butthis precise“feelingoftheshop”...thatwecanin,say,abluejeansshop, introducethis“jeansstyle”,asitwere–somejeansmusic.(Hietanoro, 2006)
Oneoftheeight“ready-made”stylesadvertisedbyFazerMusiikkiin 1983forrestaurantsandshopswasthuscalledJeans.Thisstylewas marketedas“pop,rock,andpurkka5foryouthshops,gasstationcafes, intervalmusicindancerestaurants–musicforaction-packedplaces” (Vitriini).Jeanswasapotentbrandnameforsuchaproduct:denims hadbeenanimportantpartofWesternizationandyouthconsumption inFinlandfrom1950son(Heinonen,KorttiandPantzar,2003).This conceptwasalreadyafarcryfromthestimulusprogressionbasedwork music,whichbyitsverydefinitionwasnottobelistenedto.Itevolved quicklyintotheforegroundmusicweknowtoday,whichwastotake overthebulkofbusinessmusicforpublicandsemi-publicspaces.The heavilybrandedstimulusprogressionprincipledidnotworkforthe newtertiarysectorusesofmusic;tertiaryproductionreachedashare of50%oftheFinnishGDPforthefirsttimein1966,andtherewas noturningback(Ojalaetal.,p.333).
5 Purkkaliterallymeansbubblegum;likeitsBritishcounterpart,itisapopularmusicterm fromthe1970s,referringtosuchpop-rockbandsastheArchies,(early)Sweet,and TheOsmonds.
243 Thus,thesituationwasoncemoreopenforcompetition.Musicfor consumptionspaceswasnowexpectedtohaveitsowncharacteristics, quiteunliketheonesdictatedbytheStimulusProgressionprinciples, and not dissolve into the subconscious. Modified, watered-down instrumentalversionsofhitswerenotenough;theywerenotnecessarily acceptedbylistenersinthe1980s. Therewasalsotheoldadversary,radio,oncemore.Commercialradio didnotreachFinlanduntil1985,butbythe1970s,therehadalready beenmanychangesinthepoliciesoftheFinnishpublicbroadcasting company,Yleisradio.Thesechangesmaderadiolessedifyingbutmore accessible.Newlighterfeaturesinmusicprogrammingwerearesult ofalongstruggle,wherepublicbroadcastingmanagementinmusic programminghadoftenbeenbetweenarockandahardplace.When Yleisradio’sprogramdirector,JussiKoskiluoma,wasaskedin1955by hisfriend,thebishopofTampere,formore“sublime”musicinthe evenings,hereplied,“Wealreadyhavesomuchmusicofvalueinour programsweareonthevergeofaudiencerebellion”(Salokangas,1996, p.101).Theamountof“lightmusic”onairthusincreasedlittleby littlesincethe1963launchingofSävelradio.Classicalmusicwasnot excludedfromprogrammingbyanymeans,buttheamountofpopular musicincreasedmorethanconcertmusic.Attheendofthe1960s, therewasalsoseriousdiscussionwithinYleisradioaboutwhetherornot publicbroadcastingshoulddenounceso-calledbackgroundradiomusic (Salokangas,1996,p.239).
FROMBACKGROUNDTOFOREGROUND: ASUDDENCROSSFADE?
Bytheearly1970s,theoldconceptofbackgroundmusicasefficient workplaceandcustomerservicemusicwasincreasinglyburdenedby negative associations of manipulation and exploitation. Meanwhile, overall consumption of music recordings soared in Finland. Record salesskyrocketedfromalittleunderamillionrecordsperyear,afigure thathadremainedstablesincethe1950s,tonearly5millionperyear by1978.Salesincreasedasmuchas80percentduringtopyears.This wasmorethantheindustryhadbeenanticipating,anditdramatically
244 affectedthehomemarket(Muikku,2001,p.164).Accesstomusicalso becameconsiderablyeasierwhencompactcassetteswereintroduced–a recurringpatternworldwideinthe1970s.MoreFinnsbecameinterested innewgenresandstyles.Apreviouslysomewhathomogeneousmusic scenenowmovedtowarddispersedaudiences,withmorethanoneor two“hot”phenomenaatatime. Mobilityoflisteningincreasedwiththeintroductionofcarstereosand portablecassetteplayers,thelatterturningouta“must-have”purchase of the decade. In 1970, there was a cassette player in one Finnish householdoutoften,butbytheendofthedecade,thepenetration hadrisentomorethanoneperhousehold(Muikku,2001,p.167).This meant,amongotherthings,thatmusic−especiallypopularmusic−was nowmoreintensivelypresentineverydaylifethaneverbefore.Young peoplegrewintomusicconsumptionhabitsthatwereverydifferent fromtheirparents’listeninghabits.Theywereincreasinglyattached toeverydayroutinesand,importantly,tomemoriesofeverydaylife. Socialactivitieswereassociatedwithrecordedpopularmusichitsofthe day–aphenomenonwiththenationalhitsaswellasproductsofthe internationalpopularmusicscene. Thistrendalsoaffectedindustrialworkingenvironments,theformer bread-and-buttermarketofMuzak’sbusiness.WhenFinnishemployers madedecisionsonworkplacemusicinthe1970s,theyoftenfacedthe fact that the “new background” had taken over. Employees actively wantedforegroundmusic.Ina1972TVdocumentary,Musiikkiatiskin alta on background music, a foreman of a noisy printing press was interviewed.
Foreman:Yes,originallywehadtheso-calledpsychologicallystudied workplacemusic.Butitdidnotinteresttheprintersenoughforthem tokeeptheheadphone-protectorson. Interviewingjournalist:Whatkindofmusicwasthat? Foreman:Thiswasmainlypianomusic,so-calledclassicalmusic,as farasIcantell. Journalist:Thiswasnotcaredfor? Foreman:Noo-oo. Journalist:Howisthiscurrentmusicthen? Foreman:Thismusicis–it’shitsofthedayand...evergreens,andabit morebrisk,somehow. 245 Private music listening had changed, so other uses of music had to adapt.Finnestradwentalongandoffereditsclientsforegroundmusic via British Rediffusion Music. For a while, they represented both MuzakandRediffusion.AccordingtoEeroVallila’sson,KariVallila, who currently works in the background music business, Muzak’s interest in Europe faded dramatically in mid-1970s, largely due to changesinthemarket.Inmanycountries,Muzakrepresentativeswere reducedandthecompanyapparentlyonlykeptanofficeinGermany throughoutthe1970sand1980s.6In1981,Muzak’splanto“enterthe foregroundmusicmarket”isreportedintheMoody’sIndustrialManual (Westerkamp,1990,p.229).
IDEOLOGICALCHANGESANDRESISTANCE TOMANIPULATIVEPRACTICES
The1970shaveoftenbeenviewedasapoliticallyactivedecade:leftist movementsgainedwidesupportandgavemanyestablishedpolitical systems a stir in Europe and elsewhere. When the political climate shifted in favor of leftist thinking, Muzak’smarketing claims ended upputtingtheproductsatadisadvantage.Finlandwasnoexception fromtherestoftheWesternworld;forexample,activeleftistyouth movementsmadepassionateandstridentdemandsonseveralquestions relating to the market economy, including worker and consumer manipulation.Finnishmediatextsfromthedecadeareoftenindicative oftheseideologicalefforts,sinceafreshgenerationofreportershad beentrainedinthe1960sandstartedworkinginthemediabranch. In its conclusion, the above-mentioned television documentary on backgroundmusicstates:
Stimulationofthehumansubconscious,withthepurposeofsqueezing moreefficiencyoutoftheworkerexhaustedbymonotonouswork, meansthatallotherwayshavebeenused.Thethingtorealizeisthatthe solutionliesnotinhumans,butinarrangingthewholeworkingprocess
6 Vallila2006.Muzakhasnotconfirmedthisinformationoransweredinquiriesonthe historyoftheiroperationsinEurope.
246 inawaythatitbettersuitsthenaturalhumanneedstoexperiencework asameaningfulactivity.(Musiikkiatiskinalta)
More general writings criticizing industrial psychology’s methods andapplicationsattractedreaders.Onesuchpublicationwasa1974 translation of an edited publication by Swedish educationalists and doctorscalledTheArtofSweating.ItwasnotunusualforSwedentolead thewayforFinnishtheoriesandideasaboutworkinglife.Thebook inquestionpresentedclearproposalsonhowscience,includingwork psychology,shouldnotpretendtobeunconnectedwithsocietalissues. Italsospokestronglyagainstmanipulativepsychologicaltechniques asharmfulandalienatingwaystocoverdrawbacksinsocietyandin workinglife.Onesuchharmfultrendwas“psychologicallanguage”. “Themostimportantgoalofpsychologicallanguageistopsychologise politicalconcepts.[…]theyarethusunpoliticizedandactualpolarities hidden. Concepts initially political are given psychological content” (Christiansson,KauppinenandPietarinen,1974,p.129).The“actual polarities”inworkinglifewerecleartothewriters:Theinterestsof workersandemployerswerefarfromcommonandinsteadoftenproved contradictory. They saw industrial psychology and consequential innovations in working life as cosmetic maneuvers to conceal and avoid the system’s inherent inequality. Small improvements in the workplacedidnot,theywrote,meanactualdemocracy,concentrating on the individual worker’s experience and not the larger picture of exploitative relationships (Christiansson, Kauppinen and Pietarinen 1974,p.70).Thus,thenegativeapproachtowardwhatwouldlaterbe calledpsychobabble. The music within Muzak programming was American, either by originoratleastintermsofarrangementandsound.Anti-Americanism didnot,however,playanoteworthyroleinthe1970sargumenton musicforworkplacesandconsumptionspacesinFinland.Thereare someinstanceswheretheAmericanizedsoundandarrangementstyleare calledintoquestion,forexample,theKalevacolumnist’scriticalviewof Finnishtuneshavingbeen“castrated”byMuzak–aninterestingchoice ofwordsinlightofthecharacterof“feminine”consumptionspace.All discussionseemstohavebeenbasedonotherthingsthannationality: Theclassstrugglefoundationbrieflydescribedaboveand,especially,
247 thequalitiesofbackgroundworkingmusicthatledtoalienationfrom workorconsumptionontheonehandandfrommusicontheother. ThesewerethesamequalitiesOksalahadbeenoptimisticaboutinthe 1940s:musicenabledworkersinmonotonousjobstodaydreamand detachtheirmindsfromtheworkthathadbeendeprivedofallbut instrumentalvaluetothem. Onesalientpointwascertainlyashiftintheideaofcitizenship, inpublicdiscussionandprivatelife.Retailersandtheservicesector flinchedfromanyhintofmanipulation;thistrendisalsoobservable inadvertisingfilmmusicofthe1970sand1980s(Kilpiö,2005,pp. 67–8,309).Thoroughchangesweretakingplaceinmusic-listening practices.ThegamutofmusictastesinFinlandkeptsplinteringinto smallerfractions.Aslistenerswereabletotransporttheir“own”music anywheretheylikedwithportabledevices,theywerealsolessreceptive torepertoiresconcoctedon“scientific”groundsforallhumans. Asabrandname,Muzakdisappearedin2013(NYT2013)7.The music–ortobeprecise,therecordingscarryingMuzakproducts–are rarelyavailabletothepublic,sincetheywerealwaysshippedbackto theheadquartersafterthedesignatedtimefortheirusehadexpired. CompilationsofthesoundsofstimulusprogressionMuzakdoexist, and the one-time franchising partners may have sample recordings intheirprivatearchives,asdidtheFinnishpartnerKariVallila.The type of background music that followed the principles of stimulus progressionisstillaudiblebyrequest(andapparentlyusedextensively insomeareas,oneofwhichisJapan8)fromseveralcompanies.The soundsmarketedaspowerfultoolsformanagementarestillaround, onlynowtheyperhapsservemoreasremindersofanideaaboutthe optimalsonicspaceforconsumption.
7 The chosen term for services provided by the current company Mood Media is ‘sensorymarketing’,creatingtheperfectconsumptionscenewithsights,soundsand smells. 8 Seee.g.http://ontheroadthroughasia.wordpress.com/2012/02/06/japans-muzak- obsession/
248 References
Ainamo,A.andTienari,J.TheRiseandFallofaLocalVersionofManagementConsulting inFinland.In:Kipping,M.andEngvall,L,eds.ManagementConsulting.Emergence andDynamicsofaKnowledgeIndustry.Oxford:OxfordUniversityPress,pp.70–87. 2002. Christiansson,L.,Kauppinen,K.andPietarinen,L.Hiostamisentaito.Jyväskylä:Gum- merus. City1951a.Musiikkityössä[Musicatwork]City(personnelmagazinefortheFinnish departmentstoreStockmann):Jan.1951,pp.17–18andanappendix.1951a. City1951b.Musiikki-Gallupintulos[TheresultoftheMusic-Gallup],City.March1951. p.8.1951b. Cohen,L.AConsumers’Republic.ThePoliticsofMassConsumptioninPostwarAmerica. NewYork:VintageBooks. FazerMusiikkiadvertisingpull-out.Vitriini11/1983. Fink, R. Orchestral Corporate. ECHO – a music-centered journal. Department of MusicologyattheUniversityofCalifornia,LosAngeles.Availableat:http://www. echo.ucla.edu/Volume2-Issue1/fink/fink-article.html > http://www.echo.ucla.edu/ Volume2-Issue1/fink/fink-article-part1.html[AccessedJune72012].2000. Heinonen, V.,Kortti, J. and Pantzar, M. How Lifestyle Products became Rooted in the Finnish Consumer Market – Domestication of Jeans, Chewing Gum, Sunglasses and Cigarettes. Available at: http://www.ncrc.fi/files/4573/WORKING_PAPERS_80_ 2003_howlifestyleproducts.pdf.[Accessed7Jun.2012].2003. HenrikssonR.,musiceditorinYleisradio1963–71,[telephoneconversationwiththe writer](Personalcommunication,24Nov.2009).2009. Hietanoro,J.InterviewoftheformersalessecretaryofFazerTaustamusiikkianddirector ofM&M-Viihdepalvelu.InterviewedbyKaarinaKilpiö.June17th2006,Helsinki. ExcerptstranslatedfromFinnishbyKaarinaKilpiö. Hilton, M.L. Retailing the revolution: the state department store (GUM) and Soviet societyinthe1920s.JournalofSocialHistory,37(4),pp.939–964. HS.Työpaikkamusiikkiyleistyymeilläkin[WorkplacemusicbecomescommoninFinland also]HelsinginSanomat31Oct.ExcerpttranslatedbyKaarinaKilpiö.1966. Husch, J. A. Music of theWorkplace: A Study of Muzak Culture. PhD, University of Massachusetts. Karemo,K.Lypsäväämusiikkia[Musictomilkby].Kaleva13Mar.p.10.1975. Kettunen,P.Suojelu,suoritus,subjekti.TyösuojeluteollistuvanSuomenyhteiskunnallisissa ajattelu-jatoimintatavoissa.Historiallisiatutkimuksia189.Helsinki:SHS.1994. Kilpiö, K. Kulutuksen sävel. Suomalaisen mainoselokuvan musiikki 1950-luvulta 1970- luvulle.Helsinki:Like.2005. Lanza,J.ElevatorMusic.ASurrealHistoryofMuzak,Easy-Listening,andOtherMoodsong. NewYork:PicadorUSA.1995. Lindén,K.InterviewoftheformersalesdirectorofFinnestrad.InterviewedbyKaarina Kilpiö. May 22nd, 2006, Helsinki. Excerpts translated from Finnish by Kaarina Kilpiö.2006.
249 Melakoski,E.Sävelradio20vuotta.Radiokahdenviihde,Yleisradio,fall1982–spring andsummer1983,p.22.1983. Michelsen,K.-E.Työ,tuottavuus,tehokkuus.Rationalisointisuomalaisessayhteiskunnassa. SuomenTekniikanHistoria-julkaisujanro7.Helsinki:RationalisoinninSeniorikilta. 2001. Muikku, J. Musiikkia kaikkiruokaisille. Suomalaisen populaarimusiikin äänitetuotanto 1945–1990.Helsinki:Gaudeamus.2001. Musiikkiatiskinalta[Musicfromunderthecounter].Televisiondocumentaryairedby theFinnishbroadcastingcompanyYleisradioon14Dec.1972.[Recordingfromthe YLEarchives.]ExcerptstranslatedbyKaarinaKilpiö.1972. Muzak-Gallupinvastaukset[File/“TheanswerstotheMuzakGallup”]Privatearchives ofEeroVallila. NYT.Muzak,BackgroundMusictoLife,toLoseItsName.NewYorkTimes,Feb42013. Available at http://www.nytimes.com/2013/02/05/business/muzak-background- music-to-life-to-lose-its-name.html?_r=3&[Accessedon30Sep.2013].2013. Ojala,J.,Eloranta,J.andJalava,J.,eds.TheRoadtoProsperity.AnEconomicHistoryof Finland.Helsinki:SuomalaisenKirjallisuudenSeura.2006. Oksala,O.Työnpsykologia.Helsinki:Tietomies.1948. Raatikainen,E.Kuinpunainenvarjovain,eli,Pienestipirullisiaprofiilejaluurankokaapista. Espoo:Weilin+Göös.1980. Radano, R. M. Interpreting muzak: Speculations on Musical Experience in Everyday Life.AmericanMusicVol.7/Winter1989.SonneckSociety.Champaign,Illinois: UniversityofIllinoisPress,pp.448−460.1989. Reeves,R.Realityinadvertising.NewYork:AlfredA.Knopf.1961. Salokangas, R. Yleisradion historia 1926–1996, part 2/3: Aikansa oloinen. Helsinki: WSOY.1996. Schuch, B. and Van de Mark, D. ‘Improving Elevator Music,’ interview with Michael Malone,CNNfn’sBizBuzz,June8,1998. Sumrell,R.andVarnelis,K.BlueMonday.StoriesofAbsurdRealitiesandNaturalPhilosophies. Availableat:http://www.audc.org/blue-monday[Accessed3Nov.2009].2007. Tagg,P.andClarida,B.TenLittleTitleTunes.Towardsamusicologyofthemassmedia.New York&Montreal:TheMassMediaMusicScholars’Press.2003. Toop,D.Environmentalmusic[backgroundmusic].GroveMusicOnline.OxfordMusic Online. Available at http://www.oxfordmusiconline.com/subscriber/article/grove/ music/43820.[Accessed24Feb.2012].2007. Tyler,L.L.”CommerceandPoetryHandinHand”:MusicinAmericanDepartment Stores,1880–1930.JournaloftheAmericanMusicologicalSociety.TheUniversityof ChicagoPress.Xlv(1992),pp.75–120.1992. US.Muzag-musiikkiaSuomeenkin[MuzagmusicnowinFinlandalso].UusiSuomi13 Oct.TheexcerpttranslatedbyKaarinaKilpiö.1961. Vallila, E. Interview of the founder and director of the Finnish Muzak franchising company Finnestrad. Interviewed by an unidentified television journalist in the televisiondocumentaryMusiikkiatiskinalta.1972.
250 Vallila,K.andT.Interviewofthecurrentownersofthecompanypreviouslyknownas Finnestrad,(presentlyFinnrecord).InterviewedbyKaarinaKilpiö.March7th2006, Helsinki.ExcerptstranslatedfromFinnishbyKaarinaKilpiö.2006. Westerkamp, H. Listening and Soundmaking: A Study of Music-as-Environment. In: Lander,D.andLexier,M.eds.1990.SoundbyArtists.Toronto:ArtMetropole& WalterPhillipsGallery,pp.226–232.1990.
251
Weighingthecatchatawinter-timefishingcompetitioninMarch 1968.PhotographerYrjöLintunen(KansanArkisto). AFTERWORD Summerhousesandsaunas,parksandlibraries– spacesofprivateandpublicconsumptioninFinland
MattiPeltonenandVisaHeinonen
WeFinnsareheavydrinkers.Butitisnotbeerorspiritsthatweprefer whenwearethirsty.Ourdrinksarecoffeeandmilk.Whenitcomes tocoffee,weareactuallytopconsumersintheworldwitharound10 kgofroastedcoffeepercapitaannually.Ascoffeedrinkers,however, theinhabitantsofotherNordiccountriesarenotfarbehindtheFinns. Thestatusofmilk,however,hassufferedduringthelasthalfcentury. Duringthe1950sweconsumedmorethan300kgofmilkpercapita annually,atthemomentthelevelofindividualconsumptionofmilk isaroundathirdofthat.Milkusedtobeonthetableateverymeal tosupplyenoughenergybothtochildrenandadults.Todaywaterhas replacedmilkinthisregard. SoweFinnsdrinkcoffee.Accordingly,thecoffee-tableisanimportant placeofconsumption.Coffeeisoftensweetenedwithsugarandmany Finnsaddmilkorcreamtotheircoffees.Coffeeusedtobemadeina specialcoffeepot,butnowadayswedrinkfiltercoffee(whichisinmany EuropeancountriescalledCafeAmericano).So-calledspecialcoffees like espresso, capuccino or coffee latte have also gained popularity. AwholeuniverseofsociabilityisconstructedaroundtheFinnishcoffee table,whichwegathertositaroundmanytimesduringanygivenday.It startswithbreakfast,whichformostFinnsincludescoffee.Duringthe workingdaycoffeebreaksareessential.Thelastthingbeforegoingto sleepcanbeacupofcoffee,ortea.Whenthereissomethingtocelebrate
254 itcanbedonearoundthecoffeetablewiththehelpofsomecakeor sweetrollsandcookies.Whenyouhaveguests,meetyourfriendsor needadessertafterameal,youmakecoffee.Duringthelast10–15 years, however, sparkling wine has gained popularity over coffee on morefestiveoccasions(orbothcoffeeandwineareavailable).1 ThefavoredpositionofthecoffeetableasaspecialFinnishplaceof consumptionisobviousandcanbeeasilyseeninthestatisticsofcoffee consumption.Buttherearealsootherplacesorspacesofconsumption, whicharenotsoobvious,becausetheyarenottiedascloselytoany specificarticlesofconsumptionasthecoffeetable.Oneoftheseother places is the summer house. In spite of the low standard of living, manyFinnshavehadsummercottages.Withsome550,000summer houses,Finlandisprobablytheleadingcountryinthisrespect,although summercottagesarepopularalsoinneighboringcountries,bothtothe eastandwest.2Inmanyfamiliesthesummercottageisthechildhood homeofeitheroneoftheparents.Anidealsummerhouseissituated on a lake and includes a separate sauna. Many families spend their wholesummervacationattheirsummerplace.Ifthesummercottage isnotfaraway,itisalsovisitedduringtheweekendsduringthewhole summer.Thespecialfeatureofconsumptionatasummercottageisits primitivity.Becausethecottageisoftenquiteold-fashionedandsmall, many consumption activities must be simplified.The food is more simplethanathome.Onedoesnotnecessarilyhaveatelevisionsetin thecottage,forexample(andthereisnothingtoseeduringthesummer monthsanyway!).Oneprobablyreadsoldbooksandmagazineslying aroundinthesummerhouse,perhapsone’sfavouritesfromchildhood. Thedirectionofconsumptioninthesummercottagegoesbackwards, towardsthepast,towardschildhoodandis,inaway,anti-modern.Itis difficulttodetecttheexistenceofthesummer-houseculturebylooking onlyatthestatisticsontheconsumptionofgoods.Ithastobeperceived asaspecialspaceofconsumption. ThefavoritehobbyofFinnsisfishing.Especiallywinterfishingon lakesispopularinthesamewayasinRussia.Comparedtomanyother
1 OnFinnishcoffeeconsumption,seetherecentworkofSaarinen2011. 2 PerttiandMaaritAlasuutari’sstudyMökkihulluus(Summercottagemadness)givesthe basicdataonFinnishsummer-houseculture,seeAlasuutariandAlasuutari2012.
255 hobbiesfishingisquiteinexpensive,thatis,ifonedoesnottravelto theriversofLaplandforsometrulystunningsalmon-fishing.When interviewed,almosttwomillionoutoffiveandahalfmillionFinns mention their fishing hobbies as being one of the most important. Duringthewinterseason,peoplefishonlakeswhilesittingoncamping stoolsnearthesmallholestheyhaveboredthroughtheicethemselves. Sometimes there are fishing competitions where several hundred persons,sometimesmanythousands,participateandcoveranotherwise snow-whitelakelikeeagermosquitoswithmobiledrillingequipment. Inshort,weFinnsfishbythesea,wefishinourrivers,andwefishon ournumerouslakes. The really Finnish space of consumption, however, is the sauna. Everyfamilyhasatleastonesauna,andthosewhoownsummerhouses usuallyhaveatleasttwo,oneintownandoneinthecountryside.One oftheeditorsofthisworklivesinHelsinkiinarathernewapartment building. His family actually has two saunas in their home. First a smallerone,whichisattachedtothebathroomandtakesonlytwoto threepersonsatatime.Theyuseitatleastonceaweek.Inaddition, thereisabiggersaunaonthetopfloorofthebuilding.Thisbigger saunaisheatedontwodaysoftheweek,FridayandSaturday,and familieslivinginthebuildingcanuseitwhenitissuitableforthem.His familyhasreservedthebiggersaunaonFridaysfrom18.00to19.00.So afterabusyworkingweekonecanwashawayanytroublesinasauna heatedbysomeoneelse.Inspiteofitseverydayness,thesaunaisreally oneoftheluxuriesofFinnishconsumption.3 The sauna is a special place, without doubt. It is customary,for example,nottosingoreventalkinaloudvoiceinasauna.Andone movescarefully,iffornootherreasonthanatleasttoprotectoneself from the hot stove, on which water is poured to create löyly.4 In a Finnishsaunaatleastsoap,shampoo,andconditionerareconsumed. Furthermore,itisaverytypicalhabittohaveabeerortwoorsomesoft drinkafterthesauna.Sometimessaunaisconsideredanalmostholy place.Informertimeschildrenwereborninsaunasandwhenpeople
3 AcomprehensivestudyoftheFinnishsaunaistherecentworkofSärkikoski2012. 4 Löylyistherushofhotsteamthatthestonesinthestoveinstantlyproduce,asone pourswateroverthemeverynowandthenwhenenjoyingthesaunabath.
256 diedtheyweretakentothe(unheated)sauna,washedandgivenclean clothes.Itiscommonlybelievedthatthesaunahasmanyfavourable effectsforhumanhealthandwell-being.Atleastmanypeoplepraise theexcellentexperienceandgoodfeelingthatthesaunaandpossible swiminalakeorseacangive.Thesaunacanbeconsideredasthe Finnish“heterotopia,”aspaceofdifference(orseparation),asdefined bytheFrenchsocialcriticMichelFoucault.5Sauna,inexistingasa utopia, is a counter-space both for working places and other living spaces.AlthoughwehavestatisticsforthenumberofsaunasinFinland, inotherwaysitsmeaningforFinnishconsumptionisdifficulttoassess. Oneusesshampooandsoup,buttheseproductsareused,ofcourse, dailyanyway.SomeFinnsstillenjoy,especiallyinthecountrysideorif theyareforestowners,abunchofbirchwhisksinthelöylytosmoothen theirskin.Thescentfromthebirchleavesisalso,ifoneisusedtoit, justwonderfulandremindsoneofthesaunanearthesummercottage orthesaunasofone’schildhood.
Parksareimportantplacesofrecreationandwell-beingintownsand cities.Peoplegothereforawalk,toexerciseorsimplytositonabench andmaybereadabookordiscusswithaspouse,someotherfamily memberorafriend.Petownerswalkdogsregularlyinparks.Retired peoplecanenjoyabeautifulsummerday,flowersandtreesintheopen airsittingonabench.InHelsinkiitiseasytoseejoggers,peoplewith Nordicwalkingsticksorcyclistsinparks.Nowadaysitisfashionable foryoungpeopletogatherinparkstohavepicnicsandspendtime withfriends.OnecanseeskatersoryoungstersthrowingFrisbeesto one another. In a couple of parks, open air concerts are organized. BecausethecityofHelsinkiissituatedbythesea,manypeoplelike towalkaroundtheseashoreonasunnyday.Acoolseabreezemakes itcomfortableevenonahotsummerday.Inthewinteronecansee manypeopleskiingoutontheseaice.TheparkaroundtheTöölöbay inthecenterofHelsinkiisakindof“outdoorlivingroom”formany
5 Forsomeinexplicablereasoninhis1967lectureon“heterotopias,”MichelFoucault spokeabout“Scandinaviansaunas,”eventhoughhehadpreviously,inthelate1950s, workedmanyyearsinSwedenandshouldhaveknownbetter.SeeMichelFoucault 1998,183.
257 townspeople.TherearemanyparksinsuburbanareasofHelsinkias well.Parksaremaintainedwithtaxmoney.Gardenershiredbythecity takecareoftheflowers,treesandbushes,forexample.Publicparks areagoodexampleofpublicexpenditure,offeringniceexperiencesto anybodyabsolutelyfreeofcharge.6 In the Nordic countries, public consumption financed with tax moneyhasanimportantroleincitizens’well-being.Thisisthesituation inFinland,too.Schoolsanduniversities,libraries,daycares,elderly people’shomes,healthcarecentersandhospitalsarenormallyfinanced bythepublicsector.Alsomanymuseums,theaters,orchestrasandopera housesgetsubsidiesfromthestateandcommunes.Librarieshavebeen especiallyimportantforFinns,becausepeoplehavetraditionallybeen veryeagerreaders.Librariesofferquietspacesforstudents,researchers, andthegeneralpublictoabsorbthemselvesinnovels,nonfictionbooks, andstudymaterials.OnecanloanCDsandvideosinlibraries,andin universitylibrariestherearecomputersandalimitednumberofrooms availableforstudentstudy.Inmanylibrariestherearealsonewspaper rooms,wherethepubliccanfreelyreaddailynewspapersandmagazines. Everybody knows the general rule of silence and obeys it. Libraries organizemanykindsofpubliclectures,discussionsandevenconcerts thatareopenforall.Anewmainlibrarypublicbuildingisoneofthe main projects for the year 2017 in Helsinki, when the Republic of Finlandcelebrates100yearsofindependence. InthecityofHelsinkiaverynicetraditionistheNightoftheArts thatwascelebratedforthe25thtimeinAugust2013.Theeventstarted in1988asacarnivalnightoftheartsfreeofchargetoeveryone,andit hasbeenverypopularyearafteryear;ithasnowalsospreadtoseveral other Finnish cities. People can experience open air concerts, film screenings,theaterpiecesandoperaperformances,justtoenjoyculture together.Inthebeginning,theeventtookplaceinthecitycenterbut nowadaysitisorganizedalloverthecityofHelsinki.TheNightof theArtsisagoodexampleofculturaleventsopentoallfreeofcharge, wherethepubliccanparticipateandbecomepartofaculturalcarnival. Inthismanner,citypeoplebecomebothconsumersandproducersof
6 OntheparksofHelsinki,see,e.g.,Häyrynen1994.
258 culturaleventsandexperiences.Therearemanytypesofculturalevents fordifferentaudienceslikechildren,youngsters,andelderlypeopletoo, andoneneednotbeaprofessionaltoparticipate.
Literature
Alasuutari,Pertti&Alasuutari,Maarit.Mökkihulluus.Vapaa-ajanasumisentaikajataito. Lapinyliopistokustannus,Rovaniemi,2010. Foucault, Michel. “Different spaces”. In: Michel Foucault: Essential works of Foucault 1954–1984Vol.2.Aesthetics,Method,andEpistemology.Ed.JamesD.Faubion. TheNewPress,NewYork,1998,175–185.Lecture,originallygiven1967. Häyrynen,Maunu:Maisemapuistostareformipuistoon.Helsinginkaupunkipuistotjapuisto- politiikka1880-luvulta1930-luvulle.EntisaikainHelsinki14.Helsinki-Seura,Hel- sinki,1994. Saarinen, Tuija. Pannu kuumana. Suomalaisia kahvihetkiä. Suomalaisen Kirjallisuuden SeuranToimituksia1330.SuomalaisenKirjallisuudenSeura,Helsinki,2011. Särkikoski,Tuomo:Kiukaankutsujalöylynlumo.Suomalaisensaunomisetvuosikymmeniä. Gummerus,Jyväskylä,2012.
259 LISTOFCONTRIBUTORS
MinnaAutio,Dr.Sc.isUniversityLecturerinConsumerEconomics, DepartmentofEconomicsandManagement,UniversityofHelsinki, Finland.Inadditiontomanyarticlesandresearchreportsconcerning consumptionshehaspublishedadissertationKuluttajuudenrakentu- minen nuorten kertomuksissa (with an AbstractThe Construction of ConsumerisminYoungPeople’sNarratives,Helsinki2006)andco- editedPolarisoituvanuoruus:Nuortenelinolotvuosikirja2008(Polarized Youth:TheYoungPeople’sLivingConditions’Yearbook2008,co-edited withKirsiErärantaandSamiMyllyniemi,Helsinki2008).
Visa Heinonen, Dr. Soc. Sc. is Professor of Consumer Economics, DepartmentofEconomicsandManagement,UniversityofHelsinki, Finland.HisbooksincludeNytuuttaSuomessa!Suomalaisenmainonnan historia(NowNovelinFinland!AHistoryofFinnishAdvertising,with HannuKonttinen,Helsinki2001),Arkinenkumous.Suomalaisen60- luvuntoinenkuva(RevolutioninEverydayLife:Adifferentpictureof theFinnish1960s,co-editedwithMattiPeltonenandVesaKurkela, Helsinki2003)andVaikuttamistajavalintoja.Monitieteisiänäkökulmia mainontaanjakulutukseen(InfluencingandChoices:Multidisciplinary approaches on advertising and consumption, co-edited with Jukka Kortti,Helsinki2007).
KaarinaKilpiö,Dr.Soc.Sc.,worksasaCoordinatorfortheFinnish DoctoralProgrammeforMusicResearchinSibeliusAcademy,Helsinki, Finland.Inadditiontowritingmanyarticlesshehaspublisheda2005 dissertation Kulutuksen sävel. Suomalaisen mainoselokuvan musiikki 1950-luvulta1970-luvulle(withanEnglishsummaryConsumerTunes. MusicinFinnishadvertisingfilmsfrom1950sto1970s)andco-edited (with Outi Ampuja) Kuultava menneisyys, an anthology on Finnish soundscapehistory.
260 JukkaKortti,Dr.Soc.Sc.,isaDocentinEconomicandSocialHistory, DepartmentofPoliticalandEconomicStudies,UniversityofHelsinki, Finland.HisbooksincludeNäköradiostadigiboksiin.Suomalaisentele- visionsosiokulttuurinenhistoria(FromVisualRadiotoSet-TopBox: TelevisionintheLifeofFinns,Helsinki2007),Vaikuttamistajavalin- toja.Monitieteisiänäkökulmiamainontaanjakulutukseen(Influencing and Choices: Multidisciplinary Approaches on advertising and con- sumption,co-editedwithVisaHeinonen,Helsinki2007)andYlioppi- laslehdenvuosisata(TheCenturyofYlioppilaslehti,Helsinki2013).
HannaKuusi,Dr.Soc.Sc.,isUniversityLecturerinSocialScience History,DepartmentofPoliticalandEconomicStudies,Universityof Helsinki,Finland.HerbooksincludeViinistävapautta.Alkoholi,hal- lintajaidentiteetti1960-luvunSuomessa(WineforFreedom.Alcohol governmentalityandidentityinFinlandinthe1960s,Helsinki2004) andLainatut,viivatut,tentityt.Ylioppilaskunnankirjasto/Helsinginyli- opistonopiskelijakirjasto1858–2009(TheUndergraduateLibraryatthe UniversityofHelsinki1858–2009,Helsinki2011).
MinnaLammi,Dr.Soc.Sc.,isHeadofResearchinNationalConsumer ResearchCentre,Helsinki,Finland.Inadditiontomanyarticlesshehas publishedadissertationEtt’varttuisiSuomenmaa.Suomalaistenkasvat- taminen kulutusyhteiskuntaan kotimaisissa lyhytelokuvissa 1920–1969 (withanEnglishsummaryTheBirthofModernConsumerSocietyin FinnishShortFilms1920–1969)andCitizenParticipationinGlobal EnvironmentalGovernance(co-editedwithMikkoRaskandRichard Worthington,LondonandNewYork2012).
Riitta Matilainen, MA (Soc.Sci.), Ph.D.Cand. in Economic and Social History, Department of Political and Economic Studies, University of Helsinki, Finland. Matilainen is currently working at the Finnish Foundation for Gaming Studies. Her latest articles in- clude ’Muistitietoaineistot rahapelaamisen tutkimuksessa’ published inRahapelaaminenSuomessa,editedby.PauliinaRaento.Gaudeamus. Helsinki, 2012, pp. 161–179, ‘Gambling and Consumption. The hiddenValueofHistoricalPerspectives”,inSuomenAntropologi2011, 89–91 ja ‘A Question of Money? The Founding of Two Finnish
261 Gambling Monopolies published in Global Gambling. Cultural Perspectives on Gambling Organizations. Edited by Sytze F.Kingma. Routledge2009.
MattiPeltonen,Dr.Soc.Sc.,isProfessorofSocialHistory,Department of Political and Economic Studies, University of Helsinki, Finland. Hismainfieldsofinteresthavebeenruralhistory,alcoholstudiesand questions of history theory especially the microhistorical approach. AmongmanyarticlesandotherpublicationshisbooksincludeArkinen kumous.Suomalaisen60-luvuntoinenkuva(RevolutioninEverydayLife: AdifferentpictureoftheFinnish1960s,co-editedwithVesaKurkela andVisaHeinonen,Helsinki2003).
JannePoikolainen,MA,isadoctoralstudentinEconomicandSocial History, Department of Political and Economic Studies, University ofHelsinki,Finland.HispublicationsincludeanarticleJazziskelmän tähdetjaheidänihailijansa(‘TheStarsandFansofJazz-PopHitSong’, published in Suklaasydän tinakuoret: Jazziskelmä Suomessa 1956–63, edited by Ari Poutiainen and Risto Kukkonen, Helsinki 2011) and abookKatukulttuuri:Nuorisoesiintymiä2000-luvunSuomessa(‘Street Culture:YoungPeopleinFinlandinthe21thcentury’,co-editedwith MikkoSalasuoandPauliKomonen,Helsinki2012).
PäiviTimonen,Dr.Sc.isaDirectorofNationalConsumerResearch Centre,Helsinki,Finland.HerdissertationisPyykillä:Arkinenjärkeily jaympäristövastuullisuusvalinnoissa(withanEnglishsummaryDoing the laundry: Mundane reasoning and environmentally responsible choices,Helsinki2002).Shehasalsopublishedmanyarticlesandother publicationsconcerningconsumption.
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