Introduction

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Notes

Introduction

1. This diversity led some scholars to speak of many existing “postsocial- isms.” See C. M. Hann, Postsocialism: Ideals, Ideologies, and Practices in Eurasia (London; New York: Routledge, 2002). 2. Armen Aivazian, Essential Elements for Armenia’s National Security Doctrine: Part I (Erevan: 2003). Quoted in Eddie Arnavoudian, Review of “Essential Elements for Armenia’s National Security Doctrine; Part I” by Armen Aivazian (Armenian News Network/Groong, 2004 [cited July 2004]). 3. Khachik Der-Ghoukasian and Richard Giragosian. 4. Aivazian, Essential Elements for Armenia’s National Security Doctrine. 5. Barry Buzan, Ole Waever, and Jaap de Wilde, Security: A New Framework for Analysis (Boulder, CO: Lynne Rienner, 1998), pp. 422–423. 6. Alexander Rondeli, “Regional Security Prospects in the Caucasus,” in Crossroads and Conflict: Security and Foreign Policy in the Caucasus and Central Asia, ed. Gary K. Bertsch, Cassady B. Craft, and Scott A. Jones (New York: Routledge, 2000), p. 51. 7. Rick Fawn, Ideology and National Identity in Post-Communist Foreign Policies, 1st ed. (London; Portland, OR: Frank Cass, 2003). Jeanne A. K. Hey, Small States in World Politics: Explaining Foreign Policy Behavior (Boulder, CO: Lynne Rienner, 2003), Efraim Inbar and Gabriel Sheffer, The National Security of Small States in a Changing World (London; Portland, OR: Frank Cass, 1997). 8. N. O. Oganesian, The Foreign Policy of the Republic of Armenia in the Transcaucasian-Middle Eastern Geopolitical Region (Yerevan: Noyan Tapan, 1998). Gayane Novikova, Orientiry Vneshney Politiki Armenii: Sbornik Analiticheskikh Statey (Erevan: “Antares,” 2002). Samvel Oganesian and David Petrosian, Armeniia, Evropa, Aziia: Koridory I Perekrestki [Armenia, Europe and Asia: Corridors and Crossroads] (Yerevan: Armenian Center for National and International Studies, 2001). 9. Gerard J. Libaridian, The Challenge of Statehood: Armenian Political Thinking since Independence, 1st ed., Human Rights & Democracy (Watertown, MA: Blue Crane Books, 1999). 180 Notes

10. Ronald Grigor Suny, “Provisional Stabilities: The Politics of Identities in Post-Soviet Eurasia,” International Security 24, no. 3 (Winter, 1999–2000), p. 147. 11. Levon Abrahamian, Armenian Identity in a Changing World, Armenian Studies Series, No. 8 (Costa Mesa, CA: Mazda Publishers, 2006), p. xii. 12. Razmik Panossian, The Armenians: From Kings and Priests to Merchants and Commissars (New York: Columbia University Press, 2006), p. 175. 13. M. Papadakis and H. Starr, 1987. “Opportunity, Willingness, and Small States: The Relationship between Environment and Foreign Policy,” in Charles F. Hermann, Charles W. Kegley, and James N. Rosenau, New Directions in the Study of Foreign Policy (Boston: Allen & Unwin, 1987), pp. 420–421. 14. Robert Keohane, “Lilliputian Dilemmas: Small States in International Politics,” International Organization 23, no. 2 (1969): 210–219; Robert L. Rothstein, Alliances and Small Powers (New York: Columbia University Press, 1968). 15. Papadakis and Starr, “Opportunity, Willingness, and Small States,” p. 430. 16. Ibid., p. 420. 17. Stefano Guzzini, Realism in International Relations and International Political Economy: The Continuing Story of a Death Foretold (London; New York: Routledge, 1998). 18. I am indebted to Nicholas Onuf for the insights on this point; Damian Fernandez, “Cuba: Talking Big, Acting Bigger,” in Latin American and Caribbean Foreign Policy, ed. Frank O. Mora and Jeanne A. K. Hey (Rowan & Littlefield, 2003). 19. Walter Carlsnaes, “The Agency-Structure Problem in Foreign Policy Analysis,” International Studies Quarterly 36, no. 3 (1992): 261. 20. Bill McSweeney, Security, Identity, and Interests: A Sociology of International Relations, Cambridge Studies in International Relations 69 (Cambridge [England]; New York: Cambridge University Press, 1999), p. 166. 21. Iver B. Neumann and Ole Wμver, The Future of International Relations: Masters in the Making? (London; New York: Routledge, 1997). 22. Janice Belly Mattern, “The Difference That Language-Power Makes,” in Language, Agency, and Politics in a Constructed World, ed. Franðcois Debrix (Armonk, NY: M. E. Sharpe, 2003), p. 154. 23. Sanjoy Banerjee, “The Cultural Logic of National Identity Formation: Contending Discourses in Late Colonial India,” in Culture & Foreign Policy, ed. Valerie Hudson (Boulder, CO: L. Rienner Publishers, 1997), p. 33. 24. Jef Huysmans, “Defining Social Constructivism in Security Studies: The Normative Dilemma of Writing Security,” Alternatives 27, Special Issue (2002); Buzan, Waever, and Wilde, Security. 25. Peter J. Katzenstein, The Culture of National Security: Norms and Identity in World Politics, New Directions in World Politics (New York: Columbia University Press, 1996). Notes 181

26. Efraim Karsh, “Cold War, Post–Cold War: Does It Make a Difference for the Middle East?,” Review of International Studies 23 (1997). 27. Barry Buzan and Ole Wμver, Regions and Powers: The Structure of International Security, Cambridge Studies in International Relations 91 (Cambridge [England]; New York: Cambridge University Press, 2003), p. 44. 28. Ibid., p. 48. 29. Ibid., p. 52. 30. Panossian, The Armenians, p. 189. 31. Richard G. Hovannisian, The Republic of Armenia, vol. 4 (Berkeley: University of California Press, 1971), p. 192. 32. Ibid., p. 407. 33. Panossian, The Armenians, p. 248. 34. This book uses the term “Armenian forces in Nagorno-Karabakh” to signify the irregular units composed of Armenians from Armenia and diaspora and the regular Nagorno-Karabakh army that was officially formed in summer 1992. Its structure and military command is distinct from the army of the Republic of Armenia. 35. Ronald Grigor Suny, Looking toward Ararat: Armenia in Modern History (Bloomington: Indiana University Press, 1993), p. 4. 36. Abrahamian, Armenian Identity in a Changing World, p. 10. 37. Sankaran Krishna, “Mimetic History: Narrating India through Foreign Policy,” in Handcuffed to History: Narratives, Pathologies, and Violence in South Asia, ed. S. P. Udayakumar (Westport, CT: Praeger, 2001), p. 43. 38. William Bloom, Personal Identity, National Identity, and International Relations, Cambridge Studies in International Relations 9 (Cambridge [England]; New York: Cambridge University Press, 1990), p. 80. 39. Armen Aivazian, “Possible Solutions to the Nagorno-Karabakh Problem: A Strategic Perspective,” in The Making of Nagorno-Karabagh: From Secession to Republic, ed. Levon Chorbajian (Houndmills [England]; New York: Palgrave, 2001), p. 210. 40. Guzzini, Realism in International Relations and International Political Economy, p. 233. 41. Abrahamian, Armenian Identity in a Changing World, p. 260. 42. Eviatar Zerubavel, Time Maps: Collective Memory and the Social Shape of the Past (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 2003), p. 89. 43. Levon Mikaelyan, “Vechni Lish Natsiya I Rodina” [Nation and homeland are eternal categories], Golos Armenii, May 27, 2004. 44. Johan Galtung, “The Construction of National Identities for Cosmic Drama: Chosenness-Myths-Trauma (Cmt) Syndromes and Cultural Pathologies,” in Handcuffed to History: Narratives, Pathologies, and Violence in South Asia, ed. S. P. Udayakumar (Westport, CT: Praeger, 2001), p. 67. 45. Ibid. 46. Aivazian, “Possible Solutions to the Nagorno-Karabakh Problem,” p. 207. 47. “Global Trends 2015,” (CIA, 2004). 182 Notes

Chapter 1

1. Sergei Arustamian, Khroniki Smutnogo Vremeni, vol. 1 (Erevan: Izd-vo. RAU, 2002), p. 14. 2. Ruben Shugarian, “The Idea of Regional Cooperation in the Context of Foreign Policy of Armenia,” in Orientiry Vneshneæi Politiki Armenii: Sbornik Analiticheskikh Statei, ed. Gayane Novikova (Erevan: Antares, 2001), p. 12. 3. Aivazian, “Possible Solutions to the Nagorno-Karabakh Problem: A Strategic Perspective,” p. 227. 4. Francois Debrix, “Language, Nonfoundationalism, International Relations,” in Language, Agency, and Politics in a Constructed World, ed. Francois Debrix (Armonk, NY: M. E. Sharpe, 2003). 5. Suny, Looking toward Ararat: Armenia in Modern History, p. 18. 6. Tony Halpin and John Hughes, “Living with Big Brother: Armenia-Russia Relations Are Based on Language, Culture and, Lately, Economics,” ArmeniaNow.com, May 19, 2006. 7. Panossian, The Armenians: From Kings and Priests to Merchants and Commissars, p. 191. 8. Ronald Suny tellingly describes the Armenian dilemma of 1918: Of the three major nationalities of Transcaucasia, the Armenians were in greatest danger in the spring 1918. The Azerbaijanis stood to benefit from a Turkish victory that would eliminate the Armenian threat and restore Baku to the control of the Muslims. The Georgians were willing to deal with the Turks and the Germans for guarantees that Georgian lands would not be annexed by Turkey. But the Armenians were an obstacle to the realization of the Pan-Turkic plans of a Muslim state stretching from Istanbul through Caucasia to Central Asia. The Dashnaktsutyun was in extremely vulnerable position. The party was opposed to separation from Russia, but Russia was now unable to aid the Armenians against the Turks. Therefore the party leaders in Tiflis reluctantly went along with the Georgian Mensheviks, and the Azerbaijanis and gave into Turkish pressure to declare Transcaucasia an independent state on April 22, 1918. About the same time the Dashnaks of Baku a city then firmly in the hands of a Bolshevik-led Soviet, opposed the Seim’s declaration of independence and recognized Soviet Russian authority.

Suny, Looking toward Ararat: Armenia in Modern History, pp. 124–125. 9. Quoted in “Ispoved’ Politicheskogo Lidera,” Golos Armenii., January 26 1991. 10. Quoted in Panossian, The Armenians: From Kings and Priests to Merchants and Commissars., p. 192. 11. This plan never came about because of the American and British opposition. The Soviet pressure throughout 1944 and 1945 played a great role Notes 183

in doing away with Turkish neutrality and Ankara’s eventual decision to side with the Western camp in the Cold War. 12. Suny, Looking toward Ararat: Armenia in Modern History, p. 186. 13. V. A. Shnirelman, Voiny Pamiati: Mify, Identichnost’ I Politika V Zakavkaz’e [War of Memories: Myths, Identity, and Politics in Transcaucasus] (Moscow: IKTS “Akademkniga,” 2003). 14. George Schèopflin, Nations, Identity, Power (New York: New York University Press, 2000), p. 93. 15. Quoted in Panossian, The Armenians: From Kings and Priests to Merchants and Commissars, p. 192. 16. “Otkritoe Pismo Zoriya Balayana Borisu Yeltsinu” [Zory Balayan’s Open Letter to Boris Yeltsin], Golos Armenii, February 6, 1991. 17. Abrahamian, Armenian Identity in a Changing World, p. 258. 18. Zory Balayan, Between Hell and Heaven: The Struggle for Karabakh (Yerevan: Amaras, 1997). 19. In response to the Armenian demands, in February 1988 pogroms took place against Armenians in various Azerabaijani cities, with Sumgait being most notorious and tragic example, when tens of people were brutally murdered and hundreds wounded by the angry mob. 20. Richard G. Hovannisian, “Historical Memory and Foreign Relations: The Armenian Perspective,” in The Legacy of History in Russia and the New States of Eurasia, ed. S. Frederick Starr (Armonk, NY: M. E. Sharpe, 1994), pp. 237–276. 21. Levon Ter-Petrosyan, “Moskvan Ayl Entrank Chouni” [Moscow Has No Alternative], Hayk, January 28, 1990. Quoted in Stephan H. Astourian, From Ter-Petrosian to Kocharian: Leadership Change in Armenia (Winter 2000–2001 [cited]); available from http://garnet.berkeley.edu/~bsp/ publications/2000_04-asto.pdf, p. 19. 22. Nora C. Dudwick, “Memory, Identity and Politics in Armenia” (PhD dissertation, University of Pennsylvania, 1994). 23. Dobrinka Kostova Christian Giardano, “The Social Production of Mistrust,” in Postsocialism: Ideals, Ideologies, and Practices in Eurasia, ed. C. M. Mann (London; New York: Routledge, 2002), pp. 77–78. 24. Ibid. 25. Abrahamian, Armenian Identity in a Changing World, p. 74. 26. Dudwick, “Memory, Identity and Politics in Armenia,” pp. 411–412. 27. Rafael Ishkhanyan, “The Law of Excluding the Third Force,” in The Challenge of Statehood: Armenian Political Thinking since Independence, ed. Gerard J. Libaridian (Watertown, MA: Blue Crane Books, 1999), pp. 31–33. 28. M. Nersisyan, “Hay Rusakan Qaghakakan Haraberutyunneri Patmutyan Mi Kani Hartseri Masin” [On several issues regarding the Russian- Armenian political ties], in Patmutyan Keghtsararnery [Falsifiers of history], ed. M. Nersisyan (Erevan: 1998). 184 Notes

29. Sergey Sarinian. Haykakan Gaghaparabanoutyoun [Armenian ideology]. Quoted in Astourian, From Ter-Petrosian to Kocharian: Leadership Change in Armenia), p. 40. 30. Francois Hartog and Jacques Revel, “Historians and the Present Conjuncture,” in Political Uses of the Past, the Recent Mediterranean Experience, ed. Jacques Revel and Giovanni Levi (London; Portland, OR: Routledge, 2002), p. 4. 31. Rafael Ishkhanyan, “Mahvan Chanaparhe Yev Kyanki Chanaparhe” [The path of death and the path of life], Hayk, January 28, 1990. Quoted in Astourian, From Ter-Petrosian to Kocharian: Leadership Change in Armenia, p. 18. 32. Dmitriy Furman, Kulturniye I Sotsialno-Psykhologicheskiye Osnovy Sovermennogo Armnyanskogo Natsionalnogo Dvijeniya [Cultural, Social and Psychological Foundations of the Contemporary Armenian National Movement] (Moscow: The Gorbachev Fund, 1993), p. 15. 33. Astourian, From Ter-Petrosian to Kocharian: Leadership Change in Armenia, p. 33. 34. Ibid., p. 27. 35. Shopflien, p. 67. 36. Ibid., p. 15. 37. Lowell W. Barrington, After Independence: Making and Protecting the Nation in Postcolonial & Postcommunist States (Ann Arbor: University of Michigan Press, 2006). 38. Michael P. Croissant, The Armenia-Azerbaijan Conflict: Causes and Implications (Westport, CO: Praeger, 1998), p. 81. 39. George S. Harris, “The Russian Federation and Turkey,” in Regional Power Rivalries in the New Eurasia: Russia, Turkey, and Iran, ed. Alvin Z. Rubinstein and Oles M. Smolansky (Armonk, NY: M. E. Sharpe, 1995), p. 17. 40. Astourian, From Ter-Petrosian to Kocharian: Leadership Change in Armenia, p. 33. 41. An interview with Levon Ter-Petrosyan, Izvestiya, February 1, 1992. Reprinted in Hayastani Hanrapetut’Yun, (Erevan). 42. Thomas de Waal, Myths and Realities of Karabakh War (May 1, 2003); available from http://iwpr.net/?p=crs&s=f&o=160833&apc_state=henicrs2003. 43. Ibid. 44. Thomas De Waal, Black Garden: Armenia and Azerbaijan through Peace and War (New York: New York University Press, 2003), pp. 200–205. 45. Hovannisian, “Historical Memory and Foreign Relations: The Armenian Perspective,” p. 251. 46. De Waal, Black Garden: Armenia and Azerbaijan through Peace and War, pp. 200–205. 47. Ibid. 48. E. H. Likhosherstov, I. A. Dyachuk, and V. C. Verkin, “Geopoliticheskiy Aspekt Rossiysko-Iranskix Vzaimootosheniy” [Geopolitical aspect of Russian-Iranian relations], in Iranskiy Mir I Yug Rossii: Proshloe I Notes 185

Sovremennye Perspektivy—Sbornik Nauchnykh Statei, ed. V. V. Chernous (Rostov-na-Donu, Russia: Izd-vo SKNëTìS VSh, 2004), p. 172. 49. Croissant, The Armenia-Azerbaijan Conflict: Causes and Implications, p. 91. 50. Ibid. 51. Ronald Grigor Suny David D. Laitin, “Armenia and Azerbaijan: Thinking a Way out of Karabakh,” Middle East Policy 7, no. 1 (1999): 159. 52. David Kerr, “The New Eurasianism: The Rise of Geopolitics in Russia’s Foreign Policy,” Europe-Asia Studies 47, no. 6 (1995): 982. 53. Vitaly Naumkin, “Russia and Transcaucasia,” Caucasian Regional Studies 3, no. 1 (1998). 54. Dmitri Trenin, “Russian Security Interests and Policies in the Caucasian Region,” in Contested Borders in the Caucasus, ed. Bruno Coppieters (Brussels; Concord, MA: VUBPRESS, 1996). 55. Celeste A. Wallander, “Conflict Resolution and Peace Operations in the Former Soviet Union. Is There a Role for Security Institutions?,” in The International Dimension of Post-Communist Transitions in Russia and the New States of Eurasia, ed. Karen Dawisha (Armonk, NY: M. E. Sharpe, 1997), p. 108. 56. Croissant, The Armenia-Azerbaijan Conflict: Causes and Implications, p. 118. 57. Kseniya G. Myalo, Rossiya I Poslednie Voyni Xx-Ogo Veka (1989–2000) (Moscow: Veche, 2002). 58. V. G. Mityaev, “Vnuterpoliticheskie Problemi V Nezavisimoy Armenii,” in Armenìya: Problemy Nezavisimogo Razvitiya, ed. E. M. Kozhokin (Moscow: Rossiyskiy in-t strategicheskikh issledovaniy, 1998), p. 98. 59. “Armenia Seeks Closer Ties with Russia,” in Monitor (Jamestown Foundation, July 8, 1996). 60. Ibid. 61. Joseph R. Masih and Robert O. Krikorian, Armenia: At the Crossroads (Amsterdam: Harwood Academic Publishers, 1999), p. 107. 62. “Armenia Signs Military Alliance with Russia,” Prism 3, no. 14 (Jamestown Foundation, September 12, 1997). 63. Croissant, The Armenia-Azerbaijan Conflict: Causes and Implications, p. 134. 64. Myalo, Rossiya I Poslednie Voyni Xx-Ogo Veka (1989–2000). 65. Laitin, “Armenia and Azerbaijan: Thinking a Way out of Karabakh.” 66. “Armenia: Armenian Leader Says No Limits to Cooperation with Russia,” (FBIS-SOV-97-334, November 30, 1997). 67. Svante E. Cornell, Small Nations and Great Powers: A Study of Ethnopolitical Conflict in the Caucasus, Caucasus World (Richmond, UK: Curzon, 2001), p. 16. 68. “Armenia: Armenian Parliament Accepts Ter-Petrosyan Resignation,” (FBIS-SOV-98-035, February 7, 1998). 69. Gevork Ter-Gabrielian, Explaining Armenia: An Insider’s View (1998); available from http://groong.usc.edu/ro/ro-19980207.html. 186 Notes

70. “Armenia: Kocharyan Reviews National, Regional Issues,” (FBIS- SOV-98-097, April 7, 1998). 71. “Armenian Crisis Opens Door for Russia,” (Stratfor, October 28,1999). 72. “Internal and External Forces Vie for Power in Armenia” (Stratfor, October 28, 1999). 73. “Russia Uses Armenian Crisis to Own Ends” (Stratfor, October 28, 1999). 74. “USA Trying to Break up Armenian–Russian Military Relations, General Says” (Eurasianet, May 18, 2000). 75. “Russia: Kocharyan Regrets Weak Economic Links With Russia” (FBIS- SOV-98-069, March 10, 1998). 76. “Russia: Armenian Speaker; Russian Relations Unaffected by Change,” (FBIS-SOV-98-050, February 19, 1998). 77. “Armenian Official Interviewed on Russia, Turkey, Azerbaijan,” (FBIS- SOV-98-129, May 9, 1998). 78. Kim Iskyan, “Armenia in Russia’s Embrace,” Moscow Times, March 24, 2004. 79. “Armenian Diaspora Influence on Caucasus Issues Examined,” (FBIS- SOV-2001-0316, March 15, 2001). 80. Gennadiy Chufrin, The Security of the Caspian Sea Region (Oxford; New York: Oxford University Press, 2001), p. 15. 81. Ibid. 82. Oksana Antonenko, “Russia’s Policy in the Caspian Sea Region: Reconciling Economic and Security Agendas,” in The Caspian: Politics, Energy and Security, ed. Shirin Akiner (London; New York: RoutledgeCurzon, 2004), p. 247. 83. Myalo, Rossiya I Poslednie Voyni Xx-Ogo Veka (1989–2000). 84. Ibid. 85. Rossiya I Armenia: Dvukhstoronnie Vzaimootnosheniya V Svete Izmenyayuschikhsya Vneshnepoliticheskix Prioritetov I Orientirov Armyanskoy Eliti [Russia and Armenia: Bilateral Relations in the Light of the Changing Foreign Policy Priorities and Orientations of the Armenian Elite] (February 2001); available from http://www.e-journal.ru/p_bzarub-st2-12.html. 86. Ibid. 87. “Armenian Agency Comments on Russia’s S. Caucasus Policy,” (FBIS- SOV-2000-0216, February 3, 2000). 88. Chufrin, The Security of the Caspian Sea Region, p. 16. 89. Rossiya I Armenia: Dvukhstoronnie Vzaimootnosheniya V Svete Izmenyayuschikhsya Vneshnepoliticheskix Prioritetov I Orientirov Armyanskoy Eliti (Russia and Armenia: Bilateral Relations in the Light of the Changing Foreign Policy Priorities and Orientations of the Armenian Elite). 90. “Analyst: Kocharyan Turning Armenia into Dictatorship,” (FBIS- SOV-2001-0614, June 12, 2001). 91. “Azerbaijani Political Observer Interprets Armenian, Russian Moves in Karabakh,” (FBIS-SOV-2003-0821, July 23, 2003). 92. Boris Komarov, Armenian “Traces” in the Proliferation of Russian Weapons in Iran, Acpr Policy Paper; No. 143; Variation: Policy Papers (Merkaz Ariel Notes 187

Le-Mehkere Mediniyut); 143. (Shaarei Tikva, Israel: ACPR Publishers, 2002), p. 7. 93. Iskyan, “Armenia in Russia’s Embrace.” 94. Ibid. 95. Giragosian, Armenian-Russian Relations: “Strategic Partnership” or Too Close for Comfort? (RFE/RL Newline, July 31 2002 [cited October 2004]); available from www.rferl.org/newsline/2002/07/5-NOT/not- 310702.asp. 96. Ibid. 97. “Armenian President’s Visit to Russia Aims to Drum up Support in Elections,” (FBIS-SOV-2003-0214, February 10, 2003). 98. Richard Giragosian, Armenian-Russian Relations: ‘Strategic Partnership’ or Too Close for Comfort?. 99. “Putin Congratulates Armenian President on ‘Convincing, Impressive’ Poll Victory,” (FBIS-SOV-2003-0308, March 8, 2003). 100. Igor Muradyan, 2001. 101. “Interview with Armenian National Movement Chairman Ararat Zurabian,” Orran Daily, May 16, 2003. 102. Janet Ekmekjian, “The Communist Party Will Not Allow Anti-Russian Sentiments to Develop,” Hayots Ashkharh August 20, 2004. 103. Rouben Khachatrian, “Rukami Politikov [By the hands of the politicians],” Golos Armenii, May 3, 2004. 104. “Kremlin Support for Armenian President Kocharyan at Moscow Talks Predicted,” (FBIS-SOV-2004-0514, May 14, 2004). 105. Emil Danielyan, “The Closure of the Russian-Georgian Border Stands to Accelerate the Decline in Russian-Armenian Commercial Ties,” (EurasiaNet, October 19, 2004). 106. Ibid. 107. “100 Let Bez Turtsii I Bez Rossii” [100 years without Turkey and Russia], Golos Armenii, October 19, 2004. 108. “Armenia’s Foreign Policy, Orientation, and Attitude towards Power Centers of the World,” (Armenian Center for National and International Studies, April–May 2004). 109. Martha Brill Olcott, “U.S. Policy in the South Caucasus,” Quarterly Journal 3 (September 2002): 62. 110. Vartan Oskanian, “Armenia’s Evolving Relations with United States, Europe,” (CSIS, June 14, 2004). 111. Alvin Z. Rubinstein, “The Transformation of Russian Foreign Policy,” in The International Dimension of Post-Communist Transitions in Russia and the New States of Eurasia, ed. Karen Dawisha (Armonk, NY: M. E. Sharpe, 1997), p. 61. 112. Terrence P. Hopmann, Stephen D. Shenfield, and Dominique Arel, Integration and Disintegration in the Former Soviet Union (Program on Global Security: Thomas J. Watson Jr. Institute for International Studies, Brown University, 1997 [cited October 21, 2004]); available from http://www.watsoninstitute.org/pub/OP30.pdf. 188 Notes

Chapter 2

1. “Armenia Said Aiming at Breaking Turkish-U.S. Ties,” (FBIS- SOV-2001-0703, July 1, 2001). 2. “Armenian President Says Turkey Should Open up Archives, Say Sorry for Genocide,” (FBIS-SOV-2001-0202, February 2, 2001). 3. Galtung, “The Construction of National Identities for Cosmic Drama: Choseness-Myths-Trauma (Cmt) Syndromes and Cultural Pathalogies,” p. 67. 4. Sam Brannen, “Diasporic Armenian Nationalist Invocations of Metaphorical Space, Frozen Time, and the 1915 Genocide” (paper presented at the Annual Meeting of the International Studies Association, Le Centre Sheraton Hotel, Montreal, Quebec, Canada, 2004). 5. Peter Novick, The Holocaust in American Life (Boston: Houghton Mifflin, 1999); James V. Wertsch, Voices of Collective Remembering (Cambridge, UK; New York: Cambridge University Press, 2002); Pierre Nora and Lawrence D. Kritzman, Realms of Memory: Rethinking the French Past, 3 vols., European Perspectives (New York: Columbia University Press, 1996). 6. Wertsch, Voices of Collective Remembering, p. 42. 7. Zerubavel, Time Maps: Collective Memory and the Social Shape of the Past, p. 40. 8. Antonis Liakos, “The Construction of National Time: The Making of the Modern Greek Historical Imagination,” in Political Uses of the Past: The Recent Mediterranean Experience, ed. Jacques Revel and Giovanni Levi (London; Portland, OR: F. Cass, 2002), p. 29. 9. For an in-depth historical account on the period preceding the Sovietization of Armenia see Hovannisian, The Republic of Armenia, vol. 4, Between Crescent and Sickle: Partition and Sovietization. 10. Ibid., p. 176. 11. Ibid., p. 180. 12. The futility of the Armenian faith in the European protections and the depth of their abandonment by virtually everyone is demonstrated by the words of a British official: We shall never hear the end of Armenia’s indignant rejection of the Bolshevik offer and her unshakeable fidelity to the Allies . . . I wish the Armenians would accept the Bolshevik terms and purchase peace at the cost of a rupture with the Allies. Unfortunately they realize it will pay them better to continue to play the role of Joseph repelling the advances of Potiphar’s wife and to represent themselves as the last line of the Allied defense against a Bolshevik invasion of Asia. Hovannisian, The Republic of Armenia, p. 222. 13. Ibid., p. 292. 14. This is how Richard Hovannisian tellingly describes the proceedings of the last hours of the negotiations between the Dashnak leadership and Turkish general Kiazim Karabekir: Notes 189

Khatisian’s appeals for the inclusion of the medieval capital city of Ani, the imposing ruins of which lay on the western bank of the Arpachai River, were rejected. No more successful were his special pleadings for the Turks to preserve the territorial integrity of Erevan province by leaving to Armenia the county of Surmalu and Mount Ararat because of historic-symbolic considerations, the importance of keeping the plain of Ararat intact as a single entity, and the economic significance of the Sharur-Nakhichevan region as the primary avenue of trade and communication with Persia … The Armenian agony in Alexandropol concluded with a subdued banquet at 3 o’clock in the morning and the recitation of hollow expressions about a new era in Turco-Armenian relations. The devastating treaty transformed Armenia into a small, land-locked rump state around Erevan and Lake Sevan. Ibid., p. 398. 15. Cornell, Small Nations and Great Powers: A Study of Ethnopolitical Conflict in the Caucasus, p. 288. 16. Paul Rouben Adalian, “Armenia’s Foreign Policy: Defining Priorities and Coping with Conflict,” in The Making of Foreign Policy in Russia and the News States of Eurasia, ed. Adeed Dawisha and Karen Dawisha (Armonk, NY: M. E. Sharpe, 1995), p. 317. 17. Irmina Matonyte, Elites in Soviet and Post-Soviet Societies (2002 [cited June 15, 2004]); available from http://www.anthrobase.com/Txt/M/ Matonyte_I_01.htm. 18. Libaridian, The Challenge of Statehood: Armenian Political Thinking since Independence, p. 1. 19. Furman, Kulturniye I Sotsialno-Psykhologicheskiye Osnovy Sovermennogo Armnyanskogo Natsionalnogo Dvijeniya. [Cultural, Social and Psychological Foundations of the Contemporary Armenian National Movement], p. 8. 20. Dudwick, “Memory, Identity and Politics in Armenia,” p. 421. 21. Kristine Barseghyan, “Rethinking Nationhood: Post-Independence Discourse on National Identity in Armenia,” Polish Sociological Review, no. 4 (2003), p. 409 22. Libaridian, The Challenge of Statehood: Armenian Political Thinking since Independence, p. 6. 23. Declaration of Independence (cited December 10, 2006); available from http://www.armeniaforeignministry.com/htms/doi.html. 24. Shnirelman, Voiny Pamiati: Mify, Identichnost’ I Politika V Zakavkaz’e [War of Memories: Myths, Identity, and Politics in Transcaucasus], p. 95. 25. Gevork Ter-Gabrielian and Ara Nedolian, “Armenia: Crossroads or Fault Line of Civilizations?,” International Spectator: A Qaurterly Journal of the Instituto Affari Internazionali, no. 2 (June 1997): 97. 26. Gerard J. Libaridian, Modern Armenia: People, Nation, State (New Brunswick, NJ: Transaction Publishers, 2004), pp. 267–268. 27. Baskin Oran, “The Turkish Approach to Transcaucasia and Central Asia,” in Contrasts and Solutions in the Caucasus, ed. Ole Høiris and Sefa Martin Yürükel (Oxford: Aarhus University Press, 1998), p. 457. Cited 190 Notes

in Astourian, From Ter-Petrosian to Kocharian: Leadership Change in Armenia), p. 29. 28. In November 1991, the newly elected Demirel wrote to the Azeri prime minister Hasan Hasanov urging restraint after an Azeri helicopter was shot down over Nagorno-Karabakh. “Mamedov Contacts Turkey’s Demirel on Conflict,” (FBIS-SOV-03-17-1992, March 17, 1992). 29. Former foreign minister of Armenia Raffi Hovanissian provides the following argumentation in favor of annulment of the treaties: There are several legal bases on which Armenia can rely in demonstrating the invalidity of the Treaties of Moscow and Kars. First, Article 62 of the Vienna Convention on the Law of Treaties contemplates revolutionary new situations such as the dramatic alterations wrought by the dissolution of the Soviet Union when it provides that a fundamental change of the circumstances prevailing when a treaty was concluded is a ground for its termination or suspension, even if it is otherwise valid. Applicable treaty law is clear that the sovereignty restored to the countries formerly within the Soviet Union and the behavior of Turkey toward Armenia in particu- lar constitute “fundamental changes in circumstances” which permit the termination of the treaties. This binding precept of international law, known as rebus sic stantibus, is supported by the principle that, under the Vienna Convention on Succession of States and other applicable sources of law, successor states enjoy the freedom to decide for themselves which of their “inherited” treaties should be continued and confirmed. Second, Article 51 of the Vienna Convention on the Law of Treaties, providing that a treaty is invalid when agreement has been reached by coercion, certainly contemplates the conditions of compulsion and threats of force which were employed against Soviet Armenia at the time of the signing of the treaties, and therefore constitutes a legal foundation to void that coercion. Because Armenia, as a Soviet state, was acting in fact and in essence without sovereign status, and its plenipotentiary was excluded from the substantive portions of the negotiations leading to the conclusion of the treaties, a sound argument can issue that the Armenian S.S.R. did not enter into the treaty arrangement—even if it had the capacity to do so—in an environment free of force and coercion, and its representative did not affix his signature at Kars of his own volition. Raffi Hovannisian, Addressing Turkey and Its Blockade of Armenia: The Double-Edged Sword of the Treaties of Kars and Moscow (The National Citizens’ Initiative, 1994 [cited January 22, 2006]); available from http:// www.nci.am/analyses/kars/. 30. Visiting Istanbul for the proposed Black Sea Economic Cooperation organization (BSEC) in March 1992, Armenian deputy foreign minister Armand Navassardian assured the Turkish government that Armenia “coveted no Turkish land.” “Turkish, Iranian Influence on Cis Viewed,” (FBIS-SOV-1992-0303, March 3, 1992). Notes 191

31. “Retired Ambassador Aktan Interviewed on Turkey-Armenia Relations, Claims on Genocide,” (FBIS-SOV-2000-1105, November 4, 2000). 32. Croissant, The Armenia-Azerbaijan Conflict: Causes and Implications, p. 81. 33. “Mamedov Contacts Turkey’s Demirel on Conflict.” 34. “Xinhua ‘Roundup’ on Turkey, Armenia Conflict,” (FBIS-CHI-1992-0522, May 22, 1992). 35. Ibid. 36. Croissant, The Armenia-Azerbaijan Conflict: Causes and Implications, p. 295; Edmond Y. Azadian, History on the Move: Views, Interviews and Essays on Armenian Issues (Wayne State University Press, MI: 1999), p. 69. 37. Freddy De Pauw, “Turkey’s Policies in Transcaucasia,” in Contested Borders in the Caucasus, ed. Bruno Coppieters (Brussels; Concord, MA: VUBPRESS, 1996), p. 182. 38. “Armenia: Turkey Said to Provide Weapons to Nakhichevan,” (FBIS- SOV-1992-0910, September 10, 1992). 39. Vigen Hakobyan and Armenika Kiviryan, Oskanian-Gul Meeting: Will the Long-Lasting Timeout Be Interrupted? (October 9, 2003 [cited November 12, 2006]); available from http://www.tabdc.org/news.php?id=159. 40. Ibid. 41. Libaridian, Modern Armenia: People, Nation, State, p. 269. 42. Hakobyan and Kiviryan, Oskanian-Gul Meeting: Will the Long-Lasting Timeout Be Interrupted?. 43. Ibid. 44. Tony Halpin, “The Face of Discord,” Armenian International Magazine (November 1993). 45. Ibid. 46. Ibid. 47. Hakobyan and Kiviryan, Oskanian-Gul Meeting: Will the Long-Lasting Timeout Be Interrupted?. 48. Libaridian, Modern Armenia: People, Nation, State, p. 269. 49. Suha Bolukbasi, “Ankara’s Baku-Centered Transcaucasia Policy: Has It Failed?,” Middle East Journal 51, no. 1 (Winter 1996): 85. 50. Ioannis Stribis, “The Evolving Security Concern in the Black Sea Economic Cooperation,” in Strategic Developments in Eurasia after 11 September, ed. Shireen Hunter (Portland, Or.: Frank Cass, 2004), p. 132. 51. Hayk Demoyan, “Nekotoriye Aspekti Armyano-Turetskix Otnosheniy V Kontekste Regional Nykh Protsessov” Some Aspects of Armenian-Turkish Relations in the Context of the Regional Development], in Orientiry Vneshneæi Politiki Armenii: Sbornik Analiticheskikh Stateæi, ed. Gayane Novikova (Yerevan: “Antares,” 2002), p. 51. 52. “Mi Mard Ev Mi Petutsyun. Hh Nakhagahy Pataskhanume ‘Aim’ Amsagri Hartserin” [One Man, One State. Ra President’s Answers to the Aim Questions], in Araspeli Ev Irakani Sahmanagtsin. Levon Ter-Petrosyan, Qaghakatsin Ev Qaghakagety [Between the Myth and the Reality. Levon 192 Notes

Ter-Petrosyan: A Citizen, a Politician], ed. Vardges Davtyan (Yerevan: Nairi, 1996), p. 133. 53. Libaridian, Modern Armenia: People, Nation, State, p. 226. 54. Ibid., p. 271. 55. “Reportage on Fighting in Nagorno-Karabakh, Border Areas,” (FBIS- SOV-1993-091, September 1, 1993). 56. “Army Builds up Defenses against Armenian Forces,” (FBIS-1993-0902, September 2, 1993). 57. “Turkey Moves Troops to Border,” Associated Press, September 3, 1993; “ Iran: More on Velayati’s Contacts with Aliyev, Turkey’s Cetin,” (FBIS- NES-1993-0903, September 3, 1993). 58. Pauw, “Turkey’s Policies in Transcaucasia,” p. 183. 59. “Turkish Paper Claims ‘Terrorist’ Bases in Armenia,” (FBIS- WEU-1993-1119, November 19, 1993). 60. Ibid. 61. “Faction Claims Turkey Planning to Shell Armenia,” (FBIS- SOV-1993-1208, December 8, 1993). 62. Leonidas Themistocles Chrysanthopoulos, Caucasus Chronicles: Nation- Building and Diplomacy in Armenia, 1993–1994 (Princeton, NJ: Gomidas Institute Books, 2002), pp. 77–78. 63. “Azerbaijani Ambassador Interviewed on Ties, Armenia,” (FBIS-WEU- 1993-0310, March 10, 1993). 64. “Foreign Minister Discusses Relations with Turkey,” (FBIS- SOV-1993-0902, September 2, 1993). 65. “Ter-Petrosyan Meets Turkish Ambassador in Moscow,” (FBIS- SOV-1993-1020, October 20, 1993). 66. Ter-Gabrielian and Nedolian, “Armenia: Crossroads or Fault Line of Civilizations?,” p. 99. 67. “President’s Decree Suspending ARF Activity Reported,” (FBIS- SOV-1994-1230, December 30, 1994). 68. “Suspension of ARF Activity Called ‘Illegal,’” (FBIS-SOV-1994-1230, December 30, 1994); “ Nsda Criticizes Action against ARF,” (FBIS- SOV-1994-1230, December 30, 1994). 69. “Turkes Discusses Meetings with Armenian President,” (FBIS- WEU-1995-0207, February 7, 1995). 70. “Libaridian Says That Yerevan Can Set Aside the Fact of Genocide for the Quest of Improved Relations with Turkey: Ankara-Yerevan Bargaining Offers New Details on Meeting between Turkesh & Der Bedrosian,” Armenian Reporter International, February 18, 1995. 71. Ibid. 72. “Liparityan Views Relations with Ankara,” (FBIS-SOV-1995-0309, March 9, 1995). 73. Ibid. 74. “Commentary Views Turkish-Armenian Relations,” (FBIS-SOV-1995-0321, March 21, 1995). Notes 193

75. J. L. Maresca, “ A Peace Pipeline to End the Nagorno-Karabakh Conflict,” Caspian Crossroads 1 (Winter 1995). Cited in Emmanuel Karagiannis, Energy and Security in the Caucasus (London; New York: RoutledgeCurzon, 2002), p. 42. 76. Armenian Expert Comments on Current Armenian-US Relations (EurasiaNet, July 7, 2000 [cited January 9, 2005]); available from http://www. eurasianet.org/resource/armenia/hypermail/200007/0006.html. 77. “Bill on Aid to Armenia Undermines U.S. Ties,” (FBIS-WEU-1995-0217, February 17, 1995). 78. “Ciller Takes Initiative on Armenian Relations,” (FBIS-WEU-1995-0217, February 17, 1995). 79. “Turks Place Conditions for Improvement of Relations with Armenia,” Armenian Reporter International, March 4, 1995. 80. “Liparityan Reports on Turkey’s Armenian ‘Position,’” (FBIS- SOV-1995-0301, March 1, 1995). 81. Bolukbasi, “Ankara’s Baku-Centered Transcaucasia Policy: Has It Failed?,” p. 85. 82. “Air Corridor to Armenia to Reopen in Two Weeks,” (FBIS- WEU-1995-0427, April 27, 1995). 83. Thomas W. Lippman, “Clinton, Aides Voice Support for Turkish Leader Ciller Assures U. S. That Military Operation against Kurds in Iraq Will Be Limited,” Washington Post, April 20, 1995. 84. Ibid. 85. “Mounting Pressure Pushes Turkish Prime Minister to Announce Opening of Air Corridor to Armenia,” Armenian Reporter International, April 29, 1995; “Humanitarian Aid Corridor Act,” House of Representatives (1996). 86. “Turkey Rejects Agreement with Armenia until Forces Leave Azerbaijan,” Deutsche Press-Agentur, June 29, 1995. 87. Mourad Mouradian, “Reactions to Rumors About Armenian and Turkish Trade,” Armenian Reporter International, March 11, 1995, p. 3. 88. Levon Marashlian, “Diaspora Should Influence Armenia’s Course,” Armenian Reporter International, October 21, 1995, p. 3. 89. “Human Rights Watch/Helsinki Armenia Report,” (Human Rights Watch, 1996). 90. “Armenians Vote for Ruling Bloc—Two-Thirds Back New Constitution,” Washington Times, July 7, 1995. 91. Levon Marashlian, “Der Bedrosian Diasporans Who Disparage Armenians— Part 2,” Armenian Reporter International, December 9, 1995. 92. “Turkey: Demirel Moves to Normalize Relations with Armenia,” (FBIS- WEU-1996-0417, April 17, 1996). 93. Ibid. 94. “Turkey: Yilmaz on Armenia, Coalition, Southeast, Kurds,” (FBIS- WEU-1996-0411, April 11, 1996). 95. “Armenia: Turkish President’s Proposal for Karabakh Settlement Cited,” (FBIS-SOV-1996-0422, April 22, 1996). 194 Notes

96. “Turkey: Gonensay on Armenian Relations, Israeli Agreement,” (FBIS- WEU-1996-0522, May 22, 1996). 97. “News Agency Director Discusses Furor over Shooting Story,” (FBIS- 1996-0712, July 12, 1996). 98. Ibid. 99. Paul B. Henze, Turkey and Armenia: Past Problems and Future Prospects (Santa Monica, CA: Rand Corporation, 1996), pp. 10–12. 100. “Armenia: Presidential Adviser Fears Erbakan to Hamper Karabakh Talks,” (FBIS-SOV-1996-0730, July 30, 1996). 101. In the fall of 1995, the governors of the province of Kars and the Armenian Gyumri met at the border. The Kars governor was quoted in his interview to the Turkish Milliyet “We are not interested in political problems. The economic war is losing its urgency. If the border were opened in Kars District, billions would flow in.” “Turkey: Kars Governor Denies Border Incident with Armenia,” (FBIS-WEU-1996-0711, July 11, 1996). During the summer of 1996, the president’s brother Telman Ter-Petrosyan, a prominent businessman visited Istanbul and met with the son of Alpaslan Turkes, Tugrul. The two discussed various avenues for economic cooperation. “Armenia: Telman Ter-Petrosyan, Turkes’ Son on Economic Cooperation,” (FBIS-SOV-1996-0801, August 1, 1996). 102. About Tabdc (Turkish-Armenian Business Development Council, [cited January 31, 2006]); available from http://www.tabdc.org/about.php. 103. Ibid. 104. “Azerbaijan: Aliyev Urges Turkey to Cut Contacts with Armenia,” (FBIS-SOV-97-128, May 9, 1997). 105. “Armenia: Armenian Opposition Leader Demands President’s Resignation,” (FBIS-SOV-98-029, February 4, 1998); “Armenia: Armenian Parliament Accepts Ter-Petrosyan Resignation,” (FBIS- SOV-98-035, February 7, 1998). 106. “Otstavka Sem’ Let Spustya” [The resignation sever years later], Golos Armenii, February 2005. 107. Barseghyan, “Rethinking Nationhood: Post-Independence Discourse on National Identity in Armenia,” pp. 410–411. 108. “Levon Ter-Petrosyan During Opening Session of Three-Day Genocide Problems Conference in Yerevan, April 21,” Armenian Reporter International, April 29, 1995. 109. Astourian, From Ter-Petrosian to Kocharian: Leadership Change in Armenia, p. 27. 110. “Otstavka Sem’ Let Spustya” [The resignation sever years later]. 111. Suny, “Provisional Stabilities: The Politics of Identities in Post-Soviet Eurasia,” p. 159. 112. “Turkey Says Contacts with Armenia Possible after Karabakh,” (FBIS- SOV-97-251, September 11, 1997). 113. Ara Sarafian, “The New Thinking Revisited. Gerard Libaridian Speaks at Princeton Univeristy,” Armenian Forum 1, no. 2 (1998). Notes 195

114. Cornell, Small Nations and Great Powers: A Study of Ethnopolitical Conflict in the Caucasus, p. 306. 115. “Armenia: Turkish Daily Says Kocharyan Establishing Links with Ankara,” (FBIS-SOV-98-092, April 2, 1998). 116. “Irredentism Enters Armenia’s Foreign Policy,” (Monitor, Jamestown Foundation, April 22, 1998). 117. “Armenia: Armenian Minister on Karabakh, Regional Issues,” (FBIS- SOV-98-146, May 27, 1998). 118. “Armenia: Armenia Opposes Holding OSCE Summit in Istanbul,” (FBIS-SOV-98-141, May 24, 1998). 119. “Armenia: Armenian, Turkish Presidents Discuss Relations,” (FBIS- SOV-98-160, June 10, 1998). 120. “Armenia: President Kocharyan—Turkey Could Be Armenian Ally,” (FBIS-SOV-98-163, June 17, 1998). 121. “Armenia: Presidential Aide—Armenia-Russia Ties to Be Intensified,” (FBIS-SOV-98-182, July 2, 1998). 122. “Armenia to Establish Equal Relations with East, West,” (FBIS- SOV-2000-0405, April 6, 2000). 123. “Armenia: Foreign Minister on Conflict with Azerbaijan,” (FBIS- SOV-98-192, July 15, 1998). 124. Ruben Safrastyan, “Znachenie Izucheniya Armyano-Turetskikh Otnosheniy Dlya Sovremennoy Teorii Mejdunarodnix Otnosheniy: Nekotoriye Predvaritelniye Zamechaniya” [The significance of studying Armenian-Turkish relations for the contemporary theory of international relations: Certain preliminary comments], in Hnaravor Che 21-Rd Darum Patneshner Steghtsel Harevanneri Mijev . . . : Hayastany Ev Turkyan Taratsashrjanayin Holovuytnerum; 2001–2003 Tvakanneri Hodvatsner U Hartsazruytsner. [It is impossible to set up barriers between neighbors in the twenty-first century. Armenia and Turkey in regional developments. Articles and interviews of 2001–2003], ed. Ruben Safrastyan (Yerevan: Zangak 97, 2003), p. 39. 125. Brannen, “Diasporic Armenian Nationalist Invocations of Metaphorical Space, Frozen Time, and the 1915 Genocide.” 126. Speech by Vartan Oskanyan at the International Conference on Prospects for Regional and Transregional Cooperation and the Resolution of Conflicts (September 28, 2000 [cited February 2, 2006]); available from http:// www.armeniaforeignministry.com/. 127. While Turkey viewed Sevres Treaty as a symbol of country’s political humiliation leading to what some refer to as the “Serves Syndrome” in Turkish political culture, Armenian primeminister publicly referred to it as the “finest victory of Armenian diplomacy.” 128. Barseghyan, “Rethinking Nationhood: Post-Independence Discourse on National Identity in Armenia,” p. 408. 129. “Turkish Foreign Ministry: Efforts to Continue to Stop Adoption of Armenian Bill,” (FBIS-SOV-2000-0927, September 28, 2000). 196 Notes

130. Oganesian and Petrosian, Armeniia, Evropa, Aziia: Koridory I Perekrestki [Armenia, Europe and Asia: Corridors and crossroads], p. 139. 131. “Turkish Cabinet to Reassess ‘Northern Watch’ If US House Approves Armenian Bill,” (FBIS-WEU-2000-1004, October 6, 2000). 132. “Turkey: Hurriyet Proposes Focusing on Measures against Armenia,” (FBIS-SOV-2000-1004, October 6, 2000). 133. “Turkey’s Yilmaz Advises Armenia to Choose Friendship over Family,” (FBIS-SOV-2000-1101, November 3, 2000). 134. Attending an international conference on regional issues held in Yerevan, former Turkish foreign minister Ilter Turkmen protested against the speech made by Raffi Hovannisian on the genocide. The diplomat explained than Ankara equates the discussion of the genocide by the Armenian foreign policy establishment to putting forward precondi- tions. “Armenian International Conference Discusses ‘Genocide’ Issue,” (FBIS-SOV-2000-1002, October 3, 2000). 135. “Armenian President Says Turkey Should Open up Archives, Say Sorry for Genocide.” 136. “Armenia Said Aiming at Breaking Turkish-U.S. Ties,” (FBIS- SOV-2001-0703, July 6, 2001). 137. “Turkish Columnist Says Turkey Should Improve Relations with Armenia,” (FBIS-SOV-2001-0208, February 13, 2001). 138. “Turkish-Armenian Reconciliation Commission Set Up,” (FBIS- SOV-2001-0711, July 11, 2001). 139. “Commentary Says Improved Ties with Yerevan Would Help Turkey’s EU Bid,” (FBIS-SOV-2002-1214, December 16, 2002). 140. Fiona Hill, “Seismic Shifts in Eurasia; the Changing Relationship between Turkey and Russia and Its Implications for the South Caucasus,” Journal of Southeast European and Black Sea Studies 3 (2003): 62. 141. Khatchik Derghoukassian and Richard Giragosian, The Dangers of Privatizing Armenian Foreign Policy (September 8, 2001 [cited November 17, 2003]); available from www.asbarez.com/TARC/Giragosian.html. 142. “Armenia: US Seeking to Restore Armenian-Turkish Reconciliation Commission,” (FBIS-SOV-2002-0430, May 1, 2002). 143. “Caucasus Is No Longer the Source of Discord for Russia and Turkey. Interview with Rouben Safrastyan” (April 18, 2005 [cited June 20, 2005]); available from http://www.globalpolitician.com/articledes. asp?ID=626&cid=4&sid=35. 144. Hill, “Seismic Shifts in Eurasia; the Changing Relationship between Turkey and Russia and Its Implications for the South Caucasus.” 145. “Turkish Columnist Proposes Gestures to Normalize Ties with Armenia,” (FBIS-SOV-2001-1027, October 29, 2001). 146. “FM Cem Says Turkish-Armenian Relations Can Be Developed after Karabakh Solution,” (FBIS-SOV-2002-0626, June 27, 2002). 147. “US Backs Armenians’ Move to Normalize Ties with Turkey,” ( FBIS- SOV-2002-0910, September 11, 2002). Notes 197

148. “Armenia: Optimism Expressed Following Azerbaijan-Armenia-Turkey Meeting,” (FBIS-SOV-2002-0521, May 22, 2002). 149. “Turkish Writer Highlights Officials’ Views on Improvement of Ties with Armenia,” (FBIS-SOV-2002-0529, May 31, 2002). 150. “Armenia-Turkey: Economic Necessity Pushing Yerevan, Ankara Closer,” Eurasia Insight (July 26, 2003 [cited August 5, 2003]); available from http://www.eurasianet.org/departments/insight/articles/eav072603. shtml. 151. Gareth Winrow, “Pivotal State or Energy Supplicant? Domestic Structure, External Actors, and Turkish Policy in the Caucasus,” Middle East Journal, Winter (2003). 152. “Caucasus Is No Longer the Source of Discord for Russia and Turkey. Interview with Rouben Safrastyan.” 153. Richard Giragosian, “Turkish-US Relations: The Role of the Armenian Issue,” Turkish Policy Quarterly 4, no. 1 (Spring 2005). 154. “‘New Approach’ Reported in Relations between Turkey, Armenia,” (FBIS-SOV-2003-0607, June 9, 2003). 155. “Turkey Seen Holding Secret Talks with Yerevan, Armenian Diaspora,” (FBIS-SOV-2003-0613, June 16, 2003). 156. “Armenian Parties Denounce Attempts to Establish Ties with Turkey,” (FBIS-SOV-2003-0721, July 22, 2003). 157. “Deputy Says Armenian-Turkish Relations Depend on Neutrality in Karabakh Issue,” (FBIS-SOV-2004-0129, February 1, 2004). 158. “Official Says Swiss Recognition of Armenian Genocide May Damage Ties with Turkey,” (FBIS-SOV-2003-1222, December 23, 2003). 159. Zulfugar Agayev, “Azerbaijan: Could Turkey Spoil Nagorno-Karabakh Peace?,” Transitions On-Line, April 13, 2004 (cited January 6, 2005); available from http://www.tol.cz/look/TOLrus/article.tpl?IdLanguage=1 &IdPublication=4&NrIssue=59&NrSection=1&NrArticle=11908. 160. Ibid. 161. “Azerbaijan: Daily Speculates on Campaign against Opening Turkish- Armenian Border,” (FBIS-SOV-2004-0407, April 8, 2004). 162. Agayev, “Azerbaijan: Could Turkey Spoil Nagorno-Karabakh Peace?.” 163. “Revisiting Armenian-Turkish Relations Is a Necessity,” Azg Daily, August 8, 2004. 164. “Columnist Says Turkish Foreign Ministry Opposes Opening Border Gate with Armenia,” (FBIS-SOV-2004-1011, October 13, 2004). 165. “Column Views Changes in Turkey’s National Security Policy Document,” (FBIS-SOV-2004-1227, December 30, 2004). 166. “Relations with Turkey May Hinder Armenia-NATO Cooperation,” (FBIS-SOV-2004-0524, May 25, 2004). 167. “Gul: Turkey Holding Talks with Armenia, Azerbaijan to Solve Karabakh Issue,” (FBIS-SOV-2004-0419, April 20, 2004). 168. “Foreign Minister: Armenia Unwilling to Trade Karabakh for Share in Regional Projects,” (FBIS-SOV-2004-0922, September 23, 2004). 198 Notes

169. “Armenia Provodit Dinamichnuyu Vneshnuyu Politiku I U Nee Est Opredelennie Uspekhi V Etoy Sphere” [Armenia is conducting a dynamic foreign policy and it has achieved certain success in that sphere], Azg Daily, July 27, 2004. 170. “Armenian Deputies Urge Turkey to Open Borders, Set up Diplomatic Ties,” (FBIS-SOV-2004-1201, December 2, 2004). 171. Giragosian, “Turkish-Us Relations: The Role of the Armenian Issue.” 172. Gunes Murat Tezcur, “The Armenian Shadow over Turkey’s Democratisation,” Open Democracy.Net, October 13, 2005 (cited December 5, 2005); available from http://www.opendemocracy.net/ democracy-turkey/armenia_2920.jsp. 173. Ayla Gol, “The Turkish Nation and ‘Othering’ Armenians,” Nations and Nationalism 11, no. 1 (2005), p. 137. 174. Taner Akçam, “The Genocide of the Armenians and the Silence of the Turks,” in Dialogue across an International Divide: Essays Towards a Turkish-Armenian Dialogue, ed. Taner Akçam (Cambridge, MA; Toronto: Zoryan Institute, 2001). For a further discussion, see Taner Akcam, From Empire to Republic: Turkish Nationalism and the Armenian Genocide (London; New York: Zed Books, 2004). 175. Buzan, Waever, and Wilde, Security: A New Framework for Analysis. 176. Ibid., p. 25. 177. “Closing Address by the Armenian Foreign Minister,” The International Conference on the 90th Anniversary of the Armenian Genocide, April 21, 2005 (cited September 26, 2005); available from http://www.armeniaforeignministry.com/. 178. President Kocharyan’s speech on the Armenian state TV (Translated and quoted by Harout Sassounian, “What Did Kocharyan Actually Say About Demanding Territories from Turkey?,” April 11, 2005 [cited February 10, 2006]); available from www.Armeniapedia.org. 179. Barseghyan, “Rethinking Nationhood: Post-Independence Discourse on National Identity in Armenia,” pp. 413–415. 180. “Acnis Roundtable on Public Opinion and the Armenian Genocide,” Armenian Center for National and International Studies, April 25, 2005 (cited December 5, 2005); available from http://www.acnis.am/pr/ genocide.htm. 181. Ibid., “Konferentsiya V Erevane” [A conference in Yerevan], Golos Armenii, May 2004. 182. Stepan Poghosian, Tseghaspanutyan Khindiry. Petakan Kaghakakanutyun Ev Azgayin Inkalumner [The politics of genocide: State policy and national perceptions] (ACNIS, 2001); available from www.acnis.am/ publications/poghosyan.pdf. 183. Garnik S. Asatrian, “Armenia and Security Issues in the South Caucasus,” Quarterly Journal, no. 3 (September 2002):p. 24. 184. “Trade, Transport and Telecommunications in the South Caucasus: Current Obstacles to Regional Cooperation,” (World Bank, 2001). Notes 199

185. “Study of the Economic Impact on the Armenian Economy from Re-Opening of the Turkish-Armenian Borders,” Armenian-European Policy and Legal Advice Center, 2005. http://www.aeplac.am/pdf/2005/ ARM_TURK_BORD/Arm_Turk_Bord.asp. 186. Haroutiun Khachatrian, “No Big Gains to Armenia If Turkey Lifts Blockade,” Eurasia Insight, August 9, 2005. 187. Gayaneh Kyureghian and Vahe Heboyan, “Opening Armenia-Turkey Border: Measuring the Economic Impact” (Paper presented at the International Food and Agribusiness Management Association 14th Annual Food and Agribusiness Forum and Symposium, Montreux, Switzerland, June 12–15, 2004). 188. Richard Beilock, “Helping Armenia without Helping the Blockade,” Armenian Journal of Public Policy 1 (September 2003): 20. 189. “Kars-Gyumri Railway in the Focus of Attention.” Interview with Gagik Minasyan, chair of the Standing Committee on Financial-Credit, Budgetary and Economic Affairs of the National Assembly. (www.newneighbors.am, November 25, 2005 [cited January 28, 2006]). 190. Richard Giragosian, “Toward a New Concept of Armenian National Security.” (Paper presented at the Third Annual AIPRG International Conference, The World Bank, Washington D.C., January 15–16, 2005).

Chapter 3

1. Speech by Vartan Oskanian Minister of Foreign Affairs Republic of Armenia at the Yale Conference on the Caucasus and Central Asia (Foreign Ministry of the Republic of Armenia, September 19, 2002 [cited April 12, 2003]); available from http://www.armeniaforeignministry.com/. 2. Asatrian, “Armenia and Security Issues in the South Caucasus,” p. 24. 3. Nina Garsoian, “Armeno-Iranian Relations in Pre-Islamic Period,” in Encyclopaedia Iranica, October 20, 2004 [cited December 10, 2004]); available from http://www.encyclopaediairanica.com/articles/ot_grp5/ ot_armeno_iran_rel_20041020.html. 4. Eliz Sanasarian, Religious Minorities in Iran, Cambridge Middle East Studies (Cambridge, UK; New York: Cambridge University Press, 2000), p. 35. 5. “Iran Only Country Protecting Armenian Historical Monuments, Report Says,” (FBIS-SOV-2001-1023, October 24, 2001). Officials in Tehran expressed its indignation numerous times at the destruction of Armenian cemetery monuments in Nakhichevan. 6. David Petrosian, “Iran, Hayastan: Erek, Aysor, Vaghy” [Iran, Armenia: Yesterday, today, and tomorrow], Iran-Name. Armenian Journal of Oriental Studies, no. 33 (1999): 76. 7. Brenda Shaffer, “It’s Not about Ancient Hatreds, It’s about Current Policies: Islam and Stability in the Caucasus,” Caucasian Regional Studies 5, no. 1–2 (2000). 8. Abrahamian, Armenian Identity in a Changing World, p. 250. 200 Notes

9. Petrosian, “Iran, Hayastan: Erek, Aysor, Vaghy” [Iran, Armenia: Yesterday, today, and tomorrow], p. 76. 10. Zory Balayan, “The Threat of Pan-Turanism,” in Armenia at the Crossroads: Democracy and Nationhood in the Post-Soviet Era; Essays, Interviews, and Speeches by the Leaders of the National Democratic Movement in Armenia, ed. Gerard J. Libaridian (Watertown, MA: Blue Crane Books, 1991). 11. Armenia’s FM stated, “Rather than portraying each other as accessories of the South or the North, as allies of the East or West . . . let us instead define and mold our policies in the spirit of multidimensional partner- ships, in the direction of complementarity.” In “Armenia to Establish Equal Relations with East, West.” 12. Oganesian and Petrosian, Armeniia, Evropa, Aziia: Koridory I Perekrestki [Armenia, Europe and Asia: Corridors and crossroads],p. 293. 13. Igor Muradyan and Sergey Manukian, Tretiy Put’ Evraziyskix Natsiy I Irano- Shiitskaya Revolyutsiya [The “third way” of Eurasian nations and Iran’s Shia revolution] (Yerevan: Fond Visokikh Tekhnologiy, 1997), p. 228. 14. “Ankakh Hayastani Kamurj-E Arevelki Ev Arevmutki Mijev” [Independent Armenia serves as a link between East and West]. Interview with Levon Ter-Petrosyan, Hayastani Hanrapetutyun, February 6, 1992. 15. “Azgayin Hamazhoghovits” [In the parliament], Hayastani Hanrapetutyun, February 11, 1992. In February of 1992, during the session of Armenia’s Supreme Council, Ter-Petrosyan voiced dissatisfaction with the level of Armenia’s relations with the Middle Eastern countries. 16. “ACNIS Examines Armenian-Iranian Relations” (October 20, 2005 [cited August 5, 2006]); available from http://www.acnis.am/pr/iran.htm. 17. Tony Halpin and Vartan Oskanian, “A Place on the Map,” Armenian International Magazine 3, no. 4 (1992)“ 13. 18. Tony Halpin, “Interview: The Race for Alternatives; A Conversation with Energy Minister Sebouh Tashjian,” Armenian International Magazine 4, no. 1 (1993). 19. Felix Corley, “How Others See the Karabagh Conflict: Closer Iran-Armenia Relations Sought by Armenians,” Armenian Reporter International, September 11, 1993. 20. James M. Dorsey, “The Growing Entente between Armenia & Iran,” Armenian Reporter International, December 12, 1992. 21. “Newly Appointed Foreign Minister Takes Office,” Armenian Reporter International, March 6, 1993. 22. Tony Halpin, “Interview: Making Peace,” Armenian International Magazine 3, no. 6 (1992). 23. Ray Takeyh, Hidden Iran: Paradox and Power in the Islamic Republic, 1st ed. (New York: Times Books, 2006), p. 63. 24. Shireen Hunter, “Iran’s Pragmatic Regional Policy,” Journal of International Affairs 56, no. 2 (Spring 2003). 25. Cornell, Small Nations and Great Powers: A Study of Ethnopolitical Conflict in the Caucasus; Hunter, “Iran’s Pragmatic Regional Policy.” Notes 201

26. Speech by Mehdi Safari, Islamic Republic’s special representative for the Caspian region and the head of the department of the CIS affairs of the Iranian Foreign Ministry. In Ghulam Riza Hashimi, ed., Amniyat Dar Qafqaz-I Junubi [Security in the Southern Caucasus] (Tehran: Vozarat-e Omur-e Kharejeh, 2005). 27. Takeyh, Hidden Iran: Paradox and Power in the Islamic Republic, p. 78. 28. Edmund Herzig, Iran and the Former Soviet South (London: Royal Institute of International Affairs, 1995), p. 30. 29. Cameron S. Brown, “Wanting to Have Their Cake and Their Neighbor’s Too: Azerbaijani Attitudes Towards Karabakh and Iranian Azerbaijan,” Middle East Journal 58, no. 4 (Autumn 2004). 30. Graham Fuller, “Azerbaijan: Soon to Be a Household Word Nationalism: Iran and Turkey May Be Drawn in as Ethnic Strife Takes on New Forms in the Southern Soviet Union,” Los Angeles Times, January 9, 1990. 31. Speech by Iran’s Foreign Minister at the 11th International Conference “Security in the Southern Caucasus.” In Hashimi, ed., Amniyat Dar Qafqaz-I Junubi [Security in the Southern Caucasus], p. 8. 32. Quoted in Abdollah Ramezanzadeh, “Iran’s Role as Mediator in the Nagorno-Karabakh Crisis,” in Contested Borders in the Caucasus, edited by Bruno Coppieters (Brussels: VUB Press, 1996), p. 168. 33. Quoted in “Irany Mtahogvats-E Turk-Adyrbejanakan Dashinkov” [Iran is concerned with Turkish-Azerbaijani alliance], Hayastani Hanrapetutyun, January 15, 1992. 34. Nagorno-Karabakh Conflict: A Chronology of Key Events (The Office of Nagorno-Karabakh Republic, [cited August 20, 2006]); available from http://www.nkrusa.org/nk_conflict/chronology.shtml. 35. Herzig, Iran and the Former Soviet South, pp. 241–242. 36. Tony Halpin and Vartan Oskanian, “Analysis: The Fall of Shushi; An Accident of Timing,” Armenian International Magazine 3, no. 5 (1992). 37. Ibid. 38. Ramezanzadeh, “Iran’s Role as Mediator in the Nagorno-Karabakh Crisis,” p. 171. 39. Resalat, July 23, 1993. Quoted in Ibid., p. 172. 40. “Armenia Captures Strategic Sites in Battle over Caucasus Enclaves,” New York Times, April 12, 1993. 41. Resalat April 14, 1993. Quoted in Ramezanzadeh, “Iran’s Role as Mediator in the Nagorno-Karabakh Crisis.” 42. Ibid., p. 176. 43. “Azeri-Armenian Clashes Force Thousands into Iran,” Christian Science Monitor (1993). 44. Ramezanzadeh, “Iran’s Role as Mediator in the Nagorno-Karabakh Crisis.” 45. Ibid., p. 173. 46. U. R. Chugunova, “Pravovoy Status Kaspiya: Resurs Ili Bar’yer V Mejregionalnom Sotrudnichestve I Rossiysko-Iranskix Vzaimootnosheniyax” 202 Notes

[The legal status of the Caspian Sea: A resource or a barier to the regional cooperation between Russia and Iran], in Iranskiy Mir I Yug Rossii: Proshloe I Sovremennie Perspektivi [The Iranian world and Russia’s south: The past and present perspectives], ed. Chernous V. V. (Rostov na Donu: Izd-vo SKNëTìS VSh, 2004). 47. Andrea W. Lorenz, “Drop in Oil Prices Spurs Iran to Diversify Alternative Trade,” Washington Report on Middle East Affairs 12, no. 7 (1994). 48. Martha Brill Olcott, “International Gas Trade in Central Asia: Turkmenistan, Iran, Russia and Afghanistan,” (Stanford University; James A. Baker Institute, May 2004). 49. “Armenia: Iranian Ambassador Calls Armenia-Iran Relations ‘Ideal,’” (FBIS-SOV-96-027, February 10, 1996). 50. Cornell, Small Nations and Great Powers: A Study of Ethnopolitical Conflict in the Caucasus, p. 376. 51. Halpin and Oskanian, “A Place on the Map,” p. 13. 52. Ibid. 53. “Armenia: Armenia’s Oskanyan Clarifies Israel-Iran Mediation Remarks,” (FBIS-SOV-98-310, November 9, 1998). 54. “Armenia: Iranian Diplomat: ‘Bright Future’ for Iran-Armenia Ties,” (FBIS-SOV-98-323, November 23, 1998). 55. Abrahamian, Armenian Identity in a Changing World, p. 348. 56. “Armenia: Armenia Keen to Develop Links with Iran, United States,” (FBIS-SOV-98-238, August 28, 1998). 57. From a personal interview with an Armenian foreign ministry official. October 2009. 58. “Russia Not to Form Military Pact with Iran to Counter NATO,” (FBIS- UMA-98-308, November 5, 1998). 59. Cornell, Small Nations and Great Powers: A Study of Ethnopolitical Conflict in the Caucasus, p. 401. 60. “Armenia: Developing Armenian-Greek Military Partnership Seen,” (FBIS-UMA-97-203, July 23, 1997). 61. “Iran: Greece May Join Anti-Nato Pact,” (FBIS-SOV-1999-0810, August 11, 1999). 62. “Armenia, Greece and Iran Sign Memorandum of Cooperation,” Armenian Reporter International, January 3, 1998; Jeanne Whalen, “Armenia Rejects Defence Alliance,” Financial Times [London Edition], July 12, 1999. 63. “Russia: Iran Accuses Us Aide of Interfering in Caucasus,” (FBIS- SOV-2000-0306, March 7, 2000). 64. Thomas W. Lippman, “Clinton Meets with Turkmen President,” Washington Post, April 24, 1998. 65. “Armenian Pipeline Dream,” Africa Analysis, April 2, 2004. 66. “Pipeline Construction,” BBC Monitoring, August 23, 2001. 67. “Armenia Is Important to Ukraine as a Transit Country for Energy,” Azg, December 14, 2000. Notes 203

68. “Turkmen Gas to Be Piped to Armenia Via Iran,” BBC Monitoring, August 21, 2001. 69. “Consortium to Finance Iran-Armenia Oil Pipeline,” Interfax, July 7, 1999; “Ukraine Eyes Imports from Iran-Armenia Pipeline,” Pipeline & Gas Journal 227, no. 12 (December 2000). 70. Anonymous interview, 2007. 71. De Waal, Black Garden: Armenia and Azerbaijan through Peace and War, p. 242. 72. Anonymous interview, 2007. 73. Ibid. 74. “Azeri Paper Questions Motives behind Iran’s Wish to Mediate in Karabakh,” (June 15, 2001). 75. “Azerbaijan: Political Expert Urges Caution about Iran’s Karabakh Mediation Role,” (FBIS-SOV-2002-0418, April 19, 2002). 76. Igor Muradian, “Politika Irana V Otnoshenii Azerbaijana I Armenii V Svyazi S Protsesom Uregulirovaniya Karabakhskoy Problemi” [Iranian policy towards Azerbaijan and Armenia in regards to the process of the Nagorno-Karabakh settlement], in Turetsko-Amerikanskie Otnosheniya [Turkish-American relations and the Southern Caucasus] (unpublished), ed. Igor Muradian (Yerevan: 2007). 77. Rouben Shugarian, “Regional Security and Cooperation: Armenia and the Caucasus,” Speech Delivered at Center for Strategic and International Studies, Washington D.C. (September 25, 2002 [cited July 2, 2004]); available from http://www.csis.org/media/csis/events/020925_ shugarian.pdf. 78. “Foreign Policy Guidelines,” (Yerevan: Foreign Ministry of the Republic of Armenia, 2001), p. 16. 79. “Baku Paper Interprets Impact of Armenian President’s Iran Visit,” (FBIS- SOV-2002-0118, January 22, 2002). 80. Emil Danielyan, “Armenia: Yerevan Courts Unlikely New Security Partners—The U.S. and Iran,” (RFE/RL, 2002). 81. “Armenia, Iran Sign Military Cooperation Accord,” (FBIS- SOV-2002-0305, March 5, 2002). 82. Ibid. 83. “Armenian Agency Says US Sanctions a Sign of Frustration with Armenian-Iranian Ties,” (FBIS-SOV-2002-0513, May 14, 2002). 84. “Atrmenia: Iranian Envoy Says US Sanctions Aim at Psychological Control,” (FBIS-SOV-2002-0527, May 27, 2002). 85. Emil Danielyan, “U.S. Sanctions Expose Unease about Warm Ties between Yerevan and Tehran,” (RFE/RL, 2002). 86. “Armenia: Official Says No Nuclear Talks Scheduled with Iranian Minister,” (FBIS-SOV-2002-0708, July 9, 2002). 87. Ibid. 88. “Armenian Analysts Concerned at Implications of Azeri Role in US Anti-Iran Strike,” BBC Monitoring, May 30, 2003. 204 Notes

89. “Armenia Not to Alter Ties with Iran for USA’s Sake, Foreign Minister Says,” Arminfo, May 6, 2003. 90. Official statement by the spokeswoman of the Foreign Ministry. In “Armenian Agency Analyses Yerevan’s Refusal to Back Iraq Campaign,” Global News Wire, March 22, 2003. 91. Afshin Molavi, Iran’s Azeri Questions: What Does Iran’s Largest Ethnic Minority Want? (EurasiaNet, April 15, 2003 [cited January 13, 2004]); available from http://www.eurasianet.org/departments/culture/articles/ eav041503.shtml. 92. D. B. Malishev, “Kaspiyskiy Vektor Irano-Rossiyskogo Vzaimodeystviya” [The Caspian vector of Iranian-Russian interaction], in Iranskiy Vopors I Yug Rossii: Proshloe I Sovremennie Perspektivi, ed. Chernous V. V. (Rostov na Donu: 2004). 93. “Armenia: Visiting Iranian Minister Urges Six-Member Regional Security System,” (FBIS-SOV-2003-0430, April 30, 2003). 94. “Azerbaijan Declines Iran-Advanced ‘3+3’ Regional Security Formula,” Financial Times, May 5, 2003. 95. Likhosherstov, “Geopoliticheskiy Aspekt Rossiysko-Iranskix Vzaimootosheniy” [Geopolitical aspect of Russian-Iranian relations], p. 177. 96. Steven J. Main, The Bear, the Peacock, the Eagle, the Sturgeon and the Black, Black Oil: Contemporary Regional Power Politics in the Caspian Sea. (Defense Academy of the United Kingdom: Contemporary Regional Power Politics in the Caspian Sea Conflict Studies Research Centre, December 2005), p. 12. 97. Ibid., p. 22. 98. Jan Panrose, “Nations, Sates and Homelands: Territory and Territoriality in the Nationalist Thought,” Nations and Nationalism: Journal of the Association of the Study of Nations and Nationalism 8, no. 3 (2004): 282. 99. “An Interview with the Deputy Foreign Minister, Gegham Gharibjanian,” Golos Armenii, March 24, 2005. 100. Mohiaddin Mesbahi, “Iran and Central Asia: Paradigm and Policy,” Central Asia Survey No.23, no. 2 (2004). 101. “Foreign Policy Guidelines”, p. 17 102. “Iranian, Armenian Leaders Issue Joint Statement on Consolidating ‘Friendly Ties,’” (FBIS-NES-2004-0909, September 13, 1994). 103. “Iran’s Khatami Pledges Closer Ties with Armenia,” (FBIS- NES-2004-0909, September 10, 2004). 104. Joint Press Conference of the President of Armenia Robert Kocharyan and President of Iran Mohammad Khatami (The Office of the President of the Republic of Armenia, 2004 [cited September 18, 2006]); available from http://news.president.am/eng/?sub=press&id=83&from=0&year=2004. 105. From a personal interview with Salpi H. Ghazarian, Director of Civilitas Foundation, former special Assistant to Vardan Oskanian, October 2009. Notes 205

Chapter 4

1. Dziunik Aghajanian, spokesperson of the Foreign Ministry of Armenia. Quoted by Mark Grigorian, “Europe in the Eye of Armenia” (Paper presented at Europe and the South Caucasus, Baku, June 11, 2001). 2. “Vartan Oskanian, Armenia’s Deputy Foreign Minister, Makes Assessment of Country’s Foreign Policy Achievements,” Armenian Reporter International, January 17, 1998. 3. Schèopflin, Nations, Identity, Power, p. 31. 4. Steven Sampson, “Beyond Transition: Rethinking Elite Configurations in the Balkans,” in Postsocialism: Ideals, Ideologies, and Practices in Eurasia, ed. C. M. Hann (Routledge, 2002), p. 298. 5. Vartan Oskanian, in his capacity as the Head of North America Division at the Armenian Foreign Ministry. In “Forum: What Options?,” Armenian International Magazine 5, no. 5 (1994). 6. “Chronicle,” New York Times, October 1, 1990. 7. “Armenia’s Leader Seeks Support on U.S. Visit Soviet Union: Thrust to the Fore by Events, the Former Dissident Is Due in L.A. On a Mission to Gather Help from `Our Brothers Abroad,” Los Angeles Times, September 30, 1990. 8. “Armenian Chief Steers with Subtlety,” New York Times, April 15, 1991. 9. “Drift to Dictatorship Clouds Armenia’s Happiness,” New York Times, January 3, 1997. 10. “Bush Tells Armenian Leader U.S. Seeks Firm Relationship,” The Washington Post, November 15, 1991. 11. “Armenian Calls for Shift in West Pragmatic President Insists That Union for Republics Is an Illusion,” Christian Science Monitor, October 24, 1991. 12. Quoted in Dick Kirschten, “Ethnic Resurging,” National Journal 27, no. 8 (1995): 484. 13. Vartan Oskanian, “Analysis: Armenia Abroad; After 70 Years under Moscow, the Republic Must Now Decide Its Own Foreign Policy Priorities,” Armenian International Magazine 2, no. 11 (1991). 14. Shain, Yossi, and Aharon Barth, “Diasporas and International Relations Theory,” International Organization 57, no. 3 (Summer 2003). 15. Ana Radelat, “The Race Is On: Who Shall Influence U.S Policy on Armenia?,” Armenian International Magazine 7, no. 2 (1996). 16. Thomas Ambrosio, Irredentism: Ethnic Conflict and International Politics (Westport, CT: Praeger, 2001), p. 154. 17. Quoted in Ibid., pp. 154–155. 18. “Freedom for Russia and Emerging Eurasian Democracies and Open Markers Support Act of 1992,” in CIS-No. 92-PL102-511 (1992). 19. Ambrosio, Irredentism: Ethnic Conflict and International Politics, p. 157. 20. Cornell, Small Nations and Great Powers: A Study of Ethnopolitical Conflict in the Caucasus, p. 371. 21. “Forum: What Options?.” 206 Notes

22. John Maresca, “U.S. Ban on Aid to Azerbaijan (Section 907) How It Started in 1992 and Why It Should Be Lifted,” Azerbaijan International 6, no. 4 (Winter 1998). 23. Svante Cornell, “Turkey and the Conflict in Nagorno-Karabakh: A Delicate Balance,” Middle Eastern Studies 31, no. 1 (Winter 1998). 24. “U.S. Rebukes Armenia on New Drive in Caucasus,” New York Times, April 7, 1993. 25. De Waal, Black Garden: Armenia and Azerbaijan through Peace and War, pp. 226–227. 26. David D. Laitin, “Armenia and Azerbaijan: Thinking a Way out of Karabakh,” p. 145. 27. “Our Sphere, Their Sphere; The United States Has Some Areas of Influence It Shouldn’t Give Up,” Washington Post, October 7, 1994. 28. “US, Armenia Sign Military Accord,” United Press International, August 9, 1994. 29. “America’s Caucasus Opening,” Washington Post, August 8, 1994. 30. John Maresca, “Agony of Indifference in Nagorno-Karabakh: West Must Step in If It Doesn’t Want to See Russia Impose a Solution - and Restore Its Influence,” The Christian Science Monitor, June 27 1994. 31. Richard Giragosian, “U.S. Policy in the Transcaucasus: Implications for Armenian Foreign Policy,” in Orientiri Vneshney Politiki Armenii [Directions of Armenia’s foreign policy], ed. Gayane Novikova (Yerevan: Spectr, 2001). 32. David D. Laitin, “Armenia and Azerbaijan: Thinking a Way out of Karabakh.” Middle East Policy Council Journal 7, no. 1 (October 1999): 163. 33. Khokhar, Camila, and Paul Wiberg-Jorgensen, “United States’ Strategic Possibilities in the South Caucasus,” European Security 10, no. 3 (Autumn 2001). 34. “U.S. Interests in Caucasus Region. Testimony of Robert E. Ebel, Director of Energy and Security Program at the CSIS,” House International Relations Committee (1996). 35. Radelat, “The Race Is On: Who Shall Influence US Policy on Armenia?.” 36. “U.S. Envoys Present Karabakh Plan,” United Press International, March 14, 1996. 37. Quoted in Masih and Krikorian, Armenia: At the Crossroads, p. 124. 38. Ibid. 39. “Testimony of the Ambassador Joseph A. Presel, Special Negotiator for Nagorno-Karabakh,” House International Relations Committee (1996). 40. Armen Khanbabyan, “Boris Yeltsin Meets with Levon Ter-Petrosyan,” Nezavisimaya Gazeta, August 27, 1997. 41. Quoted in Masih and Krikorian, Armenia: At the Crossroads, p. 127. 42. Cornell, Small Nations and Great Powers: A Study of Ethnopolitical Conflict in the Caucasus, p. 378. Notes 207

43. Ibid., p. 378. 44. Ross Vartian, “Lessons to Be Learned,” Armenian International Magazine, February 28, 1998), p. 24. 45. Thomas Ambrosio, Challenging America’s Global Preeminence: Russia’s Quest for Multipolarity (Aldershot, UK; Burlington, VT: Ashgate, 2005), p. 94. 46. Ibid. 47. Mark Webber, The International Politics of Russia and the Successor States, Regional International Politics Series (Manchester; New York: Manchester University Press, 1996), p. 197. 48. Glen E. Howard, NATO and the Caucasus: The Caspian Axis. NATO after Enlargement: New Challenges, Mew Missions, New Forces (Washington D.C.: Center for Strategic and International Studies, September 1998), pp. 190–191. 49. Statement by H. E. Alexander Arzoumanian, foreign minister of the Republic of Armenia at the Meeting of Heads of State or Government under the Aegis of the Euro-Atlantic Partnership Council July 9, 1997 in Madrid. 50. “Communist Leader Charges Armenia is Pro-Western”, Armenia This Week, February 5, 1999. 51. Statement by H. E. Alexander Arzoumanian, foreign minister of the Republic of Armenia at the Meeting of Heads of State or Government under the Aegis of the Euro-Atlantic Partnership Council (July 9, 1997). Quoted in Inga Paliani, EAPC and PFP Enhancements in Promoting Security—The Caucasian Perspective (2002 [cited May 3, 2007]); available from www.nato.int/acad/fellow/99-01/Paliani.pdf, p. 17. 52. Rouben Shugarian, “From the near Abroad to the New Neighborhood. The South Caucasus on the Way to Europe. A Few Connotations of the Black Sea Context” (Paper presented at the Armenia/the South Caucasus and Foreign Policy Challenges, University of Michigan, Ann Arbor, October 21–24 2004). 53. Cornell, Small Nations and Great Powers: A Study of Ethnopolitical Conflict in the Caucasus, p. 382. 54. Khokhar and Wiberg-Jorgensen, “United States’ Strategic Possibilities in the South Caucasus,” p. 1. 55. Cornell, Small Nations and Great Powers: A Study of Ethnopolitical Conflict in the Caucasus, p. 380. 56. Brownback Silk Road Strategy Act Passes Senate Foreign Relations Committee Today (Office of Senator Sam Brownback, March 23 1999 [cited March 1 2006]); available from http://brownback.senate.gov/pressapp/record. cfm?id=175949. 57. “Armenia This Week,” (Armenian Assembly of America, June 25, 1999). 58. “Armenia This Week,” (Armenian Assembly of America, December 17, 1999). 59. Arman Dzhilavyan, “Small Armenia Plays a Big Game,” Nezavisimaya Gazeta, October 27, 1999. 208 Notes

60. “Kremlin Implements Washington’s Policy in Armenia: Pump up Oil Even over Dead Bodies,” Arminfo, April 30, 2000. 61. Murat Acemoglu, “The Visit of President Kocharyan to the White House,” Armenian Reporter International, June 24, 2000. 62. Igor Muradian, “Anti-Ballistic Missile Treaty and the Karabakh Problem [Unpublished].” 63. “Armenian Paper Suggests U.S. Plans between Enhanced Karabakh Role for Iran,” BBC Monitoring Service, May 10, 2001; available from http://azer.com/aiweb/categories/karabakh/media/key_west_after/ media_bbc_iran.html. 64. David Shahnazaryan, “New Challenges and Conflicts in South Caucasus: Nagorno-Karabakh Conflict as the Key Regional Conflict” (Paper presented at the Armenia/the South Caucasus and Foreign Policy Challenges, University of Michigan, Ann Arbor, October 21–24 2004). 65. Sergei Shakariants, Artsakhskiy Spektr I Regionalnaya Politika [Artsakh spectrum and the regional politics] (Armenian Center for National and International Studies, May 26, 2001 [cited April 25, 2003]); available from http://www.acnis.am/articles/rus/artsakh.htm. 66. Giragosian, Khachik, and Richard Derghoukassian, The Nagorno-Karabagh Conflict: Why Precipitated Optimism Has Backfired (Armenian News Network / Groong, June 1, 2001 [cited November 9, 2004]); available from http://groong.usc.edu/ro/ro-20010601.html. 67. “Armenia This Week,” (Armenian Assembly of America, May 4, 2001). 68. Richard Giragosian “Repositioning Armenian Security and Foreign Policy within a Region at Risk,” Armenian International Research Policy Group, March 2006. 69. Fred R. Dallmayr, Small Wonder: Global Power and Its Discontents, New Critical Theory (Lanham, MD: Rowman & Littlefield Publishers, 2005), p. 55. 70. Quoted in Ibid. 71. “Response to Terror; Rumsfeld Visits Caucasus Nations; Diplomacy: Defense Chief, Who Will Stop in Afghanistan Today, Promises Aid for Azerbaijan and Armenia in Return for Help,” Los Angeles Times, December 16, 2001. 72. “Georgia to Host Special US Forces,” in Fortnight in Review (Jamestown Foundation, March 1, 2002). 73. “US-Azerbaijan Program Launched,” in Fortnight in Review (Jamestown Foundation, April 19, 2002). 74. “America to Provide Security Assistance to Armenia and Azerbaijan,” in Fortnight in Review (Jamestown Foundation, April 19, 2002). 75. “Armenia Adjusting Regional Policies,” in Fortnight in Review (Jamestown Foundation, April 19, 2002). 76. Jean-Christophe Peuch, Possible US Military Buildup in Georgia Raises Armenian Concerns (Eurasia Insight, March 14, 2002 [cited March 3, Notes 209

2004]); available from www.eurasianet.org/departments/ insight/articles/ pp031402.shtml. 77. “CIS Space,” “Russia’s near Abroad,” “Ruled out at U.S.-Russia Summit,” in Fortnight in Review (Jamestown Foundation, May 31, 2002). 78. Ibid. 79. “From Collective Security Treaty to Collective Security Organization,” in Fortnight in Review, (Jamestown Foundation, May 17, 2002). 80. “Armenia This Week,” (Armenian Assembly of America, May 31, 2002). 81. State Department’s full statement reads: The United States concurs with this view, and is deeply disappointed by the electoral irregularities that have been reported. While the presence of Armenian domestic observers in many polling stations was positive, a number of problems were identified: such as ballot box stuffing, “carousel” voting at multiple polling stations, inappropriate military voting, the intimidation, absence or expulsion of opposition proxies, and apparent intimidation of some of the observers. The period between the two election rounds also was marred by a number of shortcomings, including detentions without due process and lack of accountability for irregularities in the first round. Armenia’s leadership missed an important opportunity to advance democratization by holding a credible election. We urge the government to recommit to building a democratic Armenia and to restore public confidence, beginning with a full and transparent investigation of election irregularities and accountability for those responsible. We call on the opposition to pursue its legitimate election grievances through peaceful and legal processes. We expect all political elements in Armenia to avoid post-election violence, and to adhere to the Armenian constitution. 82. “Armenia: Election Marred by Intimidation, Ballot Stuffing,” (Human Rights Watch, March 7, 2003). 83. Abrahamyan, Gayane, and Julia Hakobyan, The Days After: Sargsyan Says Europeans Have “Different Mentality”; Demirchyan Says the Fight Isn’t Over. (March 7, 2003 [cited May 25, 2007]); available from www.armenianow. com/archive/ 2004/2003/march07/home/index.htm. 84. “Armenian Agency Analyzes Yerevan’s Refusal to Back Iraqi Campaign,” BBC Monitoring, March 22, 2003. 85. “US-Armenian Relations in Good Shape, Armenian Ambassador Says,” Mediamax, May 30, 2003. 86. Beck, Ulrich, “Über den postnationalen Krieg,” Blätter für deutsche und internationale Politik 8 (1999), p. 987 . Quoted in Herfried Munkler, New Wars (Cambridge: Polity, 2005), p. 126. 87. Ariel Cohen, Eurasian States Grapple with Difficult Choices over Looming Iraq Offensive (Eurasia Insight, February 28, 2003 [cited April 12, 2005]); available from www.eurasianet.org/departments/ insight/articles/ eav021803.shtml. 210 Notes

88. Ibid. 89. War in the Neighborhood: Ministry of Foreign Affairs Officer Discusses Iraq- Armenia-Us Relations (ArmeniaNow.com, March 23, 2003 [cited June 2, 2006]); available from www.armenianow.com/archive/ 2004/2003/ march21/news/index.htm. 90. Emil Danielyan, “Iraq: Pro-Russian Armenia May Benefit Most from U.S.-Led War,” (RFE/RL, April 2, 2003). 91. Ambrosio, Challenging America’s Global Preeminence: Russia’s Quest for Multipolarity, p. 156. 92. “Armenians Discuss Iraqi Conflict,” Armenian Reporter International, March 29, 2003. 93. Dallmayr, Small Wonder: Global Power and Its Discontents, p. 55. 94. Aris Ghazinyan, Should We Stay or Should We Go: Will, Should, Armenia Send Forces to Iraq? (ArmeniaNow.com, September 3, 2004); available from www.armenianow.com/archive/2004/2004/september03/news/iraq/ index.asp.htm. 95. “Rumsfeld Visits Georgia, Affirms U.S. Wish That Russia Honor Istanbul Accords,” American Forces Press Service, December 5, 2003. 96. “Largest US Embassy in the World Is Being Built in Armenia,” Pravda.ru November 27, 2003. 97. “New U.S. Embassy Compound Yerevan Factsheet”; available at http:// yerevan.usembassy.gov/doc/necfactsheet.php. 98. “Armenia This Week,” (Armenian Assembly of America, February 6, 2004). 99. Ibid. 100. “U.S., Armenia Sign Military Compact,” Pacific Stars and Stripes, May 2, 2004. 101. Brian Whitmore, “US Military, NATO Join Forces to Stabilize Caucasus,” Boston Globe, May 19, 2004.” 102. Samvel Martirosyan, “Armenian Troops Deploy to Iraq,” Eurasia Insight, January 21, 2005. 103. “Armenia This Week,” (Armenian Assembly of America, November 22, 2004). 104. A. H. Alexandryan, Armenia on the Road to European Integration (Region Research Center, February 2005); available from http://www.regioncenter. org/en/w-analit-ar.html. 105. Ruben Shugarian, “Globalization in the Context of Armenia’s Foreign Policy” (Paper presented at “Armenia On the Way to Europe” International Conference, Yerevan 2003). 106. Oskanian, “Armenia’s Evolving Relations with United States, Europe.” 107. Vartan Oskanian, “Remarks at the Il Grosso D’oro Veneziano Award Ceremony,” (Venice: 2005). 108. Igor Muradian, unpublished article, 2001. 109. Vartan Oskanian, “Statement at the 113th Session of the Council of Europe Ministerial Meeting,” (Kishinev, Russia: November 6, 2003). Notes 211

110. Background Paper on Nagorno-Karabakh (Council of Europe, April 2, 2003 [cited December 4, 2006]); available from http://www.coe.int/t/ e/com/files/events/2003-04-Youth-conflicts/Nagorno_conflict.asp#P342_ 42919. 111. “Armenia This Week,” (Armenian Assembly of America, April 21, 2000). 112. “Armenia This Week,” (Armenian Assembly of America, June 30, 2000). 113. “Closer Than Ever; Armenia Takes Another Step towards Europe,” Armenian International Magazine, October 2003. 114. “Presidential Election 19 February and 5 March 2003 Final Report,” (Warsaw: OSCE, April 28, 2003). 115. Ashot Melian, “Armenia in the Council of Europe: Expectations and Prospects,” in Orientiry Vneshney Politiki Armenii: Sbornik Analiticheskikh Statey, ed. Gayane Novikova (Yerevan: Antares, 2002), p. 31. 116. “Armenia This Week,” (Armenian Assembly of America, July 12, 2002). 117. “PACE Adopts Report on Karabakh Conflict,” in Eurasia Digest (Eurasianet.org, January 28, 2005). 118. Ibid. 119. “Another Armenian Politician Criticizes Pace Resolution on Karabakh,” in Eurasia Digest (Eurasianet.org, January 31, 2005). 120. Gayane Novikova, The Pace Resolution: Levels of Motivations (Spectrum. Center for Strategic Analysis, January 30, 2005 [cited July 27, 2007]); available from http://www.spectrum.am/eng/articles.php?id=54. 121. “MP Says Council of Europe’s Karabakh Resolution Advantageous to Armenia,” in Eurasia Digest (Eurasianet.org, January 27, 2005). 122. “Rezolyutsiya Pase—Vizov K Voyne” [PACE resolution is a call for war], Golos Armenii, February 10, 2005. 123. “Rezolyutsiya Prinyata: Chya Vina I Chto Delat?” [The resolution is adopted: Who is to blame and what to do?], Golos Armenii, January 27, 2005. 124. “Ne Balagan a Uverennoe V Sebe Gosudarstvo” [Not a circus but a self-confident state], Golos Armenii, May 15, 2004. 125. Report by the Secretary of the National Security Council under the President of the Republic of Armenia—Minister of Defense Serzh Sargsyan at the Rose Roth Seminar “Security in the South Caucasus” (October 10, 2005 ); available from http://www.yerkir.am/eng/index. php?sub=news_arm&id=19624. 126. Many of the post-Soviet elites have used these rhetorical tools to turn their country’s geography from a liability into advantage as it is evident in the use of “Eurasianism” by the Central Asian leadership. 127. Shugarian, “From the near Abroad to the New Neighborhood. The South Caucasus on the Way to Europe. A Few Connotations of the Black Sea Context.” 212 Notes

128. Ibid. 129. Gayane Novikova, The South Caucasus within the Security System of the Black Sea Region (Spectrum. Center for Strategic Analysis, May 5, 2005 ); available from www.spectrum.am/eng/articles.php?id=71. 130. Shugarian, “Globalization in the Context of Armenia’s Foreign Policy.” 131. “Ne Balagan a Uverennoe V Sebe Gosudarstvo” [Not a circus but a self- confident state]. 132. Alexandryan, Armenia on the Road to European Integration. 133. Curt Gasteyger, Global Security in Perspective; The “Comeback” of Eurasia and the Changing Role of Military Power (Geneva Centre for the Democratic Control of Armed Forces, April 2006 ); available from www. dcaf.ch/_docs/pp13_global_security_perspective.pdf. 134. The European Union Reaches out to the Caucasus and Central Asia. Q&A with Alexander Von Lingen (Eurasianet.Org, May 1, 2001 [cited July 20, 2007]); available from http://www.eurasianet.org/departments/qanda/ articles/eav050101.shtml. 135. “EU/NIS: Agreements Installed with Armenia, Azerbaijan and Georgia,” European Report (January 10, 1996). 136. “Economic Analysis—the West Is Moving from Humanitarian Aid to Technical Assistance for Armenia,” Armenian Reporter International, September 14, 1996. 137. “ EU/CIS: A Pattern to Building EU Links Further East?,” European Report 25, no. 2160 (September 25, 1996). 138. “INOGATE Opens Doors to Oil and Gas Supplies from East,” European Report 27, no. 2178 (November 28, 1996). 139. Conflict Resolution in the South Caucasus: The EU’s Role (International Crisis Group, March 20, 2006 [cited June 16, 2007]); available from www.crisisgroup.org/home/index.cfm?id=4037. 140. Ibid. 141. Fraser Cameron and Rosa Balfour, “The European Neighbourhood Policy as a Conflict Prevention Tool,” (A European Policy Centre—Conflict Prevention Partnership, June 2006). 142. Célia Chauffour and François Gremy, Nagorno-Karabakh, South Ossetia, Abkhazia: The Workings of the European Policy on South Caucasus (November 28, 2004 [cited July 11, 2007]); available from www.caucaz.com/home_ eng/breve_contenu.php?id=79. 143. “Armenia’s Kocharyan Views Path to Peace, Prosperity,” (FBIS- SOV-1999-0911, September 13, 1999). 144. Robert Kocharyan, “Address at the OSCE Summit in Istanbul,” (November 19, 1999). 145. “Armenian President, Foreign Minister on Foreign Policy,” (FBIS- SOV-2000-0322, March 22, 2000). 146. “Armenia Proposes Collective Security Concept for Southern Caucasus,” in Armenia Daily Digest (Eurasianet.Org, March 29, 2000). Notes 213

147. Sergiu Cela, Michael Emerson, and Nathalie Tocci, “A Stability Pact for the Caucasus” (June 2000). 148. Ibid. 149. “Foreign Minister Pledges Armenia Will Be Reliable Partner,” (FBIS- SOV-2000-0310, March 13, 2000). 150. “Working Document on the Communication from the Commission to the Council and the European Parliament on the European Union’s Relations with Countries in the Southern Caucasus in the Context of the Partnership and Cooperation Agreements,” (European Parliament, March 19, 2001). 151. European Parliament Resolution on EU Relations with South Caucasus (February 28, 2002 [cited August 1, 2007]); available from http://www. armenian-genocide.org/Affirmation.217/current_category.7/affirmation_ detail.html. 152. Ibid. 153. Vladimir Socor, “The Dark World of the Armenians,” Wall Street Journal (Europe) October 3–5, 2003. 154. Breffni O’Rourke, “Caucasus: Is the EU Neglecting the Region’s Strategic Impotance?,” Eurasia Insight, March 16, 2003. 155. Vartan Oskanian, “Speech at the Southern Caucasus—Political Challenges and Development Perspectives Conference,” (November 12, 2003). 156. “EU/South Caucasus: Meps Say Union Should Step up Its Role in the Region,” European Report (February 26, 2004). 157. Michael A. Weinstein, “Armenia: The Dream of Complementarity and the Reality of Dependency,” (PINR, September 27, 2004). 158. Alexandryan, Armenia on the Road to European Integration. 159. Célia Chauffour, “Is there an influence of the European events on Caucasus ? Interview with Catherine Lalumière,” 04/12/2004. Bibliography

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Abkhazia 35, 155 Asatrian, Garnik 109 Abovyan, Khachatur 22, 23 Attaturk, Kemal 59, 60, 61, 102; Abrahamian, Levon 5, 6, Kemal, Mustafa, 59, 66, 102 14, 27, 110 Azerbaijan 12; Anti-Armenian Afghanistan, war 3, 51, 154 pogroms in Baku, 27; agency 175 Azerbaijani blockade, 30, 73, Aghdam 118, 126 104, 106, 114; Azerbaijani Aivazian, Armen 15 rule in Nagorno-Karabakh, Akcam, Taner 102 11; Escalation of NK conflict AKP (Justice and Development in 1988–1990, 12, 24, 29; Party) 55, 97, 99 relations with Europe, 163–165; Aliyev, Heydar 34, 36, 44, 46, 169; 171–172; relations with 81, 84–85, 94, 118, 126, Iran, 107–108, 116–119, 122, 143, 150, 152, 153; 126–127, 129, 131; relations Ilham, 46, 99, 157, 164, with Russia, 32–38, 43–45, 52; Amirkhanyan, Serge 126 relations with the United States, Anatolia 11, 23, 101 141–145, 149, 152–154, ancientness 13, 110, 111 156–157, 159–160; Turkish anthropology 1, 5, 6, 9 support of relations with, 73–75, Arab 111, 113, 122, 159 80–81, 84–85, 87, 89, 90, 92, Ardahan 60, 61 94, 97–101 Armenian Assembly of America 140 Baku-Ceyhan oil pipeline 76, 80, Armenian National Committee 106, 124 of America (ANCA) 140 Balayan, Zori 25, 26, 111 army, Armenia 32, 41–42, 80, Banerjee, Sanjoy 7 160, 165; Iranian, 118; Barseghyan, Karine 86 Nagorno-Karabakh 12; Russian, blockade 55, 71, 76, 91, 95–97, 33, 35–36, 38, 45, 79; Soviet, 104–106, 113, 114, 124, 127, 24, 45, 60; Turkish, 31, 60, 131, 141, 149, 150 68, 73, 75, 84 Bolshevik 22–25, 26, 60, 61 Artsakh 86, 168 Britain 51 Aryan 111, 114 Brussels 147, 150, 166, 168, 169, Arzoumanian, Armen 95 171, 172 Arzoumanian, Alexander 147 Brzezinski, Zbigniew 154 240 Index

Bushehr, nuclear power plant 128 Diaspora 5, 12, 17, 19, 24, 29, Buzan, Barry 3, 8, 9 40–41, 45, 55–56, 74–75, 90, 95, 97–98, 100–101; relations Caspian 76, 80, 115, 116, 119, with the Republic of Armenia, 120, 124, 130, 143, 148, 56, 64, 69–70, 76, 82–83, 86, 149, 169, 170; region, 17, 36, 91, 103, 106 44–46, 115–116, 120, 130, 169 earthquake 97 Caucasus 22, 34, 35, 36, 42, 43, economy 26, 30, 33, 35–39, 45, 51, 53, 115–117, 119–124, 42–44, 47–51, 53, 57, 59, 129, 130, 136, 139, 142, 143, 63–65, 67, 68, 70, 72, 75, 76, 145, 147–150, 152–155, 158, 80, 82, 85–91, 95, 98, 99, 101, 160, 161, 166–168, 170–173 104–107, 113, 114, 121, 123, Cetin, Hikmet 68, 69, 73, 81 125, 127, 128, 130–133, Chechnya 35, 42, 44 144, 146, 148–152, 156, Chrystanthopoulos, Leonidas T. 74 166–170, 176 Chubais, Anatoly 47 Elchibey, Aboulfaz 34, 118 Ciller, Tansu 73, 80, 81 elections, year 1995 83; year 1996, CIS (Commonwealth of 37–38; year 1999, 40–41; year Independent States) 21, 31, 2003, 48 32, 34, 35, 36, 38, 43, 46, 50, embargo 71, 81, 97 52, 143, 150, 155, 156 Erbakan, Necmettin 81, 85 civilization 111, 112, 132, 161,162 Erdogan, Recep Tayyip 55, 96, 99 Clinton, Bill 73, 81, 93, 123, Erkrapah movement 40, 41 139, 143, 145, 146, 149, Eurasia 4, 52, 152; Eurasian, 150, 155 51, 96, 97, 105, 106, 160; complementarity, policy of 16, 18, Eurasianism, 162 43, 52, 90, 107, 122, 128, 146, Europe 3, 12, 18, 19, 52, 68, 151, 153, 168, 176 70, 79, 90, 100, 101, 105, Cornell, Svante 89 120, 123, 124, 127, 135, 136, CSCE (Committee for Security and 147, 149, 151, 156, 160–174, Co-operation in Europe) 68 177; Council of Europe, 70, culture 107–109, 112 101, 136, 156, 162–164, 167, 170; European institutions, Darbinian, Rouben 25 136, 161; European Union, Dashnak 23–25, 29, 60, 69, 4, 10, 16, 18, 135, 136, 163, 76, 79, 90 166–172; Europeanization, 162, Dashnaktsutyun 10, 23, 49, 55, 166, 167 69, 76, 79, 126, 140, 143, 160 Davtyan, Tigran 105 France 39, 69, 94, 169; Gaz de Davutoglu, Ahmet 96 France, 125 de Waal, Thomas 125 Demirchyan, Karen 40, 41, 42; Galustyan, Karen 47 Stepan Demirchyan, 49 Ganja 34 democratization 139, 156, 165 gas 33, 46, 47, 52, 113, 120, Deukmejian, George 137 149, 150, 169, 170; Index 241

Armenian-Iranian gas pipeline, position in Nagorno-Karabakh 119–120, 124–125, 128 conflict, 18, 73, 115–119, Gazprom 125 125–127, 131; Iranian regime, Geghamyan, Artashes 49 109, 114,125, 129 genocide 22, 26, 38, 41, 55, Iraq 81, 97, 123, 129, 131, 148, 57–59, 63, 65–67, 69, 71, 153, 157–161 78, 79, 82, 86–95, 97–99, Ishkhanyan, Raphael 28 101–104, 106, 111, Islam 110; Islamic, 81, 109, 110, 141, 177 112, 114–116, 123, 129, 130, Georgia 3, 4, 35, 50, 60, 69, 79, 131, 133 93, 104, 138, 139, 147–149, Israel 113, 121, 122, 129 151, 154, 155, 159, 160, 163, 169, 171, 172 Kajaznuni, Hovhannes 23 Germany 10, 49, 169 Kaputikyan, Silva 26 Giragosian, Richard 101 Kars 60, 61, 67, 71, 105, 106 Gol, Ayla 101 Katzenstein, Peter 8 Gorbachev, Mikhail 11, 12, 29 Kelbajar 73, 118, 126, 142; Grachev, Pavel 32, 33, 37 offensive, 33 Greece 79 Keohane, Robert 6 Gul, Abdullah 98, 100 Khamenei, Ali 118 Gulazade, Vafa 46, 80 Khatami, Mohammad 132 Guliyev, Vilayet 97 Kirakosyan, Arman 37, 157 Gyumri 37, 38, 45 Kocharyan, Robert 17, 22, 25, 40–49, 52, 53, 86, 89, 90, Hairikyan, Paruyr 65 92–94, 101, 122, 125–127, Harutyunyan, Khosrov 42 132, 145–147, 150–153, 156, historical memory 4, 12, 41, 56, 157, 160, 165, 170–172, 176 110, 130, 175 Koleini, Mohammad Farhad 128 historical narrative 1, 5–9, 13, 14 Kremlin 34, 36, 46, 49 historiography 1, 2, 5, 6, 8, 9, Krikorian, Van 95 12–16, 24, 27, 28, 72 Kurdish 74, 81, 84 Hovanesyan, Vahan 98 Hovannisian, Raffi 60, 69, 70, 90, Lachin corridor 72, 79, 118 113, 114 Lebanon 18, 113 Hovhannisian, Richard 33 Lenin, Vladimir 11 Hovnanian, Hirair 140 Libaridian, Gerard 5, 63, 65, 67, Hrazdan hydropower plant 47 69, 71, 72, 77, 81–83, 86, 88, 89, 114 identity 1, 2, 5, 6, 7, 8, 12, 14, 57, liberalization 11 58, 63–65, 87, 88, 101, 106 Lisbon Summit 38, 39 independence 21, 22, 26, 27, 29, 36, 38, 41, 51. Madrid talks 98; summit, 147 Iran 1, 3, 4, 9, 16, 17, 22, 31, 51, majlis 109, 126 52, 73, 90, 93–96, 107–133, Mamikonian, Vartan 110 135, 139, 145, 148, 150, 151, Manukyan, Vazgen 28, 50, 65, 161, 169, 171, 175, 177; Iran’s 105, 112 242 Index

Markaryan, Andranik 105, 161 OSCE (Organization for Marukhyan, Hrair 69 Security and Cooperation in Meghri 15, 79, 125 Europe) 38, 39, 72, 86, 90, Melkonian, Monte 74 101, 136, 142, 145, 146, methodology 1, 9 149, 150, 156, 162–164, MHP (Nationalist Movement 167, 170, 172; Minsk Group, Party) 76 73, 94, 136, 142, 143, military 26, 29, 31–35, 37–44, 145, 146, 151, 163, 164 47, 48, 51, 52, 53, 60, 66–69, Oskanian, Vartan 41, 42, 43, 71, 73, 74, 80, 81, 84, 87, 92, 50, 52, 89, 91, 97, 98, 102, 117–119, 121–123, 126, 100, 121, 122, 128, 129, 127, 130, 131, 137, 139,141, 139, 142, 146, 156, 157, 142, 146, 147, 150, 153–155, 163, 171, 172 157–162, 164, 168, 176 Ozal, Turgut 67, 68 Mkrtchyan, Levon 90 Moscow 12, 24, 26, 30, 31, 33, PACE (Council of Europe 34, 35, 36, 38, 40, 42, 43, 44, Parliamentary Assembly) 45, 46, 47, 48, 49, 50, 52 164–165 Muradian, Igor 112 PANM (Pan-Armenian National Muslim 109–111, 113, 117, Movement) 48, 63–65, 83, 118, 132 86, 88, 152 Panossian, Razmik 5 Nagorno-Karabakh 1, 2, 4, 5, 6, Papazian, Vahan 70, 74, 114 11, 12, 13, 14, 15, 16, 17, 18, pragmatism 137, 136, 144 19, 22, 24–30, 32, 33, 36, 38, Primakov, Yevgeni 37 39–41, 43–46, 49, 115–117, privatization 75, 85 125–127, 130, 131, 136, 139, Putin, Vladimir 42–46, 48, 49, 141, 142, 144, 145, 149, 150, 151, 154, 155, 158 151–153, 155, 156, 158, 160, 162–165, 171, 173 Rafsanjani, Akbar Hashemi 114, Nakhichevan 11, 15, 31, 33, 117, 118, 120 60–62, 65, 68, 73, 74, 80, 114, regional security complex (RSC) 3, 8, 119, 126, 152 106, 148, 154 Nationalism 5, 6, 9, 10, 11, 13, regionalism 130, 166 24, 129, 131, 175 Rumsfeld, Donald 154, 159 NATO (North Atlantic Treaty Russia 1, 3–6, 9–12, 16–18, Organization) 43, 44, 51, 96, 60, 61, 67, 72, 74, 75, 77, 98, 101, 122; Partnership for 78, 84, 85, 90, 94–96, 98, Peace, 147, 148 108, 113, 115–117, 119, nuclear 74, 128, 137; power plant 120, 122–125, 127–130, 46–48, 74 135, 137, 138, 139, 142, 145, 147–158, 162, 167–173, oil 75, 77, 80, 81, 84, 105, 113, 175, 176, 177; Russian bases, 114, 119, 120, 124 33–35, 37–38, 45, 51; operation “Ring,” 29 Russian Empire, 15, 23, Index 243

25, 61; Russian-U.S. relations, Talbott, Strobe 144 51–52, 129–130, Tashkent treaty 32, 34 142, 143, 146–149, Tehran 109, 111, 113, 115–121, 151–152, 154–155, 158 123–131 Rustamyan, Armen 98 Ter-Petrosyan, Levon 5, 12, 17, 22, 26–29, 31–33, 36–41, 53, 62, Safrastyan, Rouben 91 63, 65, 66, 68–72, 74–77, 80, Sardaryan, Ktrich 28, 65 82, 83, 85, 86–89, 137–146, Sarkisyan, Aram 145 163, 176 Sarkisyan, Serzh 40, 44–45, 47, territory 21, 24, 31, 32, 35, 38, 48, 49, 86, 105, 127, 145, 156, 137, 150, 153, 156, 164, 166 160,165, 172 terrorism 22, 50, 51, 155, 160, Sarkisyan, Vazgen 32, 40, 41, 42, 161, 170 86, 147 Tovmasyan, Ruben 48 securitization 8 TRACECA (Transport Corridor security 1, 3, 5, 8, 9, 12, 13, 16, Europe-Central Asia) 105, 169 19, 21, 24, 25, 28, 29, 32, 33, Transcaucasus 3, 62, 145, 173 34, 35, 39, 41, 42, 43, 44, 46, transportation, energy 34, 44, 48, 49, 55–59, 63, 68, 70, 71, 46, 52, 115, 148, 152, 169; 73, 75, 77, 80, 84, 86, 92, regional, 106, 159 93, 96, 97, 99, 100, 103–107, Treaty of: Alexandrapol 11, 61; 115–119, 121–123, 125, 127, Kars, 11, 67; Lausanne, 11; 129–132, 135, 137, 143, 144, Serves, 11, 60, 61; Soviet- 146, 148–151, 153–156, 166, Turkish, 11, 27, 65 168, 170, 171, 173, 175–177 Tumanyan, Hovhannes 22 Shahnazaryan, David 64, 152 Turkes, Arpaslan 76 Shugarian, Rouben 70 Turkey 1, 3–5, 9, 11, 13, 16, 17, Shushi 72, 79 22, 24, 27, 31, 33, 36, 39, 40, Siuinik 15 44, 45, 48, 50, 51, 55–81, 83, Solana, Xavier 147 85, 87–106, 107, 108, 114, Southern Caucasus 10, 16–18, 22, 116, 117, 120, 122–124, 126, 34, 51, 53, 58, 85, 95–96, 98, 127, 129, 135, 140–142, 144, 106, 115–117, 121, 129, 130, 147, 150, 151, 155, 157, 158, 142–143, 148, 153, 155, 160, 164, 166, 171, 173, 175, 176; 166, 168, 171–173 Armenian-Turkish border, 11, Soysal, Mumtaz 75 15, 55, 67, 101, 105, 150; Sovietization 6, 10, 23–25, 28, 60 Turkish blockade of Armenia, Stalin, Josef 11 17, 31, 71, 76, 95–96, 97, Syria 113, 114, 123, 172 104–105, 150

TABDC (Turkish-Armenian Business United States 55, 69, 129, 135, Development Council) 85, 105 136–146, 148–151, 153–158, TARC (Turkish-Armenian 160, 167, 168, 171, 173, 177 Reconciliation U.S. Congress 140, 141, 149, 160 Commission) 94–95 Uzbekistan 45 244 Index

Van 23, 60, 95 86, 88, 90, 92, 94–96, 98, 100, Vartanian, Vartan 126 102, 104–108, 110–116, 118, Vartian, Ross 138 120, 122, 124, 126, 128, 129, Velayati, Ali Akbar 113, 117 135–139, 142–145, 147–157, 161–162, 166, 173 Washington 36, 43, 49, 67, 81, 92, wheat delivery 67, 70, 71, 76 95, 96, 99, 121, 123–125, 127, 129, 137, 138, 140, 143–151, Yeltsin, Boris 25, 30, 32, 33, 35, 154–159, 173 37, 40, 44, 142 West 1–6, 8, 10, 12, 14, 16, 18, Yilmaz, Mesut 68, 83, 93 19, 22, 24, 26, 28, 30, 32, 34–36, 38, 40–44, 46, 48–50, Zangelan 152 52, 56, 58, 60, 62, 64, 66–68, Zangerzur 60 70, 72, 74, 76, 78–80, 82, 84, Zerubavel, Eviatar 14, 48, 58