The Varying Treatment of Selected Human Rights Issues Via Internet Media in Sarawak, East Malaysia

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The Varying Treatment of Selected Human Rights Issues Via Internet Media in Sarawak, East Malaysia THE VARYING TREATMENT OF SELECTED HUMAN RIGHTS ISSUES VIA INTERNET MEDIA IN SARAWAK, EAST MALAYSIA by Christopher Joseph Fleming Skinner B.F.A. (New Media) University of Lethbridge, 2005 A RESEARCH PROJECT SUBMITTED IN PARTIAL FULFILLMENT OF THE REQUIREMENTS FOR THE DEGREE OF MASTER OF ARTS In the School of International Studies © Christopher Joseph Fleming Skinner 2010 SIMON FRASER UNIVERSITY Spring 2010 All rights reserved. This work may not be reproduced in whole or in part, by photocopy or other means, without permission of the author. APPROVAL Name: ChristopherJoseph Fleming Skrnner Degree: Masterof Arts in InternationalStudies Title of Thesis: The VaryingTreatment of SelectedHuman Rights Issues Via InternetMedia in Sarawak.E,ast Malavsia ExaminingCommittee: Chair: Dr. JohnHarriss Professorof InternationalStudies Directorof the Schoolof InternationalStudies Dr. TamirMoustafa SeniorSupervisor AssociateProfessor of InternationalStudies Dr. Michael Howard Supervisor 'zc; c; DateApproved: ,//L'" */u i / , 7 / Declaration of Partial Copyright Licence The author, whose copyright is declared on the title page of this work, has granted to Simon Fraser University the right to lend this thesis, project or extended essay to users of the Simon Fraser University Library, and to make partial or single copies only for such users or in response to a request from the library of any other university, or other educational institution, on its own behalf or for one of its users. The author has further granted permission to Simon Fraser University to keep or make a digital copy for use in its circulating collection (currently available to the public at the “Institutional Repository” link of the SFU Library website <www.lib.sfu.ca> at: <http://ir.lib.sfu.ca/handle/1892/112>) and, without changing the content, to translate the thesis/project or extended essays, if technically possible, to any medium or format for the purpose of preservation of the digital work. The author has further agreed that permission for multiple copying of this work for scholarly purposes may be granted by either the author or the Dean of Graduate Studies. It is understood that copying or publication of this work for financial gain shall not be allowed without the author’s written permission. Permission for public performance, or limited permission for private scholarly use, of any multimedia materials forming part of this work, may have been granted by the author. This information may be found on the separately catalogued multimedia material and in the signed Partial Copyright Licence. While licensing SFU to permit the above uses, the author retains copyright in the thesis, project or extended essays, including the right to change the work for subsequent purposes, including editing and publishing the work in whole or in part, and licensing other parties, as the author may desire. The original Partial Copyright Licence attesting to these terms, and signed by this author, may be found in the original bound copy of this work, retained in the Simon Fraser University Archive. Simon Fraser University Library Burnaby, BC, Canada Last revision: Spring 09 ABSTRACT This study examines efforts by indigenous rights activists to exert pressure on the Malaysian government by way of new media technologies and transnational human rights networks. Comparative content analysis of newspaper and online coverage shows that, despite the many formal restrictions on political demonstration and dissent in physical public spaces, the internet provides Malaysians with an important arena for political dissent. Additionally, the study finds that new technologies have further facilitated collaboration between local activists and overseas rights networks as first examined by Keck and Sikkink (1998). The study traces how transnational activism resulted in political pressure on the Malaysian government via boycotts, letter writing campaigns and financial support resulting, in some cases, in the desired boomerang effect. KEYWORDS: Penan protests; Blogs; Malaysian press; Online activism; Human rights; New media; Transnational activism; Boomerang; Sarawak iii CONTENTS Approval..............................................................................................................................ii Abstract…………………………………………………………………………………...iii Table of Contents…………………………………………….…………………………...iv Introduction ……………………..………………………………………………………...1 Background……………...………………………………………….……………………..4 The Dispute: Penan History and Background………………………………………….9 News and the Information Age………………………………………………………..13 Methodology……………………………………………………………………………..19 Treatment in Online Media……………………………………………………....…..…..24 The Private Press Perspective………………...………………………………..…...24 The Government Controlled Press Perspective………………...........……………..26 The Environmental and Human Rights Activist Groups’ Perspective…..…………32 Aliran.........................................................................................................................32 Human Rights Watch……………………………………………………………….34 Bruno Manser Fonds..................................................................................................35 The Bloggers’ Perspective…………………………....…………………………….36 User Comments……………………………………………………………………..39 Transnational Linkages……………………………………………….………………….42 Conclusion……………………………………………………………………………….49 Reference List...………………………………………………………………………….57 ` iv INTRODUCTION What is considered dissent to some may be considered an expression of one’s rightful freedom of expression to another. From a Western, or democratic, perspective, dissent may simply be called opposition; however, when governments limit citizens’ individual freedoms and do not provide authorized paths for inquiry, opposition or protest, the term “dissent” takes on a broader meaning that encompasses a wide range of activities. In the contemporary world where information and communications technologies are virtually limitless, and when traditional conduits for government opposition are often limited, current new media technologies offer new venues for political discussion and criticism. With an increasing number of individuals having ready access to camera phones and computers, it is becoming difficult, if not impossible, for those in power to control, curb or change absolutely everything that gets published. This, of course, is in sharp contrast to the way things used to be. Previously, when authorities considered information to be sensitive, they might simply have prevented it from being printed altogether or alternatively, had it confiscated after printing, thus preventing circulation. However, the emergence of technological tools such as YouTube, Facebook, and Twitter are difficult for authorities to restrict and have opened up new means for ordinary people to have a voice. Non-governmental organizations (NGO) and transnational activist groups have begun to make ready use of these new technologies. An example is the website www.witness.org, which is a database of human rights abuses that are caught on camera. By communicating with transnational NGOs, local activists now have new way of communicating their opposition to their governments across national borders and then back again to their local government officials. Though governments still hold some power to prevent certain web content from being accessed by their citizenry, there are a number of means available to circumvent these obstacles. An example currently exists in China where, 1 despite the existence of a firewall, there are still some points of access available for participation in political protest and discussion. Whereas these new technologies are global, it is generally the poor and marginalized who do not have access to the internet, with its array of news forums, blogs, and social networking groups. This can be due to poverty, inadequate education, or illiteracy, or also government intervention, which attempts to control the access as well as the content of narratives to be found there. The state of the media in Malaysia is a fairly typical case of disconnect between the imposed spin and framing of state-controlled media and the alternative online writings created by individuals and independent groups in the form of blogs, reports, and general postings. Currently, the international organization for freedom of the press, Reporters Without Borders (RSF), ranks Malaysia in their Press Freedom Index 131st out of 175 (Reporters, 2009).1 Malaysia’s ranking has fallen from 94th to its current position in four years, partially as a result of recent crackdowns on some dissident bloggers and the banning of politically sensitive foreign literature (Reporters, 2009). This is similar to the rankings of Malaysia’s neighbouring NIC countries, as Thailand ranks slightly better at 130, and Singapore is slightly behind at 133. Though Malaysia’s rank has dropped somewhat, it still stands above many other countries because of the freedom of speech found on the internet. It is true that some bloggers, such as Raya Petra (Walker, 2008) and Nat Tan (Gharbia, 2007), have been arrested for dissident writing, but they represent only a very small percentage of online 1 Ranking at the top of the 2009 report are Denmark, Finland, Ireland, Norway, and Sweden. Canada ranks 19th, while Eritrea and North Korea hold the bottom two rankings. 2 writers. In Malaysia, the internet is still an outlet for protest, the mobilization of like-minded individuals, and for open criticism about the state and federal governments. In fact,
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