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The History of Wildlife in 2

During the Ice Ages, from seventy thousand to ten thousand ago, immense gladers in the northern hemisphere trapped so much water that ocean levels were 25 meters to as much as 100 meters lower than the present sea level (Hopkins 1982). This uncovered a land bridge, called Beringia, about 1,600 kilometers wide connecting Siberia and Alaska. Herds of grazing from northeastern Asia-in- cluding long-homed bison (Bison), caribou (Rangifer), primitive musk oxen ( and perhaps Symbos), and the shaggy-mammoths (Mam- muthus)-gradually moved eastward through lush marsh grass and leafy lowland shrubs onto the land bridge (Borland 1975). They were followed and preyed upon by large carnivores. Behind the herds came another migrant: human hunters were approaching the New World. Even earlier, the two New World continents were joined by an isthmus between what is now southern Panama and northwestern Colombia. This resulted from a combiiation of tectonic changes in the earth’s crust and decreases in the sea level (related to ice-cap formation) about 3 million years ago during the . Representatives of thirty-eight genera of South American land mam- mals that wandered into North America included an opossum (Didel- phis), a porcupine (Erethizon), a giant armadillo-like glyptodont (Glyp- tofherium), hvo armadillos (Dasypus and Kraglievichia), and three ground sloths (Glossotherium, Nothrotheriops, and Holmesina = Pampatherium) (Marshall 1988). Perhaps the most interesting dispersant, however, was Titanis, a phororhacoid ground believed to have been over three meters tall. Phororhacoids were flightless, carnivorous that ex- hibited specializations for running, and were the only large terrestrial carnivores on the South American continent when the land bridge appeared. Titanis has been noted in fossil faunas dating from about 2.5 to 1.9 million years ago in Florida (Marshall 1988). 26 Wildlife and People The History of Wildlife in North America 27

The immigrants from Eurasia and South America encountered such enormous geographical area in which there were few, if any, ecological native North American animals as the pronghorn (Antilocapra and boundaries (Morlan and Cinq-Mars 1982). Stockoceros), mountain beaver (Aplodontia), and coyote (Canis). More- Conditions on the treeless steppe-tundra of Beringia were not hos- over, North America contributed its own migrants to the world’s fauna. pitable. During the short summers, swarms#of ravened insects repro- Ancestors of the modern horse (Equus) and camels (Camelus), for ex- duced in the wetlands, making existence miserable for humans and ample, originated here but had disappeared from North America by, animals alike; in winter, there was no protection from the relentless the end of the Pleistocene (Anderson and Jones 1967; Kurt&n and arctic wind. Only the wealth of wildlife made life here barely tolerable Anderson 1980). They were survived by their descendants, the horses, (Claibome 1973). The Beringian large- assemblage was re- zebras, asses (all members of the Equus), and camels (Camelus) markable for its diversity of giant grazers: the woolly mammoth (Mam- of Eurasia and Africa and the llamas (Lama) of South America. muthus), ti,d horses and asses(Equus), steppe bison (Bison), wild sheep (Ovis), moose (Ah and Cervalces), musk oxen (Soergelia, Symbos, and Ovibos), caribou (Rangi@), wapiti (Ceruus), and saiga “antelope” (Saiga) BEFORE EUROPEAN EXPLORATION were all present (Guthrie 1982). The caribou, particularly, was a staple In history books, the chronicle of North America usually begins with resmme that could be counted on to return each spring to traditional calving grounds. the early European explorers. But by the time Norse, Italian, and Span- The first settlement of Alaska remains~an enigma, although it most ish adventurers reached the continent, a thousand generations of North likely occurred between twenty-five thousand and fourteen thousand American aborigines had already lived and died. They were descen- years ago. One possible scenario suggests that small groups of big- dants of Asian Mongoloid stock and. had developed several advanced game hunters moved into East Beringia (that is, Alaska) from the Ber- cultmes and more than two hundred different languages (Claibome ingian subcontinent while the Ice Age were still present 1973). Their cultural adaptations were responses to the same variety (Fagan 1989). As the ice sheets retreated fourteen thousand years ago, of environmental conditions that fostered the diversity of wild animals some of these groups hunted their way southward, through the valley they hunted. of the Mackenzie River. This opening between the Cordillera and I.an- There can be little doubt that the earliest North Americans were rentian glaciers extended south through Alberta and Saskatchewan predominantly hunters. For countless generations their Asiatic ancestors (Claibome 19731. had drifted northward with herds of game animals across the Siberian The climate:of North America during the Pleistocene was cool and tundra. Far removed from both Atlantic and Pacific weather patterns, moist. On the northern plains, lowland areas were forested with con- Siberia was arid with harsh, dry winters and short, hot summers. ifers; most of the higher ground was open grassland. Further south, Precipitation was so sparse that the great ice sheets seen in Europe mixed woodlands and grasslands were interspersed, grading into tall- and North America during the last Ice Age never formed there. Instead, grass prairie that extended west to the Rockies. Throughout the central herds of mammoths (Mammutkus) grazed the treeless plains and river sector of the continent, forests occupied the river valleys and woodlands valleys, where bands of hunter-gatherers weathered the long Siberian surrounded the numerous lakes. In the Intermountain West, glacial winters (Fagan 1989). Lake Bonneville covered Nevada, and areas of the Southwest were Archaeologists have identified two distinct Upper Paleolithic cultures tropical or subtropical with luxuriant foliage (Barry 1983; Claiborne in Siberia and northeast Asia. However, it was most likely peoples of 1973). the Dyukhtai tradition, found mostly east of the Yenesei Basin and .Compared with the rigors of the Siberian tundra and the perils of known for their bifacially flaked spear points and wedge-shaped cores the North American arctic, groups of prehistoric hunkers arriving in (used to make microblade tools), that settled North America (Fagan eastern Montana and the Dakotas found a verdant paradise. And the 1989). During the period eighty thousand to twenty thousand years continent was inhabited by a bestiary of the most remarkable animals ago, humans gradually adapted to the steppe-tundra conditions of the imagination could conjure: giant moose (Alces) with eight-foot Eurasia (Mliller-Beck 1982). Their movement into Beringia may have antlers, elephant-sized ground sloths (Megalonyx), long-homed bison resulted from the gradual enlargement of hunting territories acmss an (Bison), beavers (Customides) the size of , gigantic mammoths 28 Wildlife and People The History of Wildlife A North America 29

(Mammuthus) and mastodons (Mammut), camels (six genera of Ca- melidae), a tremendous variety of smaller animals, and masses of wa- terfowl in season (Claibome 1973). An awesome collection of carnivores preyed upon these plant eaters: the dire wolf (Canis), larger than our timber wolf; the saber-tooth cat (Smilodon), with upper canines eight inches long; and a giant panther (Panthera) that would dwarf today’s lions (Claiborne 1973). Into this nahual menagerie came the Beringian hunters from the north. The Paleo-Indians of the distinctive Clovis culture, who appeared on the Great Plains of North America about 11,500 years ago, were direct descendants of the small bands of hunters from Beringia (West 1983). We are still not certain how much the ruthless efficiency of the Clovis hunters contributed to the loss of the rich Nearctic fauna. Perhaps their’s was the first massive impact of a human assault on nature that has not yet ended.

EARLY SETTLEMENT AND COLONIAL PERIOD Within five years after Columbus made his voyage, another mercenary Italian explorer, Giovanni Caboto (John Cabot), sailed for North Amer- Figure 2.1. An “iguana” as rendered by John White, grandfather of Virginia Dare and governor of the ill-fated Roanoke colony in 1587. Thirty-three of ica. Ironically, Cabot’s party apparendy landed on the northern coast his water~0101~. reproduced as engravings by Theodore de Bry, were of in- of Newfoundland within a few miles of the site of Leif Erickson’s vertebrates, ftshes, reptiles, and birds. These were probably the first paintings settlement almost five hundred years earlier. Cabot’s son, Sebastian, of North American wildlife by a European colonist. (Reprintedby permission reported that the land “is full of white bears, and stags far greater than of the British Library.) ours. It yie1d.splenty of fish, and those very great, as seals, and those which we commonly call salmon; there are soles also above a yard in in the 1520s and 153Os, and members of the Coronado expedition length: but especially there is an abundance of that kind of &h which gazed into the Grand Canyon in 1540. the savages call baccalaos [codiishJ” (Borland 1975:21). Despite the vast territories explored and claimed by the Spanish, A French tishiig excursion was sent to Newfoundland in 1504 (Kim- their diaries and journals reveal little interest in the wildlife of North ball and Johnson 1978); by 1506 Porhlguese ships were rehxning with America. Coronado had seen “barking squirrels” [prairie dogs, Cynomys] large quantities of salted fish (Morison 1971). Scarcely one hundred and the “great white bears” [plains grizzks, Ursus arctos horribilis] that years later, exploitation by ships’ crews started the great auk’s (Pinguinus followed the bison herds, and de Soto surely encountered unusual impennis) plummet to extinction. This tlightless bird, which had no fear anin-& such as the alligator (Alligator mississippiensis) in the South, of humans, lived on islands near the codfishing areas and proved to but Ntmez’s brief description of the American bison (Bison bison) is be too convenient a resource for the fishermen. noteworthy mainly because he mentioned the speciesat all. They looked The Spanish were the most active explorers in North America during to him like hunchbacked cows, and he observed that they were about the sixteenth century Spanish conquistadores ranged over the South- the size of Spanish cattle but with small horns like Moorish cattle, that east, through Texas to California, and as far north as Kansas. The myth their hair was long and woolly, and that some were tawny brown and persists that the first important European presence in America resulted others black (Hallenbeck 1940). The Spaniards were looking for more from English settlements. However, none of the Jamestown (1607) or treasure like that found by Co&z, Pizzaro, and Quesada. Expeditions Plymouth (1620) colonists was yet born when &var N&nez (Cabeza that discovered only splendid landscapes, the ancient Zuni culture, or de Vaca) and Hemando de Soto explored Florida and the Gulf Coast teeming wildlife were not successful by their measure. The History of Wildlife in North America 30 31 the “millions of millions,” and Thomas Dudley described a March day By contrast, the French recognized the value of North American in I63 1 when “their flew over all the towns in our plantations many wildlife almost immediately (Kimball and Johnson 1978). Jacques Car- flocks of doves, each flock containing many thousands and some so tier reached the St. Lawrence River in 1534 and sailed upriver as far many that they obscured the light” (Cronon 1983:23). as the present location of Montreal. He noted puffins (Fmtercula arctica) The abundance of some mammals also impressed the English, though on an island in the Gulf of St, Lawrence, and a Jesuit priest with the their numbers were~ slight compared with those of alewives and pas- party remarked on the large numbers of geese, ducks, herons, cranes, senger pigeons. Thomas Morton regarded New England deer (Odoco- swans, coots, and other water birds (Borland 1975). ileus), including the elk (Ceruus), as “the most useful1 and most be- It was not until Samuel de Champlain began to explore the region neficiaU beast” in the region (Cronon 1983:23-24). During the spring, in 1603, however, that the French really began exploiting the resource. one could see as many as one hundred of them per mile, and they By 1608 Champlain had established a trading post at Quebec and was remained numerous enough -round to ensure a steady supply of buying pelts and skins from the Native Americans. Later in the century, meat. Still, it was thought that deer numbers might be increased if Jolliet and Marquette explored the Great Lakes and the Mississippi wolves (Canis) could be eliminated. William Hammond probably ex- River in the 1670s; Robert Cavelier, Sieur de La Salle, went clear to pressed a common sentiment: “Here is good store of deer,” he wrote; the mouth of the Mississippi in 1680; and La VOrendrye ventured onto “were it not for the wolves here would be abound, for the does have the Northern Plains sixty years before Lewis and Clark (Kimball and most two fawns at once, and some have three, but the wolves destroy Johnson 1978). them” (Crown 1983:24). Such thinking prompted the Massachusetts If herds of game animals prompted prehistoric humans to cross the Bay Colony to authorize a bounty on wolves in 1630, and the town land bridge into Alaska and schools of fish lured Europeans across the of Portsmouth, Rhode Island, to establish in 1646 a closed season on North Atlantic to Newfoundland, then it was the beaver (Castor can- deer hunting from May 1 to November 1 (Kimball and Johnson 1978). adensis) that first enticed the colonists to explore the interior of the By 1720 all the colonies had adopted this prohibition on deer hunting continent (Borland 1975). And if North American exploration was dom- during part of the year. inated in the sixteenth century by the Spanish and in the seventeenth centurv bv the French, then the eighteenth century largely belonged In the late summer of 1754, the young Scottish physician Alexander to the En&h. Garden journeyed north to escape the oppressive heat of Charleston. English and Dutch colonists confined themselves to coastal settle- His destination was the extraordinary estate of Cadwallader Colden ments along the eastern seaboard during the early decades of the west of Newburgh, New York. During Garden’s visit they were joined seventeenth century. Nevertheless, their reports contained numerous by John Bartram, a Quaker farmer who had been looking for plants ieferences to North American wildlife. In 1624 inspectors sent to the in the nearby Catskill Mountains. This meeting, described by Garden Plymouth Plantation from England reported, “The country is apnoyed in an enthusiastic letter to Carl van Linn6 at the University of Uppsala, with foxes and wolves” (Bradford 1952). In 1626, a single shop from brought together three of the colonies’ tinest botanists. They were all the Dutch West India Company’s Manhattan trading post contained amateur naturalists by today’s definition, but virtuosos by any standard. 7,246 beaver skins, 675 otter skins, and mink, muskrat, and wildcat The activities of these men helped to usher in the age of great adven- pelts from the upper Hudson River valley (Borland 1975). turer-naturalists in North America. The abundance of wildlife in North America was the subject of Several nahmIlsts were well known for their accounts of flora and wonder by the English colonists. William Wood wrote: “If I should tell fauna during this period. Nearly all were b&nists first, but most you how some have killed a hundred geese in a week, fifty ducks at devoted some attention to the wildlife of colonial America. Mark Catesby a shot, forty teals at another, it may be counted impossible though roamed through the southern colonies on foot for four years beginning nothing [is] more certain” (Cronon1983:23). The spring spawning runs in 1722, with many of his specimens going to the collections of his of alewives, smelt, and sturgeon elicited even more amazement. European patrons. The first volume of his work, The Natural History Only one wildlife , though, could match the alewives for of Carolina, Florida, and the Bahama Islands, established Catesby as the sheer numbers. John Josselyn wrote that the passenger pigeons (Ecto- first real, American ornithologist (Kastner 1978). pistes migratorius), during their semiannual migrations, numbered in Wildlife and People The History of Wildlife in North America 32 33 William Bartram, John’s son, also spent four years exploring in the Fkxks of one hundred spruce grouse (Cannchites canadensis)were corn- Southeast (beginning in 1773), traveling five thousand miles on foot man (Borland 1975). Naturalists, too, were eager to explore the frontier. and horseback. Hi journal, published as Travels through North and Michaux, apparently never satisfied with past accomplishments, en- South Carolina, Georgia, East and West Florida, included illustrations (a listed the support of the American Philosophical Society for his plan sandhill crane [Gus canadensis], for example, that he drew before eating to journey overland to the Pacific. Thomas Jefferson, a leading member of the society, drafted a detailed response to the proposal, and the it for dinner) and 175,000 words of detailed biological observations mixed with anecdotes, social commentary, and philosophizing in a style money was raised. In 1793, Michaux’s plans were compromised by his of “poetical description laced with homely fact” (Kastner 1978:87). association with another Frenchman, who was involved in a scheme Andre Michaux, sent by the French government to search for useful to enmesh the United States in France’s continuing war with England plants, was another of this group. He had “herbaliied” with Lamarck and Spain cm the frontier lKastner 1978) in France and collected plants in Persia. Within a short time after his While contemplating the trip by Michaux, Jefferson heard from his American arrival in 1786 he had gained a reputation for being one of Virginia neighbor, Meriwether Lewis, then a young army officer serving the very few collectors who could find new plants in an area already on the western frontier. Lewis had learned of Mlchaux’s plans and covered by the Bartrams. His wanderings ranged from the Carolina volunteered to accompany him (Kastner 1978). Ten years later-in the mountains and Florida swamps to Lake Miitassini in Quebec. Present- spring of 1803-Jefferson was president, Napoleon had sold the entire Louisiana Territory to the United States, and Captain Lewis was com- day books on botany studded with the attribution “Michx.” attest to the breadth of his impact (Kastner 1978)., mander of the Corps of Discovery (Thwaites 1904). In retrospect, the The period of European settlement and colonization has been called departure of the Lewis and Clark Expedition from St. Louis the next the “Era of Abundance” in the history of American wildlife conser- May was symbolic: it prefigured the westward movement of tens of vation (Shaw 1985:7), and to a large extent it was. Even in this period, thousands of persons during the lSOOs, all on ‘their own journeys of however, there were indications that numbers of some species were discovery greatly diminished. In 1748, South Carolina traders alone shipped The Lewis and Clark party was en route at a time when wildlife 160,000 buckskins to England (Borland 1975). It was in response to abounded in the West. Estimates put the number of bison (Bison bison) this kind of exploitation that closed deer seasons had become necessary. on the Great Plains at 50 to 60 milli on; there may have been 40 million At about the same time the Swedish botanist Peter Kalm-one of pronghorn (Antilocapra americana) (Borland 1975). Several hundred Linne’s prize pupils who was traveling and collecting in America- plant and specimens were collected by members of the famous was told by a ninety-year-old man that when he was young, a hunter expedition, of which about two hundred remained’intact. Its scientific could “shoot eighty ducks in a morning but at present you frequently data were overlooked, however, because the initial publication of the wait in vain for a single one” (Kastner 1978:37). The excessive and expedition’s journals omitted most of them. Late in the century, nat- wasteful killing of wildlife would become even more flagrant as the uralists who went through the original accounts were impressed with frontier was pushed westward in the nineteenth century. the true scope and depth of their findings; The “discoveries” of nat- uralists who followed were very often merely rediscoveries of Lewis and Clark’s findings (Kastner 1978). Of all the animals they described, THE NINETEENTH CENTURY: WESTWARD EXT’ANSION only two now honor their names-Lewis’s woodpecker (Asyndesmus AND WILDLIFE EXPLOITATION kmis) and Clark’s nutcracker (Nucifruga columbiana) (Borland 1975). Long before the American Revolution a few restless wanderers had There were other expeditions during the 8rs.t half of the nineteenth headed west and become frontiersmen, hunting and trapping for a century but none as famous or productive. Colonel Zebulon Pike led living. One of the best known of them, Daniel Boone, led a party of an official army reconnaissance of Colorado and New Mexico in 1806 twenty-eight axmen in 1775 that began cutting a trail (later called the (Jackson 1966). and Major Stephen Long was sent by the army to Wilderness Road) from Virginia through the Cumberland Gap into explore the region between the Missouri River and the Rockies in 1819. Kentucky. Early settlers in the Ohio Country found enmmous trees in Long’s group included artist-naturalist Titian Pealeand zoologist Thomas the forests, gigantic tish in the rivers, and game animals everywhere. Say (Kastner 1978). Other prominent naturalists traveled and recon- The History of Wildlife in North Americn Wildlife and People 35 exterminated, but as early as 1843 Audubon wrote that “even now there is a perceptible difference in the size of the herds, and before many years the Buffalo, like the Great Auk, will have disappeared” (Ford 1951:48). Francis Parkman thoroughly comprehended the bison’s role in the economy of the Plains Indians, and he commented: “The buffalo supplies them with the necessaries of life; with habitations, food, clothing, beds, and fuel; strings for their bows, glue, thread, cordage, trailropes for their horses, coverings for their saddles, vessels to hold water, boats to cross streams, and the means of purchasing all that they want from the traders. When the buffalo are extinct, they too must dwindle away” (Matthiessen 1987:147). This conclusion was also apparent to the white settlers and their representatives in Wash- ington. They bitterly opposed measures to lit the kiIling of bison, and in the end their will was done. Although Congress eventually passed protective legislation, President Grant yielded to political pres- sure and never signed the bill. The carnage continued unabated. Changes in European fashion, from beaver-felt hats to high silk hats, practically eliminated the beaver (Castor canadensis)skin trade in the late 183Os, but the beaver stream+ were almost trapped out anyway Late in the century, the plumed birds were nearly extirpated, also Figure 2.2. Although Audubon’s bid paintings are usually considered to be because of the demands of fashion. High style dictated that women much superior to those of Alexander Wilson, Audubon apparently plagiarized powder their faces with swansdown puffs, fan themselves with fancy several of his older contemporary’s illustrations (Welker 1955). Audubon’s plumes, and adorn their hats with splendid feathers. This put enormous M&issippi kite (left), for example, is almost a mirror image Of WilSO”‘S Original pressures on species such as the trumpeter swan (Odor buccinator), (right). (I& Reprinted by Pamission from The Birds of America, vol. 1, by roseate spoonbill (Ajaia ajaja), and the egrets, both the reddish (Di- John James Audubon [NOW York: Dover, 1967J. 0 1967 by Dover Publications, chromanassanrfescens) and the snowy (Leucophoyx thula) (Borland 1975). 1”~. f@ht: Reprinted from American Ornithology; or The Natural History Of the The slaughter of American wildlife during the 1800s was so stag- ”~irdr ..__ of_, ..~~the United States,Popular Edition, vol. 1, by Alexander Wilso” a”d gering in its dimensions as to be almost inconceivable. If it were some- CharlesLucia” Bonaparte [Philadelphia: Porter and Coates].) how possible to catalog all the abuses, it is unlikely that many could to peruse the full account. Even a brief sampling of these incidents noiterdon their own. hong the best known were tWO self-taught makes painful reading. &i&x”ith&.,gists--a lanky peddler and schoolteacher, Alexander An 1838 New York law forbidding the use of batteries (that is, ~&on, from Scotland; and the illegitimate son of a French sea-faring multiple guns) in the shooting of waterfowl was later repealed because merchant and a French Creole girl, Jean Rabin Foug&re Audubon (John it was ineffectual. Commercial shooters had taken to wearing masks James Audubon), born in Santa Domingo (Ford 1951; Kastner 1978). to conceal their faces and vowed to execute a”y,informants who re- my midcentury the pace of settlement and exploitation had quick- vealed their identities (Matthiessen 1987). ened. Gold was discovered near Sutter’s Fort in California in 1848 and On August 29,1863, Eskimo curlews (Numenius borealis) and golden jn fhe Colorado mountains ten years later. The trickle of settlers became plovers (Pluvialis dominica) appeared in such numbers on Nantucket a torwnt. After the Civil War, ranchers went West followed by a flood Island, Massachusetts, as to practically darken the sun. Some seven to of ),or,w&dem All of these new,arrivals relied to some extent On eight thousand were shot that day, and the killing stopped only when wildlife for sustenance, and all dispossessedanimals from their tra- the island’s supply of gun powder and shot was exhausted (Matthiessen ditional haunts. 1987). During fhe last half of the century free-living bison were all but 36 Wildlife rind People The History of Wildlife in North America 37

The largest nesting flock of passenger pigeons ever recorded ap- agencies were organized by California and New Hampshire In 1878 (Matthiessen 1987). MeanwI$e, Connecticut and New Jersey took the peared in the sandy scrub-oak barrens of south-central Wisconsin in first steps to protect nongame wildlife. Laws were passed in 1850 1871. It occupied an area of more than 290 square kilometers (ap- protecting songbirds. Unfortunately, famine in the South after the car- proximately 47 kilometers by 6 kilometers) and was estimated to include nage of the Civil War years led to the continued consumption of robins 136 million bids. News of this incredible concentration was spread and other large nongame birds (Matthiessen 1987). throughout the adjacent states by means of the recently invented tele- The establishment of Yellowstone in 1872 as the world’s first national graph, and literally thousands of market hunters descended. Millions of dead birds were shipped out at a wholesale price of fifteen to twenty- park was a signal step in conservation progress. Actually, the idea for a “nation’s park” had been proposed by George Catlin as early as 1833 five cents a dozen. Within two months the markets were glutted, the (Matthiessen 1987). Although the park was not created solely for wild- pigeons were scattered, and most of the exploiters had departed. They life, it became the “first federal preserve and as such benefited wildlife left behind a rancid wasteland (Matthiessen 1987). by eliminating local hunting and preserving natural habitat” (Shaw An 1886 bulletin of the American Ornithologists’ Union, entitled 1985:s). However, additional legislation was necessary; the Park l’ro- “Destruction of Our Native Bids;’ estimated that 5 million birds were tection Act of 1894 further protected the fledgling reserve, including killed in America each year for decorations on womens’ hats. On hvo its wildlife, from continued exploitation (Matthiessen 1987). occasions during that year Frank M. Chapman strolled through the There is a common misconception, even among environmental his- streets of New York City, taking note of the headgear worn by women. torians, that no real conservation movement existed until the twentieth Out of 700 hats he counted, 542 featured mounted birds. Chapman century. In fact, American sportsmen “who hunted and &shed for saw twenty-some species, including owls, grackles, grouse, and a green pleasure rather than ccumnerce or necessity, were the real spearhead heron (Matthiessen 1987). of conservation” (Reiger 1986:21). The appearance of three national The list of abuses seems almost endless. Considering the vengeance periodicals in the 1870s gave sportsmen a public forum as well as a with which virtually all wild animals were killed during this period it means of communication among themselves. American Sportsmen(1871) is amazing that the outcome was not even more disastrous. Fortunately, there were also signs that a more enlightened attitude toward wildlife was the first of these publications, followed by Forest andStream (1873), was emerging Ralph Waldo Emerson’s essay Nature, published in 1836, and Field and Stream (1874). AI1 of them concentrated on the interrelated subjects of hunting, fishing, natural history, and conservation--and all had introduced the idea of conservation long before there was any such word. The English aristocrat Henry Wiiam Herbert, who im- crusaded against the commercial exploitation of wildlife. migrated to America In 1831, began writing a series of magazine articles George Bird Grinnell, a prominent naturalist and editor of Forest and Stream, championed the moderate and responsible use of wildlife in the late 1830s under the pen name Frank Forester. These articles, in the pages of that journal. In 1886 he sponsored a pledge, supported which were expanded into several books, discussed sporting etiquette, by several periodicals oriented toward youth, not to kill birds or wear lamented the commerdal destruction of wildlife and habitat, and called their feathers. Within three years this spontaneous group numbered for sportsmen to band together and protect their interests (Reiger 1986). over &fty thousand members and was known as the Audubon Society Still, the extinctton of the great auk in 1844 apparently caused little Such local groups were formally chartered in Massachusetts and l’enn- stir (Kimball and Johnson 1978). It was the drastic reduction of bison and passenger pigeons, present in such astronomical numbers only a Sylvania in 1896 and were so widespread that a national assodation of these groups was organized six years later. few years before, that 6rst attracted public attention. George Perkins As the century came to a close, there were several additional events Marsh’s book Man and Nature, published in 1864, documented many other natural resource abuses and sounded a clarion call to conservation of significance to wildlife conservation: establishment of the Division of Ecoiwmic Ornithology and Mammalogy in 1886, a federal agency action. that eventually became the Fish and Wildlife Service; organization of Most of the conservation efforts during this period were attempts to reduce the numbers of game animals killed. In 1852 Maine was the the Boone and Crockett Club by Theodore Roosevelt and George Bird Grinnell In 1887; notable individual conservation efforts like the sal- first state to hire salaried game wardens, and twelve years later New vation of the snowy egret (Leucophoyx thula) by E. A. McIlhenny, whose York Instituted the first state hunting license (Shaw 1985). State wildlife 38 Wildlife and People The History of Wildlife in North America 39 private refuge in Louisiana was set aside as a preserve in 1892; and and waterfowl. The Federal Tariff Act, which was also approved in the Supreme Court decree (in Greer vs. Connecticut, 1895) that fldlife 1913, prohibited importation of wild bid plumage into the United belongs to the states rather than to the federal government or inrhwdual States (Matthiessen 1987). International cooperation in dealing with landowners (Matthiessen 1987). This Supreme Court decision meant the problems of migratory birds in North America came in 19 16 with that the citizens of each state own the resident wildlife of that state the Migratory Bid Treaty between the United States and Great Britain in &mmon. Thii principle underlies the subsequent history of wildlife (acting on behalf of Canada). The Migratory Bird Treaty Act, passed conservation in the United States. by Congress in 19 18 to implement the 1916 Treaty, instituted a crucial partnership for the conservation and management of game bids that migrate across international boundaries. These actions bolstered the WILDLIFE IN THE TWENTIETH CENTURY fortunes of many avian species. With a new century came new conservation leadership. After Mc- About 1910 a rift developed in the fledgling conservation movement, Kinley’s assassination in 1901, Theodore Roosevelt became president, with one viewpoint emphasizing conservation and the other preser- and his inauguration “was one of the most auspicious and timely events vation. The conservationists-including Roosevelt, explorer and ge- in the history of American wildlife” (Matthiessen 1987~178). Roosevelt ologist John Wesley Powell, and forester Giiord Pinchot-espoused was a Phi Beta Kappa graduate of Harvard (class of 1880) and ranched the view that public land resources can be used and managed wisely in North Dakota soon after the slaughter of that state’s last great bison so that they remain available for future generations. Preservationists herd. Renowned as an outdoorsman and a big-game hunter, he was were led by naturalist and writer John Muir, who promoted the idea also an ashlte amateur biologist and naturalist. That Roosevelt’s interest that large tracts of public land should be set aside as wilderness and in wildlife encompassed nongame as well as hunted speciesis apparent thereby protected from any kind of development. Debates over the from his own words: “I need hardly say how heartily I sympathize relative merits of these two schools of thought, as well as what actually with the purposes of the Audubon Society I would lie to see all constitutes wise use (rather than abuse and exploitation), continue harmless wild things, but especially all bids, protected in every way” today. (Cutright 1956~86). This attitude was translated ,into action with the It is significant that Aldo Leopold, the “father of wildlife manage- creation of the first wildlife refuge on Pelican Island, Florida, in 1903; ment,” encompassed both attitudes. He was a pioneer in promoting he added thirty-one more in the next six years (Borland 1975). wilderness preservation and was mostly responsible for establishing Progress in wildlife conservation at the state level was still rather the Gila Wilderness Area in New Mexico (the first area in the National halting during the early years of the century. A Wild Game and Birds Purest System to receive wilderness designation). Furthermore, his phil- Protection Act, prohibiting commerce in waterfowl and game mammals, osophical essays, especially A Sand County Almanac (published post- became law in Texas in April 1903. It contained some loopholes, how- ‘.umously in 1949), have a definite preservationist tone. Yet his theory ever, including one that set a daily limit of twenty-five ducks per gun. of game management, which Srst appeared in a 1925 article in the Wealthy hunters who could afford to employ gun bearers frequently Bulletin of the American Game Protective Association, was certainly con- made extremely large kills that were nevertheless quite legal (Doughty sistent with the tone of scientific conservation. Leopold’s ideas were 1983). At times there was even sanctioned violence. Audubon warden expanded in a series of lectures at the University of Wisconsin in 1929 Guy Bradley was murdered by a Florida plume hunter on Oyster Key and reiined in his classic text, Game Management, published in 1933 one summer day in 1905. Worse yet, Bradley’s killer was set free by (Bxland 1975; Meine 1988). an indulgent jury (Matthiessen 1987). The message sent by t” trial The early application of wildlife management and conservation con- panel was obvious: the protection of wildlife was a low pnonty, and centmated on waterfowl. Duck numbers were much reduced on the persons choosing this vocation were, like the animals they sought to inland &ways during the twenties, a consequence of wetland drainage protect, fair game. with the expansion of cultivated farmland after the World War I. Wa- My for. terfowl refuges were proposed to protect and restore feeding, resting, Passage of the Weeks-McLean Act . in . 1913,. gaver 1responsibi’ .--I _...- the management of rn~-igratmy game ixrds ro me rearral guvrmment. nesting, and wintering areas foi ducks and geese. Passageof the Upper This provided a basis for eve&ml protection of beleaguered shoreti rds Mississippi River Wildlife and Fiih Refuge Act in 1924 started this The History of Wildlife in North America 41

trend, but the Duck Stamp Act, which became law ten years later, was (and still is) the major impelus and source of funds for preservation of wetland habitats on a continental scale. Several programs launched by Franklin D. Roosevelt, when he be- came president in 1933, helped restore and preserve natural habitats, as well as providing jobs during the depression years. These included the Civilian Conservation Corps, the Soil Conservation Service, and the Tennessee Valley Authority Perhaps FIX’s most important contri- bution to wildlife was his appointment of Jay N. “Dig” Darling as chief of the Bureau of Biological Survey in 1934 (Borland 1975). Darling, an active conservationist and Pulitzer Prize-winning political cartoonist, was responsible for instituting the Cooperative Wildlife Research Unit Program at land-grant colleges in 1935 and for the first North American Wildlife Conference convened by President Roosevelt in 1936. Fur- thermore, he was the force behind the formation of the National Wild- life Federation, also in 1936. Another landmark action during the the thirties was the passageby Congress of the Federal Aid in Wildlife Restoration Act of 1937, also called the Pittman-Robertson Act. This legislation placed an excise tax on sporting arms and ammunition, with proceeds apportioned among the states for wildlife research and restoration. The sporting arms and ammunition industry had provided financial and political support for state and federal conservation efforts from the early years of the century Passage of this law was important, however, because it forced states to meet certain standards, ensuring honest and efficient administration of wildlife programs at the risk of losing substantial amounts of federal funding. War years are wasted years, years when respect for any farm of life-wild or human-is diminished (Borland 1975). The years from 1941 through 1945 were no exception. Many of the fmst wildlife profes- sionals, newly trained in the late thirties, were sent off to battle in the early forties; some never returned. Wildlife refuge lands were neglected as human and fiscal resources were directed to the war effort. Valuable wildlife habitats were conscripted for military basesand artillery ranges. The forties also ushered in the era of widespread pesticide use. DDT proved effective in killing a wide variety of insect pests, thus controlling such diseases as malaria and typhus during World War II. After the war, DDT and other chlorinated hydrocarbons were used in the United Figure 2.3. kaders of the two contending schools of COMN~~O~ thought in States and throughout the world by public health agencies, farmers, the zeady twentieth-century. sportman, naturalist, conservationist, and Pm- and homeowners. Although some environmental scientists and con- ident Theodore Roosevelt (left) is shown here with WritW nahlralist, wilderness servationists called attention to evidence these chemicals were harmful pyserv&onist and Sierra Club founder John Muir at Yosemite. (Courtesy Of to wildlife, it was not until the publication of Rachel Carson’s book the Library of Congress.) Wildlife and People The History of Wildlife in North America 43

Figure 2.4. in ewample of the work lands. In 1964 the National Wilderness System was created by a” act of Jay N. “Ding” Darling, a Pulitzer of Congress. This provided for designating certain undeveloped tracts Prize-winning political cartoonist, of federally owned land to be maintained in a” undeveloped state. whose special concern was conser- The Endangered Species Preservation Act of 1966 was the first of vation. Darling’s influence was so great several federal laws directed to protecting animals “threatened with that President Franklin Roosevelt ap- extinction” and their supporting habitats. pointed him as chief of the Bureau O! Finally, the decade ended with passage of the National Environ- Biological Survey (the agency that later became the U.S. Fish and Wildlife Ser- mental Policy Act (NEPA) of 1969. NEPA contains some cosmic lan- vice) in 1934, a position “Ding” used guage and idealistic concepts, but also requires all federal agencies to launch several pivotal programs in (except the Environmental Protection Agency) to submit a” environ- wildlife conservation. (Courtesy Of the mental impact statement (EIS) for any project or piece of legislation lay N. “Ding” Dariing Papers, Spedal that would have a significant effect on environmental quality Citizens Collections Department, University of and conservation organizations have gradually discovered that the EIS Iowa Libraries.) process allows them a powerful oversight role in environmental decision m&i”& likewise, federal agencies have learned that they must be responsive and responsible in their environmental planning and man- agement activities. It is no exaggeration to refer to the seventieS as the environmental Silent Spring in 1962 that the consequences of extensive pesticide use decade. Earth Day on April 22, 1970, focused public attention on a broad range of environmental issues, including problems involving became generally known. Eisenhower’s admi”istration during the fifties had a calamitous im- wildlife. Although that event was riot the beginning of a” environ- pact on conservation. Less than halfway through Ike’s first term Bernard mental revolution, as some have suggested, it certainly was a tuning point (Borland 1975). Previous conservation movements concentrated DeVoto wrote: “In a year and a half the businessmen in office have on individual problems or resources. This environmental movement reversed the conservation policy by which the United States has been working for more than seventy years to substitute wise “se of natural was different: it was more comprehensive than the two previous waves of conservation, spurred by the two Roosevelts, earlier in the century; resources in place of reckless destruction for the profit of special cor- its concern encompassed the entire earth and all df life (Shanks 1984). porate interests” (1954). Douglas McKay, who was to characterize con- Several important legislative initiatives affecting wildlife were suc- servationists as “punks,” had been appointed as secretary of the interior cessfully passed during these years-revised Endangered Species Acts io reward his support of Eisenhower’s candidacy. McKay’s lack of any in 1973 and 1978; the National Forest Management Act (1976) that natural resource experience may have bee” exceeded only by his ar- rogance. He pursued a political vendetta against the Fish and Wildlife regulated clear-cutting on national forest lands; and the Federal Land Policy and Management Act, or so-called BLM (Bureau of Land Man- Service that evenhmlly caused a number of dedicated wildlife profes- agement) Organic Act (also in 1976), that provided substantial direction sionals--including Alfred Day, Clarence Cottam, and Duward Allen- in the management of 180 million hectares of federal land in the West to leave the agency Partisan politics is nearly always anathema to conservation, As “Ding” Darling remarked, “The worst enemies of and Alaska-and a” entirely new federal regulatory organization, the Environmental Protection Agency, was created (1970). Other congres- wildlife are the Republicans and Democrats” (Matthiesse” 1987:228). With the sixties came a reawakening of environmental consciousness. sional edicts enlarged the National Wilderness System, established new national parks and wildlife refuges, placed a moratorium on the taking Conflicts between competing uses of public lands led to passage of the and importation of several marine mammals, provided for payments Multiple-Use Sustained-Yield Act in 1960. This legislation mandated to maintain certain wetlands, increased penalties for shooting eagles, that the Forest Service and Bureau of Land Management try to balance the demands for vari&s uses-timber, grazing, mineral extraction, banned the shooting of wildlife from aircraft, and prohibited the dump- ing of hazardous substances in coastal areas (Borland 1975). watershed, outdoor recreation, and fish and wildlife habitat-on public Wifdlife and People The History of Wildlife in North America 45

At decade’s end the emergence of a “sagebrush rebellion” was a Early impressions of George Bush’s presidency with respect to wild- reminder of fundamental disagreements over natural resource conser- life and natural resource conservation were mixed. The appointment vation and public land policy. The philosophical differences trace back of William Reilly, a career conservationist and capable administrator, to the very beginnings of the republic, to the struggle between Alex- to head the Environmental Protection Agency was widely applauded; ander Hamilton (representing the aristocratic view) and Thomas Jef- however, Bush’s naming of Manuel Luhan, a former New Mexico ferson (who advocated a democratic policy) over-the use of the public member of Congress with a dismal environmental record, as secretary domain lands (Shanks 1984). In its most recent incarnation, the con- of the interior caused disbelief and consternation among citizen con- frontation involved six western states, led by Nevada, which filed court servationists and natural resource professionals alike. As months have suits claiming state ownership of federal lands (Shay 1980). Some passed into years, the hope that Bush would fulBl1 his pledge to be congressional representatiires from these states also introduced legis- “the environmental president” has largely faded. Just as hi famous lation to accomplish the same end. Apparently the ultimate goal was admonition to “read my lips” now means, “Guess I sneaked that tax the transfer of national forest and BLh4 lands into private ownership, issue past you dopes,” his promise of “no net loss of wetlands” has or at least private control. Although the “sagebrush rebellion” got its also been violated. Sadly, the White House position on environmental start with two groups that have exercised dominion over the western matters seems to have deteriorated into a “good cop, bad cop” routine, public lands for many years, the livestock and mining interests, it was with Bush typically expressing pious support for worthy initiatives soon joined by the energy corporations. The underlying themes of this while former White House Chief of Staff John Sununu and Budget movement are part of a pattern that has recurred throughout the na- Director Richard Daman effectively sabotaged them. The hostility of tion’s history: “worthless” public lands beco&e valuable (as the natural Ronald Reagan’s presidency to the environment was a disappointment, resources on more valuable private holdings are exploited and ex- but no great surprise. People who perceived George Bush as having a hausted); greedy economic interests create controversy and turmoil; genuine concern about environmental quality, and a gut-level appre- and polltidans placate the special interest groups (Shanks 1984). This ciation of how the natural world operates, are sad to see him politicize course of events has repeatedly caused the plunder of wildlife and environmental issues at P time when the American people finally seem widespread destruction of wildlife habitats and the extinction of species. ready for effective action. Probably the dominant influence on American wildlife in the eighties was the environmental policies of the Reagan administration. Reagan’s PERSPECTIVE first secretary of the interior, James Watt, engineered the transfer of more than $1 trillion worth of public resources into private control. Conflict of Wildlife Ideals The large energy corporations were the primary beneficlarles of Watt’s A unconscionable largesse. Not since the Teapot Dome scandal of the Wildlife cannot exist apart from the natural environ- twenties (when Secretary of the Interior Albert Fall went to jail for ment of which it is an integral component; likewise, leasing naval petmleum reserves in California and Wyoming to Harry the fate of wildlife in the past several hundred, if not Sinclair and his Sinclair Oil Co. for a $200,000, bribe) has a secretary the past few thousand, years cannot be separated from of the interior violated sacred public trust in so flagrant a manner a consideration of human history Several recurrent (Shanks 1984). patterns are evident In the history of American wildlife. One of the most important is the clash of ariaocratic The magnitude of Watt’s virhml gift of natural resources to corporate and demwatic ideals (Shanks 1984). and private business interests is not yet generally understood by the According to the Roman legal and social tradition, American public. The full impact of these giveaways on wildlife is wild animals were “commons”: like the air and the even further removed from public comprehension. It will be 6fty or oceans, wildlife belonged to everyone and to no one. Once an animal had one hundred years from now, as the human population burgeons and been killed or captired, however it became the property of the hunter (Shanks demands on public lands and their resources are even more intense, 1984). This practice was introduced into England while that country was still before the true consequences of these political deeds will become ap- an outpost of the Roman Empire. parent. Then, once again, the rape of American wildlife will be obvious. The successful Saxons invasion of England in 1066 installed a new philos- 46 Wildlife and People 47 ophy. William the Conqueror confiscated Ian& and greatly expanded the royal forests. Hunting on crown lands was a privilege accorded only to royalty. Poaching was a deadly serious activity. The French historian Nonnemere commented, “The death of a hare was a hanging matter, the murder of a SUGGESTED READING plover a capital crime” (Shanks 1984~194). Against this background, the ex- Borland, H. G. 1975. The History of Wild&- in America. Washington, D.C.: ploits of the twelfth-century outlaw Robin Hood became legend. His deeds National Wildlife Federation. 208 pages. An engaging and lavishly illustrated included poaching the king’s deer. Such acts gave encouragement, and even chronicle of American wildlife from prehistory to the present. sustenance, to starving commoners during times of famine. Ma~hksen, l? 1987. Wildlife in America New York: Viking. 332 pages. A The signing of the Magna Charta in 1215 marked the beginning of a gradual readable account of wildlife in America that does not shril,k from the on- liberalization df English law with respect to wildlife (Shanks 1984). There pleasant task of recounting the impacts of human exploitation. remained, however, “qualification statotes” that still tended to reshict hunting Reiger. I. E 1986. Amrrican Sportsmen and the Origins of Consemation. R~. to persons of prominence or property who were considered by the crown to vised ed. Nomvm: University of Oklahoma Press. 316 pages. An interesting be trustworthy (Bean 1978). These statutes had hvo significant social functions: exposith of the contributions of the sportsmen who initiated and supported first, they promoted widespread discrimination based on social class; and the conservation movement in nineteenth-century America. second, they prevented persons regarded as being unfriendly to the monarchy from legally possessing weapons (Lund 1980). After the American Revolution, the English notion of sovereign control over wildlife was incorporated into the legal and social framework of the new republic. Since there was no monarch, the question of whether that sovereign authority belonged to the states or resided with the federal government was the source of a long and bitter dispute (Bean 1978). Still, there were never laws or customs favoring one class or group over another in the use of American wildlife. Thus, inherent in our own legal and social traditions are aspects of both aristocratic and democratic control over wildlife and other public natural lTSO”lWS. There have been abuses of the worst sort by both groups: special inter&s and corporations (embodying the aristocratic model) have often successfully enhanced their own welfare by exploiting a natoral resource until it was exhausted, whereas hordes of individuals collectively comprising the public (and representing the democratic principle in action) have usually not tried to conserve a natural resource that belonged to everyone and therefore to no one. Historically, aristocratic exploitation corresponds to the actions of a selfish despot; democratic abuses represent examples of the “tragedy of the commons” (Hardin 1968). The upShot of this abuse and exploitation is a tragic record of species pushed to extinction: the great auk, the heath hen, the Labrador duck, the Eskimo curlew, the Carolina parakeet, the passenger’ pigeon. There is plenty of blame to go around; the American aristocrats and democrats can share the respon- sibility for countless instances of unbridled greed and shortsighted stopidity that have deprived the nation and the world of a part of its wildlife heritage. The evolutionary biologist Edward 0. Wilson has said, “The one process that will take millions of years to correct is the loss of genetic and species diversity by the destruction of natural habitats. This is the folly our descendants are least likely to forgive us” (1983).