Pragmatism and Social Interactionism*
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Convention Theory: Is There a French School of Organizational Institutionalism?
CONVENTION THEORY : IS THERE A FRENCH SCHOOL OF ORGANIZATIONAL INSTITUTIONALISM? Thibault Daudigeos, Bertrand Valiorgue To cite this version: Thibault Daudigeos, Bertrand Valiorgue. CONVENTION THEORY : IS THERE A FRENCH SCHOOL OF ORGANIZATIONAL INSTITUTIONALISM?. 2010. hal-00512374 HAL Id: hal-00512374 http://hal.grenoble-em.com/hal-00512374 Preprint submitted on 30 Aug 2010 HAL is a multi-disciplinary open access L’archive ouverte pluridisciplinaire HAL, est archive for the deposit and dissemination of sci- destinée au dépôt et à la diffusion de documents entific research documents, whether they are pub- scientifiques de niveau recherche, publiés ou non, lished or not. The documents may come from émanant des établissements d’enseignement et de teaching and research institutions in France or recherche français ou étrangers, des laboratoires abroad, or from public or private research centers. publics ou privés. "CONVENTION THEORY": IS THERE A FRENCH SCHOOL OF ORGANIZATIONAL INSTITUTIONALISM? Thibault Daudigeos Grenoble Ecole de Management Chercheur Associé, Institut Français de Gouvernement des Entreprises [email protected] Bertrand Valiorgue ESC Clermont Chercheur Associé, Institut Français de Gouvernement des Entreprises [email protected] We thank the participants of the NIW2010 and AIMS 2010 workshops for their insightful comments. 1 "CONVENTION THEORY": IS THERE A FRENCH SCHOOL OF ORGANIZATIONAL INSTITUTIONALISM? ABSTRACT This paper highlights overlap and differences between Convention Theory and New Organizational Institutionalism and thus states the strong case for profitable dialog. It shows how the former can facilitate new institutional approaches. First, convention theory rounds off the model of institutionalized action by turning the spotlight to the role of evaluation in the coordination effort. -
Logic in Action: Wittgenstein's Logical Pragmatism and the Impotence of Scepticism
This is the final, pre-publication draft. Please cite only from published paper in Philosophical Investigations 26:2 (April 2003), 125-48. LOGIC IN ACTION: WITTGENSTEIN'S LOGICAL PRAGMATISM AND THE IMPOTENCE OF SCEPTICISM DANIÈLE MOYAL-SHARROCK UNIVERSITY OF GENEVA 1. The Many Faces of Certainty: Wittgenstein's Logical Pragmatism So I am trying to say something that sounds like pragmatism. (OC 422) In his struggle to uncover the nature of our basic beliefs, Wittgenstein depicts them variously in On Certainty: he thinks of them in propositional terms, in pictorial terms and in terms of acting. As propositions, they would be of a peculiar sort – a hybrid between a logical and an empirical proposition (OC 136, 309). These are the so-called 'hinge propositions' of On Certainty (OC 341). Wittgenstein also thinks of these beliefs as forming a picture, a World-picture – or Weltbild (OC 167). This is a step in the right (nonpropositional) direction, but not the ultimate step. Wittgenstein's ultimate and crucial depiction of our basic beliefs is in terms of a know-how, an attitude, a way of acting (OC 204). Here, he treads on pragmatist ground. But can Wittgenstein be labelled a pragmatist, having himself rejected the affiliation because of its utility implication? But you aren't a pragmatist? No. For I am not saying that a proposition is true if it is useful. (RPP I, 266) Wittgenstein resists affiliation with pragmatism because he does not want his use of use to be confused with the utility use of use. For him, it is not that a proposition is true if it is useful, but that use gives the proposition its sense. -
Social Norms and Social Influence Mcdonald and Crandall 149
Available online at www.sciencedirect.com ScienceDirect Social norms and social influence Rachel I McDonald and Christian S Crandall Psychology has a long history of demonstrating the power and and their imitation is not enough to implicate social reach of social norms; they can hardly be overestimated. To norms. Imitation is common enough in many forms of demonstrate their enduring influence on a broad range of social life — what creates the foundation for culture and society phenomena, we describe two fields where research continues is not the imitation, but the expectation of others for when to highlight the power of social norms: prejudice and energy imitation is appropriate, and when it is not. use. The prejudices that people report map almost perfectly onto what is socially appropriate, likewise, people adjust their A social norm is an expectation about appropriate behav- energy use to be more in line with their neighbors. We review ior that occurs in a group context. Sherif and Sherif [8] say new approaches examining the effects of norms stemming that social norms are ‘formed in group situations and from multiple groups, and utilizing normative referents to shift subsequently serve as standards for the individual’s per- behaviors in social networks. Though the focus of less research ception and judgment when he [sic] is not in the group in recent years, our review highlights the fundamental influence situation. The individual’s major social attitudes are of social norms on social behavior. formed in relation to group norms (pp. 202–203).’ Social norms, or group norms, are ‘regularities in attitudes and Address behavior that characterize a social group and differentiate Department of Psychology, University of Kansas, Lawrence, KS 66045, it from other social groups’ [9 ] (p. -
Reflections on Social Norms and Human Rights
The Psychology of Social Norms and the Promotion of Human Rights Deborah A. Prentice Princeton University Chapter to appear in R. Goodman, D. Jinks, & A. K. Woods (Eds.), Understanding social action, promoting human rights. New York: Oxford University Press. This chapter was written while I was Visiting Faculty in the School of Social Sciences at the Institute for Advanced Study, Princeton, NJ. I would like to thank Jeremy Adelman, JoAnne Gowa, Bob Keohane, Eric Maskin, Dale Miller, Catherine Ross, Teemu Ruskola, Rick Shweder, and Eric Weitz for helpful discussions and comments on earlier drafts of the chapter. Please direct correspondence to: Deborah Prentice Department of Psychology Princeton University Green Hall Princeton, NJ 08540 [email protected] 1 Promoting human rights means changing behavior: Changing the behavior of governments that mistreat suspected criminals, opponents of their policies, supporters of their political rivals, and members of particular gender, ethnic, or religious groups; changing the behavior of corporations that mistreat their workers, damage the environment, and produce unsafe products; and changing the behavior of citizens who mistreat their spouses, children, and neighbors. In this chapter, I consider what an understanding of how social norms function psychologically has to contribute to this very worthy project. Social norms have proven to be an effective mechanism for changing health-related and environmental behaviors, so there is good reason to think that they might be helpful in the human-rights domain as well. In the social sciences, social norms are defined as socially shared and enforced attitudes specifying what to do and what not to do in a given situation (see Elster, 1990; Sunstein, 1997). -
David Lewis on Convention
David Lewis on Convention Ernie Lepore and Matthew Stone Center for Cognitive Science Rutgers University David Lewis’s landmark Convention starts its exploration of the notion of a convention with a brilliant insight: we need a distinctive social competence to solve coordination problems. Convention, for Lewis, is the canonical form that this social competence takes when it is grounded in agents’ knowledge and experience of one another’s self-consciously flexible behavior. Lewis meant for his theory to describe a wide range of cultural devices we use to act together effectively; but he was particularly concerned in applying this notion to make sense of our knowledge of meaning. In this chapter, we give an overview of Lewis’s theory of convention, and explore its implications for linguistic theory, and especially for problems at the interface of the semantics and pragmatics of natural language. In §1, we discuss Lewis’s understanding of coordination problems, emphasizing how coordination allows for a uniform characterization of practical activity and of signaling in communication. In §2, we introduce Lewis’s account of convention and show how he uses it to make sense of the idea that a linguistic expression can come to be associated with its meaning by a convention. Lewis’s account has come in for a lot of criticism, and we close in §3 by addressing some of the key difficulties in thinking of meaning as conventional in Lewis’s sense. The critical literature on Lewis’s account of convention is much wider than we can fully survey in this chapter, and so we recommend for a discussion of convention as a more general phenomenon Rescorla (2011). -
Logic Model Workbook
Logic Model Workbook INNOVATION NETWORK, INC. www.innonet.org • [email protected] Logic Model Workbook Table of Contents Page Introduction - How to Use this Workbook .....................................................................2 Before You Begin .................................................................................................................3 Developing a Logic Model .................................................................................................4 Purposes of a Logic Model ............................................................................................... 5 The Logic Model’s Role in Evaluation ............................................................................ 6 Logic Model Components – Step by Step ....................................................................... 6 Problem Statement: What problem does your program address? ......................... 6 Goal: What is the overall purpose of your program? .............................................. 7 Rationale and Assumptions: What are some implicit underlying dynamics? ....8 Resources: What do you have to work with? ......................................................... 9 Activities: What will you do with your resources? ................................................ 11 Outputs: What are the tangible products of your activities? ................................. 13 Outcomes: What changes do you expect to occur as a result of your work?.......... 14 Outcomes Chain ...................................................................................... -
Religion, Homosexuality, and Collisions of Liberty and Equality in American Public Law
A Jurisprudence of "Coming Out": Religion, Homosexuality, and Collisions of Liberty and Equality in American Public Law William N. Eskridge, Jr.! Conflicts among religious and ethnic groups have scored American cultural and political history. Some of these conflicts have involved campaigns of suppression against deviant religious and minority ethnic groups by the mainstream. Although the law has most often been deployed as an instrument of suppression, there is now a public law consensus to preserve and protect the autonomy of religious and ethnic subcultures, as well as the ability of their members to self-identify without penalty. One thesis of this Essay is that this vaunted public law consensus should be extended to sexual orientation minorities as well. Like religion, sexual orientation marks both personal identity and social divisions.' In this century, in fact, sexual orientation has steadily been replacing religion as the identity characteristic that is both physically invisible and morally polarizing. In 1900, one's group identity was largely defined by one's ethnicity, social class, sex, and religion. The norm was Anglo-Saxon, middle-class, male, and Protestant. The Jew, Roman Catholic, or Jehovah's Witness was considered deviant and was subject to social, economic, and political discrimination. In 2000, one's group identity will be largely defined by one's race, income, sex, and sexual orientation. The norm will be white, middle-income, male, and heterosexual. The lesbian, gay man, or transgendered person will be considered deviant and will be subject to social, economic, and political discrimination. t Professor of Law, Georgetown University Law Center. An earlier draft of this Essay was presented at workshops held at the Georgetown University Law Center. -
Observational Determinism for Concurrent Program Security
Observational Determinism for Concurrent Program Security Steve Zdancewic Andrew C. Myers Department of Computer and Information Science Computer Science Department University of Pennsylvania Cornell University [email protected] [email protected] Abstract This paper makes two contributions. First, it presents a definition of information-flow security that is appropriate for Noninterference is a property of sequential programs that concurrent systems. Second, it describes a simple but ex- is useful for expressing security policies for data confiden- pressive concurrent language with a type system that prov- tiality and integrity. However, extending noninterference to ably enforces security. concurrent programs has proved problematic. In this pa- Notions of secure information flow are usually based on per we present a relatively expressive secure concurrent lan- noninterference [15], a property only defined for determin- guage. This language, based on existing concurrent calculi, istic systems. Intuitively, noninterference requires that the provides first-class channels, higher-order functions, and an publicly visible results of a computation do not depend on unbounded number of threads. Well-typed programs obey a confidential (or secret) information. Generalizing noninter- generalization of noninterference that ensures immunity to ference to concurrent languages is problematic because these internal timing attacks and to attacks that exploit informa- languages are naturally nondeterministic: the order of execu- tion about the thread scheduler. Elimination of these refine- tion of concurrent threads is not specified by the language se- ment attacks is possible because the enforced security prop- mantics. Although this nondeterminism permits a variety of erty extends noninterference with observational determin- thread scheduler implementations, it also leads to refinement ism. -
Urban-Race Reading List Elijah Anderson February 7, 2013
1 Urban-Race Reading List Elijah Anderson February 7, 2013 Elijah Anderson, Streetwise: Race, Class, and Change in an Urban Community (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1990). Elijah Anderson, Code of the Street: Decency, Violence, and the Moral Life of the Inner City (New York: W.W. Norton, 1999). Elijah Anderson, A Place on the Corner, 2nd ed. (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 2003). Elijah Anderson, The Cosmopolitan Canopy: Race and Civility in Everyday Life (New York: W.W. Norton, 2011). Digby Baltzell, Philadelphia Gentlemen: The Making of a National Upper Class (New York: Free Press, 1958). Howard S. Becker, Outsiders: Studies in the Sociology of Deviance (New York: Free Press, 1973). Herbert Blumer, “Race Prejudice as a Sense of Group Position,” The Pacific Sociological Review 1 (1) (1958). Alfred Blumstein, “On the Racial Disproportion in the United States’ Prison Populations,” The Journal of Criminal Law and Criminology 73 (3) (1982): 1259–1281. Alfred Blumstein, “Racial Disproportionality of U.S. Prison Populations Revisited,” University of Colorado Law Review 64 (3) (1993): 743–760. Alfred Blumstein and Jacqueline Cohen, “A Theory of the Stability of Punishment,” The Journal of Criminal Law and Criminology 64 (2) (1973): 198–207. Lawrence D. Bobo and James R. Kluegel, “Opposition to Race-Targeting: Self-Interest Stratification Ideology or Racial Attitudes,” American Sociological Review 58 (1993): 443–464. Lawrence D. Bobo and Victor Thompson, “Racialized Mass Incarceration: Poverty, Prejudice, and Punishment,” in Doing Race: 21 Essays for the 21st Century, ed. Hazel R. Markus and Paula Moya (New York: W.W. Norton, 2010), 322–355. Eduardo Bonilla-Silva, Racism Without Racists: Color-Blind Racism and the Persistence of Racial Inequality in America, 2nd ed. -
In Defence of Folk Psychology
FRANK JACKSON & PHILIP PETTIT IN DEFENCE OF FOLK PSYCHOLOGY (Received 14 October, 1988) It turned out that there was no phlogiston, no caloric fluid, and no luminiferous ether. Might it turn out that there are no beliefs and desires? Patricia and Paul Churchland say yes. ~ We say no. In part one we give our positive argument for the existence of beliefs and desires, and in part two we offer a diagnosis of what has misled the Church- lands into holding that it might very well turn out that there are no beliefs and desires. 1. THE EXISTENCE OF BELIEFS AND DESIRES 1.1. Our Strategy Eliminativists do not insist that it is certain as of now that there are no beliefs and desires. They insist that it might very well turn out that there are no beliefs and desires. Thus, in order to engage with their position, we need to provide a case for beliefs and desires which, in addition to being a strong one given what we now know, is one which is peculiarly unlikely to be undermined by future progress in neuroscience. Our first step towards providing such a case is to observe that the question of the existence of beliefs and desires as conceived in folk psychology can be divided into two questions. There exist beliefs and desires if there exist creatures with states truly describable as states of believing that such-and-such or desiring that so-and-so. Our question, then, can be divided into two questions. First, what is it for a state to be truly describable as a belief or as a desire; what, that is, needs to be the case according to our folk conception of belief and desire for a state to be a belief or a desire? And, second, is what needs to be the case in fact the case? Accordingly , if we accepted a certain, simple behaviourist account of, say, our folk Philosophical Studies 59:31--54, 1990. -
Arguments Vs. Explanations
Arguments vs. Explanations Arguments and explanations share a lot of common features. In fact, it can be hard to tell the difference between them if you look just at the structure. Sometimes, the exact same structure can function as an argument or as an explanation depending on the context. At the same time, arguments are very different in terms of what they try to accomplish. Explaining and arguing are very different activities even though they use the same types of structures. In a similar vein, building something and taking it apart are two very different activities, but we typically use the same tools for both. Arguments and explanations both have a single sentence as their primary focus. In an argument, we call that sentence the “conclusion”, it’s what’s being argued for. In an explanation, that sentence is called the “explanandum”, it’s what’s being explained. All of the other sentences in an argument or explanation are focused on the conclusion or explanandum. In an argument, these other sentences are called “premises” and they provide basic reasons for thinking that the conclusion is true. In an explanation, these other sentences are called the “explanans” and provide information about how or why the explanandum is true. So in both cases we have a bunch of sentences all focused on one single sentence. That’s why it’s easy to confuse arguments and explanations, they have a similar structure. Premises/Explanans Conclusion/Explanandum What is an argument? An argument is an attempt to provide support for a claim. One useful way of thinking about this is that an argument is, at least potentially, something that could be used to persuade someone about the truth of the argument’s conclusion. -
SUDAN Country Brief UNICEF Regional Study on Child Marriage in the Middle East and North Africa
SUDAN - Regional Study on Child Marriage 1 SUDAN Country Brief UNICEF Regional Study on Child Marriage In the Middle East and North Africa UNICEF Middle East and North Africa Regional Oce This report was developed in collaboration with the International Center for Research on Women (ICRW) and funded by the United Nations Children’s Fund (UNICEF). The views expressed and information contained in the report are not necessarily those of, or endorsed by, UNICEF. Acknowledgements The development of this report was a joint effort with UNICEF regional and country offices and partners, with contributions from UNFPA. Thanks to UNICEF and UNFPA Jordan, Lebanon, Yemen, Sudan, Morocco and Egypt Country and Regional Offices and their partners for their collaboration and crucial inputs to the development of the report. Proposed citation: ‘Child Marriage in the Middle East and North Africa – Sudan Country Brief’, United Nations Children’s Fund (UNICEF) Middle East and North Africa Regional Office in collaboration with the International Center for Research on Women (IRCW), 2017. SUDAN - Regional Study on Child Marriage 3 4 SUDAN - Regional Study on Child Marriage SUDAN Regional Study on Child Marriage Key Recommendations Girls’ Voice and Agency Build capacity of women parliamentarians to effectively Provide financial incentives for sending girls raise and defend women-related issues in the parliament. to school through conditional cash transfers. Increase funding to NGOs for child marriage-specific programming. Household and Community Attitudes and Behaviours Engage receptive religious leaders through Legal Context dialogue and awareness workshops, and Coordinate advocacy efforts to end child marriage to link them to other organizations working on ensure the National Strategy is endorsed by the gov- child marriage, such as the Medical Council, ernment, and the Ministry of Justice completes its re- CEVAW and academic institutions.