Sense and Sensibility

Home , Hypsipyle, Hypsipyle (play), Thoas (king of Lemnos), Thoas (son of Jason), Valerius Flaccus (poet)

An examination of the intertextual relationship between Virgil’s Dido and Valerius Flaccus’ Hypsipyle

Universiteit van Amsterdam Classics and Ancient Civilizations: Ancient Studies

Supervisor: Mark Heerink Second Assessor: Piet Gerbrandy 12-08-2020

‘In the first place, Cranford is in possession of the Amazons; all the holders of houses above a certain rent are women. If a married couple come to settle in the town, somehow the gentleman disappears; he is either fairly frightened to death by being the only man in the Cranford parties, or he is accounted for by being with his regiment, his hip, or closely engaged in business all the week in the great neighbouring commercial town of Drumble, distant only twenty miles on a railroad. In short, whatever does become of the gentlemen, they are not at Cranford.’

Elizabeth Gaskell, Cranford

Statement of authenticity

I hereby declare that this dissertation is an original piece of work, written by myself alone. Any information and ideas from other sources are acknowledged fully in the text and notes.

(place, date) (signature)

Index Introduction 1

Valerius Flaccus Composition of the Argonautica Interpretations of the Argonautica: Valerius Flaccus’ literary models Existing scholarship Research goal Chapters Methodology: intertextuality and close reading Methodology: gender

Chapter One: Hypsipyle and Dido as rulers 10

Introduction Hypsipyle as a ruler Dido as a ruler Pietas and furor Dido as the Other Conclusion

Chapter Two: Relationships with the hero 27

Introduction The development of the relationship The influence of the gods Hypsipyle and contemporary ideas of womanhood Conclusion

Chapter Three: Interpreting Hypsipyle 44

Introduction Medea and Dido Furor Pietas An elegiac threat? Genre Conclusion

Chapter Four: Lemnos, Hypsipyle and Roman politics 53

Introduction The Flavian political climate Dedication of the Argonautica Pia Hypsipyle and Pius Aeneas Conclusion

Conclusion 62

Bibliography 66

Preface

After being introduced to Valerius Flaccus during a course earlier this year, I became intrigued by the character of Hypsipyle. Hershkowitz described her as the ‘Sense to Dido’s Sensibility’.1 As a fan of Jane Austen, Hershkowitz’ words made me very curious to learn more about Hypsipyle. It is often said that the two heroines are alike, but how exactly, and to what extent does the intertextual relationship shape our understanding of Hypsipyle and the way we should read the Lemnos episode? In undertaking this thesis, I took something of a gamble: throughout both my Bachelor and Master degrees I consistently favoured prose over poetry. But in this thesis I nevertheless stayed close to home (literally, thanks to COVID-19) by looking at epic from a gender perspective, a method I have frequently used in both my degrees. I would like to offer my thanks to my supervisor Mark Heerink for the excellent help and the many Skype calls over the past months. I also want to thank my family and friends for patiently listening to me consistently telling them that my thesis was ‘really almost finished now’.

Vera Talens Zaandam, 12-08-2020.

1 Hershkowitz (1998) 146.

Introduction

Research goal The main purpose of this thesis will be to research to what extent the Lemnos episode and in particular the character of Hypsipyle and her relationship with Jason are influenced by the presence of the Aeneid intertext and especially the character of Dido. I will examine both texts with gender as a methodological tool. Dido and Hypsipyle are both sole female rulers of foreign nations and, in that sense, transgress the boundaries of Roman views on gender. Do their gender and their foreign background impact the writer’s colouring of the respective characters, and if so, to what extent, and how does this influence the way the text could be read? My interest in the topic was sparked by Hershkowitz’ 1998 monograph on Valerius Flaccus, in which she discusses the influences of Dido on the characterisation of Hypsipyle, describing Dido as ‘the Sense to Hypsipyle’s Sensibility’,2 but the fact that the questions ‘how’ and ‘why’ remain mostly unanswered has led me to write this thesis in the hopes of being able to answer this question. Other researches have also linked the two characters together, but without examining the relationship in detail. That is what I hope to achieve in this thesis.

Chapters In the first chapter, my aim will be to examine the political role that Hypsipyle and Dido play in their respective epics. They are both women of royal descent who have sole reign of their own realms. This is remarkable in a world where a rigid division between the private and public sphere ensured that only men were awarded leadership positions. That is not to say that there were no female leaders: Cleopatra and Boudicca come to mind. However, it is

2 Hershkowitz (1998) 146.

1 important to note that these were considered un-Roman. How do Dido and Hypsipyle transgress these gendered boundaries and to what extent are they othered as either or both woman and foreigner? Are they considered successful leaders? In the second chapter I will be comparing and contrasting the relationships that Hypsipyle and Dido have with Jason and Aeneas respectively. To what extent is the development similar and which forces play a role in that? I will first describe the development more or less chronologically, and then I will go back to examine it further from different angles. For Dido and Aeneas, an important factor in the relationship’s development is divine intervention. Is this also the case for Jason and Hypsipyle or does the relationship develop organically? Besides this, how do contemporary notions of womanhood and romanitas play into the description of the relationship, as well as the characterisation of both heroines? In the third chapter, I will concern myself with trying to answer the main question that arises from comparing and contrasting Dido and Hypsipyle: why does Valerius Flaccus evoke the Dido intertext so clearly, whilst also often inverting Hypsipyle’s characterisation. If Hypsipyle is made out to be something of an anti-Dido, what does the invocation of Virgil do to the interpretation of the Lemnos episode and perhaps, by extension, to the Argonautica in its entirety? I will also be looking at Medea and how she fits within this discussion, as there is also a clear intertextual relationship between Dido and Medea. The fourth and final chapter will be a continuation of the third. Here, I will try to situate the Argonautica within its contemporary political context of Vespasian’s reign. The Lemnos episode is coded as Roman, with its emphasis on regime change and political restoration after civil war and the invocation of Aeneas as an important intertext for Hypsipyle. Can reading the Lemnos episode tell us how the epic in its entirety could or should be read?

Methodology: intertextuality and close reading In this thesis I will be looking at Hypsipyle from an intertextual standpoint. As a tool, comparison between texts is as old as classical literature itself, but more recent is the understanding that we can do something with similarities (and following on that: differences) between two or more texts and that an allusion to an earlier work can greatly alter the meaning of a text.3 Intertextuality as a concept poses that a text has inherent meaning because it forms a part of a matrix of earlier and contemporary texts that inevitably construct each other’s meaning.4 Interpretation of meaning happens at the reader’s end, who has their own individual matrix of understanding in which a text is read. Hinds argues that because of this, no text will ever be read in the same way twice.5 In order to establish intertextual relationships between two texts, in my case Virgil’s Aeneid and Valerius Flaccus’ Argonautica, I will employ close reading of given passages, as well as looking at broader thematic echoes of the Dido episode that can be found in the Hypsipyle episode.

Methodology: gender A framework that is important to my research is gender, especially with an intersectional approach. Intersectionality, a term coined by Kimberlé Crenshaw in 1989, is a theoretical framework with which we can examine degrees of privilege and oppression created by the intersection of different socio-political aspects of an individual’s identity, for example race, class, sexuality or gender.6

3 Fowler (1997) 14. 4 Fowler (1997) 14-15. 5 Hinds (1998) 47. 6 Crenshaw (1989)

3 Sociologists generally agree that there is a difference between sex and gender: sex being a biological reality based on reproductive organs, whereas gender is a socially constructed set of values that we associate with biological sex.7 From birth, we are taught to be in accordance with the traits that come with our gender.8 Not only does the perceived gender binary between men and women serve to distribute power, it also paints as transgressive those who do not adhere to the set of traits assigned to their gender.9 Those who transgress boundaries of gender are seen as Others. In this sense, gender becomes a tool of social stratification. The answer to the question why should we use gender as a tool for researching ancient texts and societies seems obvious to me: to attempt to unearth women’s voices and realities from underneath a wealth of male- dominated writing, both contemporary and in scholarship through the centuries after. We question normativity and the ‘status quo’: how do pervasive gender norms characterise individuals and groups in our texts and what does it mean for those characters to transgress the boundaries of gender?

But there is another reason why, especially now, critical evaluations of classical texts and their subsequent treatment and reception are vital. To move forward into the 21st century, classicists must acknowledge that they work within a field that has ‘a history of deliberate racism, sexism and elitism’10 and work to dismantle those structures.

7 American Psychological Association (2020): https://apastyle.apa.org/style-grammar- guidelines/bias-free-language/gender. 8 Butler (1990): Butler argues that gender is performative. By unconsciously acting in accordance with gender norms, we ‘become’ the gender. 9 Lorber (1994) 26-30 10 Hanink (2017): https://eidolon.pub/its-time-to-embrace-critical-classical-reception- d3491a40eec3

4 Valerius Flaccus Valerius Flaccus is something of an enigmatic figure. Aside from having written the Argonautica, we know very little about his life, origin, and status. There are no indications for Valerius Flaccus’ date of birth, but Quintilian mentions his death in book 10 of the Institutio Oratoria: multum in Valerio Flacco nuper amisimus, (‘we have lately lost a great deal in Valerius Flaccus’ 10.1.90). This was published in 96 CE, so that same year is generally agreed upon as the terminus ante quem,11 and the proem’s references to all three Flavian emperors seem to corroborate Quintilian’s statement and confirm that Valerius Flaccus was alive between 69 and 96 CE.12 Valerius Flaccus’ place of origin is impossible to establish. Occasionally, he gets the additional names of Setinus Balbinus, implying his place of origin to be Setia. But, as Zissos argues, there were at least three different places called Setia in the Roman Empire during this time, so this does not help us in uncovering Valerius Flaccus’ identity.13 The lack of biographical information available has led to people construe Valerius Flaccus’ life and status from the few autobiographical hints in the texts. In 1.5-7, the narrator invokes Apollo.

Phoebe, mone, si Cymaeae mihi conscia vatis stat casta cortina domo, si laurea digna fronte viret.

Phoebus, be my guide, if in a pure home the tripod that shares the

secrets of the Cymaean prophetess stands, if the green laurel lies on a worthy brow.

11 Harper Smith (1987) xviii; Stover (2012) 8; Though Zissos (2008, xvii) notes that the Institutiones were probably composed a few years earlier than 96. 12 Manuwald (2015) 4. 13 Zissos (2008) xiii.

5 (Argonautica 1.5-7)14

The invocation of Apollo and especially the mention of the tripod has led some to believe that Valerius Flaccus was a quindecimvir, and therefore of considerable social standing.15 Because the duties of the quindecimviri included the supervision of foreign cults, this could account for the interest in and knowledge of foreign cults such as that of Bacchus and Cybele the narrator shows in book 2.16 But the invocation of Apollo and of the quindecimviri could also be a device to confer literary authority upon the narrator17, so we must be wary to attach too much importance to these lines.

Composition of the Argonautica The date of the composition of the Argonautica is equally difficult to pinpoint. As mentioned, Valerius Flaccus alludes to all three Flavian emperors in his proem. One interpretation of the text is that the proem was written after the rest of the poem and that the allusions to Vespasian’s deification indicate that the proem was written during Domitian’s reign (81-96 CE)18, but this is unlikely. Zissos argues that such an invocation of the emperor was commonplace in epic by this time19, and Kleywegt suggests that it is both improbable and unheard of in Roman literature for a poet to dedicate their work to an already deceased emperor, especially because Valerius seems to address Vespasian as though he were still alive.20 Stover concludes that nothing in the dedication ‘so much as hints that Vespasian is already dead and deified’.21

14 Mozley (1934) 15 Deremetz (2014) 54; Harper Smith (1987) i; Syme (1958) App. 22.; Zissos (2008) xiv. 16 Harper Smith (1987) i. 17 Deremetz (2014) 55-56; Zissos (2008) xviii. 18 Harper Smith (1987) xviii; Libermann (1997) xix-xx; Syme (1929) 135. 19 Zissos (2008) xv. 20 Kleywegt (2005) 19. 21 Stover (2012) 17.

6 There are two clear references to contemporary events. Firstly, Valerius Flaccus mentions Titus’ expedition to Jerusalem in 70 CE, thus giving us a terminus post quem.22 Secondly, he possibly alludes to the eruption of the Vesuvius in 79.23 Apart from this, Valerius Flaccus’ allusions to contemporary politics are vague and indirect. Bernstein argues that Valerius’ political allusions are more to do with a general Zeitgeist than events that can be specifically pinpointed in time.24 Because the poem was never entirely finished, the general consensus is that the poet was still writing the poem as late as the 90s CE, and that his death prevented him from concluding the work.25

Interpretations of the Argonautica: pessimistic versus optimistic views In attempting to interpret the Argonautica, opinions are divided. Stover sees the Argonautica as a positive epic and reads Valerius Flaccus’ writing as ‘the poetics of rebirth and reconstruction’, a literary movement that corresponds to the political changes that were occurring as a consequence of Vespasian’s rise to power in 69 CE26. Vespasian was generally considered to bring peace and stability to the Roman Empire after Nero27, and Stover argues that the text indicates that Valerius Flaccus propagates this in the Argonautica.28 But the majority of researchers agree that the text holds many indications of Valerius Flaccus’ negative worldview, arguing that Valerius Flaccus does not believe in an imperium sine fine and in restoration after civil war29, and pointing out that the voyage of the Argo through a chain of

22 Heerink (2014) 4. 23 Heerink (2014) 4 24 Bernstein (2014) 156. 25 Taylor (1994) 214; Zissos (2008) xvii. 26 Stover (2012) 77. 27 Boyle (2003) 1-68, Nicols (2016) 60-75. 28 Stover (2012) 76. 29 Heerink (2014) 95; Bernstein (2014) 156.

7 events eventually leads to the Trojan War.30 The Argonautica presents a world where monarchy is synonymous with tyranny and hostility instead of a world that is entering a peaceful period of restoration.31 As for my own reading of the epic, by focusing only on the Lemnos episode I hope to break this impasse. By looking at one specific episode, I hope to be able to shed light on possible interpretations of the work in its entirety.

Valerius Flaccus’ literary models

Though the Argonautica is the result of a complicated web of intertexts and models, Apollonius Rhodius’ Argonautica is Valerius Flaccus’ primary model for his own epic. Though he lengthens and shortens, adds to and detracts from episodes at times, he still largely follows the plot of his predecessor’s version.32 Language, structure and themes, as well as an interest in a more psychological and subjective approach to his characters are influenced by Valerius Flaccus’ other important model: Virgil’s Aeneid.33 Especially in the episode that I will be discussing, Dido is an important model for Hypsipyle.

Existing scholarship on Hypsipyle and Dido There is not much research done specifically on the intertextual relationship between Virgil’s Dido and Valerius Flaccus’ Hypsipyle. I am indebted to Hershkowitz’ 1998 monograph on Valerius Flaccus, in which she investigates Valerius Flaccus’ dealings with his predecessor Virgil. Part of this research deals with the intertextual relationship between Dido and Hypsipyle. Hershkowitz points out several verbal and thematic connections and her conclusion is that Hypsipyle is a ‘Romanised daughter and wife’. The fact that

30 Bernstein (2014) 160-1. 31 Bernstein (2014) 166. 32 Harper Smith (1987) xvi; Zissos (2008) xxv-xxvi. 33 Zissos (2008) xxxiii-xxxix.

8 Hershkowitz leaves the question of why a ‘recycled’ Dido has been transformed to a typically Roman Hypsipyle unanswered, has sparked my own interest and has led me to do further research. Other works that I have frequently used are Brill’s Companion to Valerius Flaccus (2014), and in particular the articles written by Clauss and Fucecchi – the former dealing with myth and the latter with the incorporation of elegiac themes in the Argonautica; Syed’s article on Dido as a gendered and foreign Other (2005); and several works by both Zissos (2008, 2012, 2016) and Stover (2003, 2008, 2012). The works I mentioned occasionally mention the intertextual relationship between Hypsipyle and Dido, but do not exclusively deal with the two heroines. Finally, the commentaries by Harper- Smith, Spaltenstein and Poortvliet on Argonautica book 2 have been very useful in finding and interpreting allusions. Citations from the texts are in the Argonautica’s case taken from the 1934 Loeb edition by Mozley, whose translations I have updated to more modern language to fit the rest of my text. I have done the same with translations of the Aeneid, for which I have used Fairclough and Goold’s Loeb edition (1999).

9 Chapter One: Hypsipyle and Dido as rulers

Introduction In this chapter, I will examine the royal status of both Hypsipyle and Dido. How did these women transgress the boundaries of gender and to what extent are they deemed successful as leaders? At first glance, Dido and Hypsipyle are set up to be in very similar positions. However, they turn out to be governed by two very different principles. Dido falls prey to furor, which leads to the downfall of her realm, whereas Hypsipyle is led by her pietas throughout the Lemnos episode. As mentioned in my introduction, the premise of this thesis is based on the general consensus among scholars that Hypsipyle in Valerius Flaccus’ Argonautica is not only a reiteration of Apollonius Rhodius’ Hypsipyle, but also inspired by Virgil’s Dido. This can be noted throughout the narrative: they are both queens who welcome a traveller, begin an affair, only to be left by themselves when the traveller resumes his journey; these are at its most ‘zoomed-out’ level the basic similarities between Hypsiyple and Dido. Upon closer look, the intertextual relationship between the two strengthens, but the effect that this has is complex and nuanced: while Dido and Hypsipyle share many similarities, their differences become increasingly clear and contrasting. The purpose of this chapter is to investigate the intertextual relationship between Dido and Hypsipyle in their office as queens. They are in unique positions as they are both women who are the sole rulers of their respective realms. How are they judged? As I have explained in my introduction, gender is a social construct in the sense that socially determined characteristics are considered intrinsic to biological sex. Gender is used as a tool to distribute power and place people of opposite genders into a hierarchical structure. For Classics, this hierarchical character of views on

10 gender is easily exemplified by the fact that we have very few female voices: almost all of literature, ranging from poetry to historiography, was created by and for men. To Romans, especially those of the upper class, there was a clear gender binary that dealt in opposites: whatever man was, woman was the opposite. Thus, the public and political sphere was a place for men, while the private and domestic sphere was that of women. We have no way of determining the extent to which these views on the gender binary were actually enforced, but the fact that it features prominently in literature tells us that the exclusion of women from political power was of great concern. Hypsipyle and Dido are already flagged as ‘Other’ because they transgress typically Roman views on gender boundaries, as they are women holding political power. Orientalism is the other axis that should be considered when looking at Hypsipyle and Dido. Especially for Dido, the intersection of gender and orientalism can prove for a fruitful research angle. Researchers have long since agreed that there are strong links between Cleopatra and Dido34, and

Dido is thought to be a part of the contemporary public discourse on the Egyptian queen.35 In Augustan propaganda, Cleopatra and Egypt were deliberately declared as the enemy, rather than Mark Anthony, who was really Octavian’s opponent. By declaring war to Cleopatra, Octavian could shift the focus from what would be essentially a civil war to a dispute between two opposing forces: the west versus the east.36 Augustan propaganda blew up the differences between the two, and Cleopatra was made into a figurehead for eastern decadence and effeminacy.37

34 Cf. Benario (1970), Ganiban (2013) 324, Syed (2005), Wyke (2009). 35 Syed (2005) 178. 36 De la Bédoyère (2018) 57. Ganiban (2013) 5, Syed (2005) 178-181, Wyke (2009) 345, 349. 37 De la Bédoyère (2018) 59.

11 Why should we concern ourselves with Roman standards when Hypsipyle and Dido are clearly not Roman women? I imagine that it is virtually impossible for a person to read a text without doing so from a preconceived set of moral codes, values, opinions and experiences. Both the Argonautica and the Aeneid were written by Romans for Romans. So whereas neither Hypsipyle nor Dido is Roman, and they may be seen and judged as such, I think it is impossible that contemporary Romans did not interpret and judge both characters from their Roman set of values. In comparison of the two women and their respective positions, how does the intertext hold up? How do they fit in with contemporary discourse on women, power and romanitas?

Hypsipyle as a ruler The first half of the Lemnos episode (2.72-305) involves the Lemnian women murdering the male inhabitants of the island. They are inspired by Venus, who tricks the Lemnian women into thinking that their places will be taken by the Thracian women their husbands have recently brought back from their travels. They are all caught up in a divine fury, except for Hypsipyle, the king’s daughter, who recognises their fury and refuses to participate in it and rescues her father. After the massacre, the Lemnian women set about restoring the political order of their island. As they assume that their king, Thoas, has been killed by his daughter Hypsipyle in the furor brought on by Venus, they are in need of a new ruler and a new normal, and they attempt to find both in a passage that is filled with allusions to Roman political practice.

Arcem nata petit, quo iam manus horrida matrum congruerat. rauco fremitu sedere parentum natorumque locis vacuaeque in moenibus urbis

12 iura novant; donant solio sceptrisque paternis ut meritam redeuntque piae sua praemia menti.

(…) rapitur subito regina tumultu conciliumque vocat.

His daughter went to the citadel, where an unkempt throng of women had gathered together. With harsh clamour they sat where fathers and sons had sat before, and amid the buildings of the empty city they make new laws: on Hypsipyle they bestow the throne and sceptre of her father as by right, and a fitting reward for her pious mind.

(…) the queen suddenly starts, and calls councillors to her side. (Argonautica 2.306-313)38

Lemnos thus becomes a place of ‘constitutionality and genuine political process’39 – a Roman ideal, which is ironic, given the fact that it is women who now assume power. In taking up arms against their husbands, they have transgressed the boundaries of gender. According to Romans, women were consigned to the private sphere. They raised and educated children, while politics and war were a man’s domain. Afterwards, the women continue in their masculine roles: they convene at the island’s citadel and form a senate ‘where fathers and sons had sat before’ (Arg. 2.307-8).40 The women restore law and order on the island, and

38 Fairclough (1999) 39 Zissos (2009) 361 n.39 40 Mozley (1934)

13 collectively choose Hypsipyle to be their queen, and when the Argonauts’ ship is spotted, a council is called to debate whether Lemnos should extend hospitality to the Argonauts. The transgression of gender boundaries is a theme that runs through these lines: the senate is described as a horrida manus matrum, surely a word play on patres in its meaning of ‘senators’41; the double entendre of vacuae, meaning both ‘widowed’ and ‘without government’42; the use of novare, which according to Harper Smith suggests revolutionary practice.43 Hypsipyle’s appointment as queen is shown to be a result both of her bloodline and of a democratic decision made by the senate. Still, Valerius Flaccus shows the passage as ambiguous, because the Lemnian women are convinced that Hypsipyle has killed Thoas. According to Spaltenstein, Hypsipyle’s act of patricide is the primary reason why the senate bestows the title on her.44 Hypsipyle has committed both patricide and regicide at once – or so the Lemnian women think –, and this is what makes her uniquely suited to be appointed as the queen and what makes her merita of the position. But to the reader, the fact that she has actually saved Thoas by disguising him and helping him escape the island is what makes her suitable as a ruler.45 Hypsipyle is actually rewarded for her filial piety; a theme that runs through the Lemnos episode and which I shall argue in the following chapters. Besides this, it should not be forgotten that Hypsipyle has divine blood, as she is the granddaughter of Bacchus. Regardless of the reasons for electing Hypsipyle, there is an air of legality and stability to the process that must have appealed to Roman readers. She is chosen by the senate, and the Lemnian women bestow the

41 Harper Smith (1987) 140. 42 Harper Smith (1987) 140. 43 Harper Smith (1987) 140. 44 Spaltenstein (2002) 391-2. 45 Spaltenstein (2002) 391-2.

14 throne and sceptre on her, ‘visible symbols of power’.46 Contrary to the Aeneid, Valerius Flaccus gives almost no attention to Hypsipyle’s role as queen after the Argonauts arrive, and passes no judgement on the quality of her rulership. As soon as the Argonauts land on the island, the focus shifts away from the massacre’s immediate consequences as well as from Hypsipyle’s perspective. Hypsipyle’s rulership is not shown to deteriorate when she begins her affair with Jason, and there would probably have been no reason for Valerius Flaccus to do so: the relationship between the Lemnian women and the Argonauts were practical in nature. They had, after all, killed all the men on their island, and the Argonauts proved useful in helping them repopulate their island. Amor has become turned into something good and necessary in the Argonautica, instead of the recipe for disaster that it is in the Aeneid. Hypsipyle could even be argued to be ‘doing her bit’ for her people by entering into an affair. Her relationship with Jason becomes an act of pietas. Hypsipyle’s reign is shown to be a good one, but still as a temporary measure after the massacre. When the Argonauts are about to depart, the women cry out for them not to leave. Apparently, they were under the impression that the Argonauts would take over the government of the island, and, as an argument to persuade them, point out that it will be many years until their new-born sons will be of an age to take back political control from their mothers. It was undesirable for Roman women to seek political influence directly, but they could exert influence by arranging politically advantageous marriages for their children or pushing their sons into the line of imperial succession. This enabled woman of the elite to seek indirect political power, while still remaining within their respectable gender boundaries.47 Hypsipyle’s reign is rationalized and made acceptable for Roman readers on the basis that

46 Harper-Smith (1987) 140. 47 De la Bédoyère (2018) 9.

15 from the start the women considered it a temporary measure. Hypsipyle becomes queen and the rest of the Lemnian women form the senate out of necessity until their sons grow old enough to take over again.

Dido as a ruler Dido’s ascension as queen is also born out of a family tragedy. After Dido’s husband Sychaeus is murdered by her brother Pygmalion, his ghost appears to her in a dream, she flees the city together with others who have an odium crudele tyranni (‘hatred of the cruel tyrant’ Aeneid 1. 361).48 After buying some land from neighbouring kingdoms, she founds the city of Carthage. She is presented as the head of a civilized and organised state, though it is still in the process of being built.

iura dabat legesque viris, operumque laborem partibus aequabat iustis aut sorte trahebat:

She gave laws and ordinances to

her people; she adjusted their tasks in equal shares or assigned them by lot; (Aeneid 1.508-9)49

While Dido and Hypsipyle are both (at first) represented as just queens of countries with functioning political systems, Hypsipyle received the position partly due to her birth right, and partly as the result of a decision made by the senate. She became a queen of an island that was already built and already had a long history. Dido, on the contrary, had to literally build Carthage from scratch.

48 Ganiban (2013) 196. 49 Fairclough (1999)

16 Like Hypsipyle, Dido is first presented as a good queen. When Aeneas and Achates look down on Carthage from the top of a hill, they marvel at all the building activity. Carthage has city walls, a port, a theatre, and at least one lavishly decorated temple, dedicated to Juno. Furthermore, the Carthaginians are up to date on major events going on in the world, as Juno’s temple bears images of the Trojan War. It makes Aeneas emotional to see the fame of the Trojans known throughout the world, and surely it must signal to the Trojans that they have found themselves in a thoroughly civilized city. The city and its government are described in typical Roman terminology50:

iura magistratusque legunt sanctumque senatum.

They choose laws, magistrates and a sacred senate. (Aeneid 1.426)51

Virgil’s description of Carthage is striking for two reasons: firstly because of the focus on Roman-coded urban landscape and inhabitants, and secondly because the city is not yet finished when the Trojans arrive on the scene. There is a myriad of ways to define an ancient city, but for contemporary Roman readers, a city deserving of the title would have to include ‘the presence of central squares or plazas, paved streets, defensive walls and gates, public architecture for religious, political or ceremonial/entertainment purposes and some element of town planning.’52 Our first proper look at Carthage is through Aeneas’ eyes, who looks down upon the city and marvels at the building activities.

50 Ganiban (2013) 200. 51 Fairclough (1999) 52 Zuiderhoek (2006) 5-6

17 miratur molem Aeneas, magalia quondam, miratur portas strepitumque et strata viarum. instant ardentes Tyrii, pars ducere muros molirique arcem et manibus subvolvere saxa, pars optare locum tecto et concludere sulco; hic portus alii effodiunt, hic alta theatri fundamenta locant alii, immanisque columnas rupibus excidunt, scaenis decora apta futuris.

Aeneas marvels at the massive buildings, mere huts once; he marvels at the gates, the din and paved high-roads. Eagerly the Tyrians press on, some to build walls, to rear the citadel, and roll up stones by hand;

some to choose the site for a dwelling and enclose it with a furrow. Here some are digging harbours, here others lay the deep foundations of their theatre and hew vast columns out of the cliffs, fit decorations for the future stage. (Aeneid 1.421-28)53

Carthage has a distinctly un-Carthaginian feel to it. While the abovementioned requirements for a city were not restricted to Roman conceptualization of urbanism, Edmondson argues that the ploughing of the furrow that Aeneas observes is a typically Roman practice that symbolizes the foundation of a new city.54 To Roman readers, Carthage must read as a Roman city, not in the least because of Aeneas’ professed admiration for it. The theme of building and reconstructing is one that runs throughout the Aeneid and Morwood argues that the ‘un-Carthaginian picture’ of the city can be explained by examining Augustus’ building activities of the 20s BCE. 55

53 Fairclough (1999) 54 Edmondson (2006) 251. 55 Morwood (1991) 212.

18 Carthage had been destroyed in 146 BCE, and in the early days of Augustus’ reign, he sent thousands of settlers to Carthage to start rebuilding it as a Roman colony.56 Dido’s building activities in the mythological Carthage must have reflected those of Augustus in the present-day colony. According to Zanker, ‘Virgil’s description of the building activity in Dido’s royal City of Carthage mirrors the excitement and optimism that must have permeated Rome in the 20s B.C., with new buildings going up all over.’ Especially because Carthage was Rome’s archnemesis: the description of all the grand building activities may have added to Rome’s sense of pride in having conquered the Carthaginians and in replacing the city with a Roman colony. Valerius Flaccus places no such emphasis on the urban landscape of Lemnos. Sure enough, the Argonauts arrive at a city that has a citadel, a harbour, places of supplication, defensive structures and a palace, but the urban landscape is less explicitly coded as Roman. The comparatively small amount of time the Argonauts spend at Lemnos does not allow for an extensive description of the city’s structure, and its foundation and structure may simply not be very important to the story, as Lemnos is shown to be an already long-established community.

Pietas and Furor So far, we have been presented with two leaders who are similar in their royal status and their legitimacy as rulers, whose realms and governments are to slightly varying degrees coded as Roman. But the difference between them lies in two contrasting traits: pietas and furor. Dido’s status as a good leader plummets almost as soon as she lets the Trojans enter her city. The previously ‘Romanized’ city and queen now become a backdrop against which Virgil can contrast the rapid decline. Dido

56 Morwood (1991) 219.

19 falls prey to a furor that has her aimlessly wandering around her city, growing more and more obsessed with Aeneas.

non coeptae adsurgunt turres, non arma iuventus exercet portusve aut propugnacula bellotuta parant; pendent opera interrupta minaeque murorum ingentes aequataque machina caelo.

The towers, once begun, no longer rise, no longer do young men exercise with weapons, or work hard at the harbours or bulwarks for safety in war; the works are broken off and idle—great menacing walls and cranes that touch the sky.

(Aeneid 4.86-90)57

Dido has neglected the city and empire she was so proudly building before the arrival of Aeneas and his fellow Trojans. Not only does Dido turn into a heroine who obstructs the hero’s duty because their relationship prevents Aeneas from travelling on to Italy, she also sabotages her own duty as a queen by giving way to passions and engaging in an affair with Aeneas. Her claim of pietas towards her dead husband Sychaeus is long forgotten in favour of her newfound furor: ‘nec famam obstare furori’ ‘and that (concern for her) reputation does not stand in the way of Dido’s mad passion.’ (Aeneid 4.91).58 The affair is not only detrimental to the building activities that were taking place in Carthage, but also to Dido’s relations with surrounding African cities and kingdoms. Fama spreads rumours around the world that Dido and

57 Fairclough (1999) 58 Ganiban (2013) 331.

20 Aeneas are spending the winter together.

nunc hiemem inter se luxu, quam longa, fovere regnorum immemores turpique cupidine captos.

now they spend the entire winter in luxury together, heedless of their realms and caught up in shameless passion. (Aeneid 4.191-2)59

The rumour reaches king Iarbas, who had expected to marry Dido because he had cheaply granted her some land. He is angered that Dido refused him, and that she marries Aeneas instead. This goes to show that Dido not only neglects her own people by leaving the city unfinished, but also greatly endangers her subjects by making enemies of their neighbours. So, throughout book 4, Dido becomes a progressively worse ruler. Her act of suicide is presented as an ultimate act of neglect of her people and her city, because she condemns them to the wrath of the Romans.

non aliter, quam si immissis ruat hostibus omnis Karthago aut antiqua Tyros, flammaeque furentes culmina perque hominum volvantur perque deorum.

as though all Carthage or ancient Tyre were falling before the approaching enemy, and fierce flames were rolling over the roofs of men, over the roofs of gods. (Aeneid 4.696-671)60

59 Fairclough (1999) 60 Fairclough (1999)

Hypsipyle, on the other hand, has already demonstrated that she is capable of not succumbing to furor because she is the only woman on the island who refuses to participate in the massacre Venus initiates. From the beginning of the episode, she is a positive character defined by her pietas in every respect: towards her family, towards her people, and towards her realm; her pietas is strong enough for her to break free from the cruel furor of Venus.61 In this, she is as far from being like Dido as she can possibly be. In fact, the character from the Aeneid that she most resembles in this respect is Aeneas, I will be discussing the intertextual relationship between Hypsipyle and Aeneas below.

Dido as the Other Virgil shows us that Dido’s rulership is ultimately untenable for two reasons: as a woman in a position of power, and an eastern one at that, she is an anomaly, and she lets herself be led by emotions. Dido’s status becomes especially evident when looking at one of Virgil’s prime models for the Carthaginian queen: Cleopatra.62 It has often been said that there are many similarities between the two women63. They are both female rulers of eastern empires that have historically been enemies of Rome (Cleopatra through the enmity resulting in the battle of Actium, Dido through the Punic Wars). Militant women (and Virgil describes Dido as dux femina (1.364)) were traditionally seen as transgressive. They threatened the upheaval of the status quo: a woman with political and or military power was considered a non-woman.64

61 Fucecchi (2014) 120 62 Keith (2000) 68. 63 Cf. Wyke (2009), Syed (2005), Keith (2000). 64 Wyke (2009) 353; Keith (2012) 394.

22 While Dido is not a dux femina in the sense of actually being militant, she is written as being responsible for war and military action. Dido, in her dying words, curses the Trojans by proclaiming that their people will forever be at odds with Carthage. Thus, Virgil makes her an aetion for the Punic Wars.65 Syed demonstrates that Virgil consistently blames women for military conflicts throughout the Aeneid;Helen as the woman who instigated the Trojan War; Lavinia as responsible for the wars in Latium and Cleopatra for Actium.66 Aditionally, Cleopatra and Dido were both eastern women. The east was traditionally characterised by luxury, opulence and effeminacy and sexuality. The fact that the feminine east threatened the masculine west was considered problematic. According to Syed, the characterisation of Dido fits within contemporary discourse on Cleopatra and the battle of Actium.67 During the conflict between Mark Antony and Augustus, the latter declared war on Cleopatra rather than his fellow countryman. The conflict became one of the east versus the west; femininity versus masculinity; ‘a feminised east represented by an Egyptian queen who has enslaved Antony and threatens to enslave all Roman men’68 versus Augustus as a liberator of the Republic and a protector of masculinity. Cleopatra was an easy, natural enemy, and it prevented the conflict turning openly into yet another civil war.69 According to Wyke, libertas became something of an Augustan slogan after Actium.70 Augustus had not ‘simply’ won a civil war, he had liberated the Republic from the threat of an eastern woman seeking power over Rome.71

65 Syed (2005) 183. 66 Syed (2005) 183. 67 Syed (2005) 199. 68 Keith (2000) 78. 69 De La Bédoyère (2018) 57. 70 Wyke (2009) 349. 71 Wyke argues that the east being characterised as feminine as opposed tot he west’s masculinity added another dimension as to why the east had tob e conquered by the west.

23 James argues that Dido and Cleopatra fulfil the same function: they both form a military and political threat to Rome because of their sexuality.72 Dido is to Aeneas what Cleopatra is to Mark Antony. But as opposed to the Roman Mark Antony who was corrupted into becoming more eastern, Aeneas is a Trojan, and therefore as much Roman in the ethnical sense as Dido herself is. Yet Aeneas is still considered to be the quintessential Roman hero because of his future, the ultimate proto-Roman. His character arc can be read as one of ‘ethnic progress’, in which Aeneas is constantly progressing towards shedding his eastern past in favour of his western (read: Roman) future.73 Dido hinders this progress. She literally prevents him from reaching Italy by engaging in an affair with him and suggesting the Trojans remain in Carthage and join forces.74

vultis et his mecum pariter considere regnis? urbem quam statuo vestra est; subducite navis; Tros Tyriusque mihi nullo discrimine agetur.

Or do you want to settle with me on even terms within these realms? The city I build is yours; draw up your ships; I shall treat Trojan and Tyrian in the same way. (Aeneid 1.572-4)75

The hope that the Trojans will remain at Carthage is later also expressed by Dido’s sister Anna: ‘Teucrum comitantibus armis,Punica se quantis attollet

72 James (2012) 370. 73 Reed (2007) 85. 74 Reed (2007) 88. 75 Fairclough (1999)

24 gloria rebus!’ ‘With Teucrian arms beside us, to what heights will Punic glory soar?’ (4.50-1).76 Dido thus proves to be a threat to Rome, if a more abstract one than Cleopatra. If Aeneas stays in Carthage he will keep his eastern identity, and if he leaves he can reach his Roman destiny. Virgil shows us throughout book 4 that Aeneas is increasingly in danger of not becoming Roman. Fama spreads the rumour that Aeneas and Dido are spending the winter together in luxury (4.191-2, see above). King Iarbas describing Aeneas in very negative terms, drawing on stereotypes of effeminate Trojans and calling Aeneas ‘Paris’, suggesting that Aeneas too is a warrior only occupied with women.77

et nunc ille Paris cum semiviro comitatu, Maeonia mentum mitra crinemque madentem subnexus, rapto potitur:

And now that Paris with his eunuch companions, his chin and perfumed

locks bound with a Lydian turban, grasps the spoils; (Aeneid 4.215-7)78

When Mercury arrives in Carthage because Jupiter has ordered him to tell Aeneas to resume his journey, Mercury encounters Aeneas building Carthage dressed as a Carthaginian. These scenes show Aeneas to be much more eastern than western, very much like the depictions of Mark Antony in

Augustan propaganda.79

76 Fairclough (1999) 77 Ganiban (2013) 337. 78 Fairclough (1999) 79 De la Bédoyère (2018) 54, 55.

25 In the end, Aeneas does what Mark Antony could not do: he does not let himself be overpowered and emasculated by the east and chooses to travel on to Italy. Essentially, though he does not know it himself yet, he chooses to become a Roman. By doing that, Aeneas’ leaving Dido, tragic as it is, can be equated with Augustus’ victory over Mark Antony and Cleopatra, because the west trumps the east; masculinity trumps femininity.

Conclusion

Both women have transgressed the boundaries of gender as they were envisioned by Romans, but whereas Hypsipyle is almost presented as masculine in her rationality, Virgil shows us that a woman such as Dido reigning over a city will lead to its downfall, as she proves incapable of withstanding furor. Additionally, Hypsipyle is governed by the very Roman principle of pietas, whereas Dido is shown to be a thoroughly Eastern character, who is, from a Roman standpoint, a source of opulence and decadence. That is not surprising given Dido’s primary model: Cleopatra. Dido is meant to serve as a reminder that an Eastern queen is doubly un-Roman, and therefore, twice as dangerous.

26 Chapter Two: relationships with the hero

Introduction In the previous chapter, I have looked at Dido and Hypsipyle’s positions as female rulers and how they are evaluated within the text. There are clear similarities, but even bigger differences between the two women. In this chapter, I shall examine and compare the relationships between Jason and Hypsipyle, and Dido and Aeneas. The development of Hypsipyle and Jason’s relationship closely follows that of Dido and Aeneas and I will show that there are clear narrative, thematic and verbal allusions to the Aeneid. How can we interpret these allusions? More importantly, many of the allusions end up inverted. To what effect might this be done? To try and answer these questions, I will first, briefly, describe the development of both relationships. I will examine each of them more closely by looking at the relationship from several different angles. What role do the gods play in the relationships? And how do contemporary notions of womanhood and romanitas versus orientalism (and especially the intersection between these factors) influence the narrative and the characterisation of Dido and Hypsipyle? In the previous chapter we have already seen that as ruler, Dido is considered as a good queen at first, but someone who quickly deteriorates when she gives way to furor, her love for Aeneas. On the other hand, Hypsipyle is consistently characterised by her pietas. This psychological distinction between the two characters continues to run through the narratives and continues to inform the intertext and how Hypsipyle as a character might be read. Hershkowitz aptly calls Hypsipyle the Sense to Dido’s Sensibility.80

80 Herskowitz (1998) 146.

The development of the relationship In this section, I will sketch out the development of both relationships. The development of Hypsipyle and Jason’s relationship largely follows the narrative structure of the Aeneid, which is made especially clear at times when Valerius Flaccus deviates from his Apollonian model and alludes to Virgilian scenes. After the Lemnian women restore political order to their island following the violent massacre of their husbands, sons, and fathers, a boatload of young heroes conveniently appears on the horizon. They are invited to stay at the island, because priestess Polyxo presents a convincing case to the assembly of the Lemnian women: the Argonauts can assist the Lemnians in repopulating the island.

‘Venus ipsa volens dat corpora iungi, dum vires utero maternaque sufficit aetas.’

Freely does Venus herself allow us to mate with them, while our wombs have strength and our years are not past child-bearing. (Argonautica 2.324-5)81

As soon as the Argonauts land, they are taken on a tour of Lemnos, just as Aeneas is shown around Carthage by Dido.82 The two scenes also share verbal similarities, which strengthen the intertextual relationship and signal to the reader a connection between the respective relationships.

81 Mozley (1934) 82 Harper-Smith (1987) 152.

28 moenia tum viresque loci veteresque parentum iactat opes.

Next she proudly points to their bastions, to the strength of the island, and the wealth of her ancestors from olden times. (Argonautica 2.340-1)83

nunc media Aenean secum per moenia ducit Sidoniasque ostentat opes urbemque paratam.

Now she leads Aeneas with her through the middle of the city, and displays her Sidonian wealth and the city she built. (Aeneid 4.74-5)84

We have seen in the previous chapter that both queens impress their guests with their leadership and their hospitality, a theme which continues when in both the Aeneid and the Argonautica the tour is followed by a banquet in the guests’ honour. The banquet in the Argonautica is in a way a Virgilian expansion of the Apollonian model: Apollonius does briefly mention a banquet (Argonautica 1.857-858), but it is not the setting where Jason and Hypsipyle fall in love with each other and it is of no great importance to the development of the story. Instead, the banquet in Valerius Flaccus’ Argonautica is an explicit evocation of Dido’s banquet for the Trojans. The pillows of ‘Tyrian purple’ that Jason and Hypsipyle sit on, show Lemnos’ great wealth, but they also remind us of Dido, who was a Tyrian woman herself.85

83 Mozley (1934) 84 Fairclough (1999) 85 Harper-Smith (1987) 153.

29 Both Dido and Hypsipyle fall in love with the heroes during the banquets held in their honour. Although the banquet is said to go on throughout the night, the scene in the Argonautica is very short, whereas Virgil’s version takes up a significantly larger amount of space in the narrative, as Aeneas’ narrative of his adventures comprises all of the books two and three; the banquet does not end until the first words of the fourth book. Perhaps the difference in narrative length has something to do with the fact that Jason has only just started out on his expedition and does not yet have an extensive portfolio of adventures for Valerius Flaccus to narrate. But, as Spaltenstein argues, Valerius speeds up Hypsipyle falling in love with Jason during this banquet, because it is a theme that he explores further with Medea.86 The night is filled with conversation, and though it is not made explicit, it is implied that the person primarily speaking is Jason, because Hypsipyle expresses her admiration for his adventures and continues to ask him questions. Besides, as the night wanes on, Hypsipyle is said to haeret | adloquio ‘she hangs upon his words’ (Argonautica 2.353-4).

The stories that Jason tells are the reason that Hypsipyle starts to fall in love with Jason, in the same way that Dido falls in love with Aeneas in the Aeneid. Harper-Smith sees haeret adloquio as an allusion to Aen. 1.717: haec oculis, haec pectore, toto haeret ‘With her eyes, with all her heart she clings to him.’ This is the scene in which Cupid, disguised as Aeneas’ son Ascanius, sits on Dido’s lap in order to make her more susceptible to Aeneas’ advances. Harper-Smith understands haereo to mean ‘to fasten the senses to…’; in

Dido’s case that is visual, whereas with Hypsipyle the application is auditory.87

86 Spaltenstein (2002) 405. 87 Harper-Smith (1987) 157.

30 But it seems to me that there is a much clearer and more direct allusion to Aeneid 4, as Hershkowitz and Poortvliet also argue:88

nunc eadem labente die convivia quaerit, Iliacosque iterum demens audire labores exposcit pendetque iterum narrantis ab ore.

Now, as day comes to an end, she seeks that same banquet, again in her madness craves to hear the sorrows of Troy and again hangs on the speaker’s lips. (Aeneid 4.77-79)89

In these lines, we are told that time and again, Dido requests to hear Aeneas recount the flight from Troy, and that she ‘hangs on the speaker’s lips’ ‘pendet ab ore’. There is something to be said for Harper-Smith’s suggestion and the two interpretations are by no means mutually exclusive, but in my opinion, haeret | adloquio alluding to pendet ab ore is much obvious than

Harper-Smith’s suggestion that the scene alludes to Aeneid 1.717. The subject that engages Dido’s senses in 1.717 is Cupid disguised as Aeneas’ son Ascanius. Ascanius is not why Dido falls in love with Aeneas; he is the spark that makes her more open to the possibility, but she starts to properly succumb to her passion when Aeneas talks about his adventures. Valerius’ adloquio haeret alluding to these lines in Aeneid 4 fits in with the rest of the scene: Hypsipyle, like Dido, constantly asks questions about the hero’s journey. Overall, it is more obvious that Valerius’ phrase alludes to 4.77-79. The stay at Lemnos following the banquet is made possible by divine intervention in the form of a storm. In Apollonius Rhodius there is no such

88 Hershkowitz (1998) 140, Pootvliet (1991) 200. 89 Fairclough (1999)

31 storm to keep the Argonauts there. Within the context of a by now already clearly established intertextual relationship between the Argonautica and the Aeneid, it is easy to recognise this storm as a Virgilian addition. The storm allows the Argonauts and the Lemnian women to viduisque vacantes | indulgent thalamis ‘and free from toil give themselves up to the marriage-bed’ (Argonautica 2.370-371).That is essentially what happens in the Aeneid too, although, as I shall discuss later, the reason for the storm is vastly different in the Aeneid. During this storm in the Aeneid, an ambiguous wedding ceremony takes place, which is considered to be the beginning of doom for Dido: ille dies primus leti primusque malorum causa fuit ‘That day the first of death, the first of calamity was cause’ (Aeneid 4.169-70). Fama then spreads the rumour of Aeneas’ and Dido’s supposed wedding, which eventually leads to Jupiter intervening and sending Mercury to tell Aeneas he should resume his mission. The Argonauts, meanwhile, continue to enjoy their stay without much meddling from the gods, enjoying it so much that they Zephyros audire vocantes dissimulant ‘pretend not to hear the calling Zephyrs’ (Argonautica

2.372). Both Poortvliet and Harper-Smith see a reference to Aeneid 4.562 here90: nec Zephyros audis spirare secundos? ‘Do you not hear the kindly breezes blowing?’. This is the moment when Mercurius admonishes Aeneas for ignoring the favourable winds that would allow him to sail away from Carthage. In the Argonautica, Hercules takes on the role of Mercury in reminding Jason of their mission, and from then on things go very swiftly. The

Argonautica follows the Aeneid, in the sense that there is a goodbye speech and an exchange of gifts in both texts before the respective heroes finally leave. When Jason announces his departure, Hypsipyle ingemit et tali compellat Iasona questu ‘she groans and appeals to Jason with complaints

90 Harper-Smith (1987) 163-4; Poortvliet (1991) 208.

32 such as these’ (Argonautica 2.402), similar to Dido who ‘appeals to Aeneas with these words in addition to everything else’ ‘his Aenean compellat vocibus ultro’ (Aeneis 4.304)91. But whereas Dido is overcome with emotions of grief and anger which will ultimately lead to her suicide and her condemnation of the Romans, Hypsipyle remains rational and resigned: she appears to accept that Jason has to leave her, wishing him well and giving him gifts to remember her by.

‘accipe’ ait, ‘bellis mediaeque ut pulvere pugnae sim comes, Aetnaei genitor quae flammea gessit dona dei, nunc digna tuis adiungier armis. i, memor i terrae, quae vos amplexa quieto prima sinu; refer et domitis a Colchidos oris vela per hunc utero quem linquis Iasona nostro.’

‘Take it,’ she said, ‘that I may be by your side in wartime and in the dust where the battle is thickest, the flaming gift of Aetna’s god that my

father carried; it is worthy to be worn now along with your own weapons. Go now, go, but do not forget the land that first folded you to its peaceful bosom; and once Colchis’ shores are conquered bring your sails back here, for this Jason who you leave in my womb.’ (Argonautica 2.419-24)92

In the exchange of gifts there is another inversion: in the Aeneid, Aeneas gives Dido his sword, the very sword with which she kills herself a short while later. In the Argonautica it is Hypsipyle who gives Jason her father’s sword.

91 Hershkowitz (1998) 142. Interestingly, Harper Smith (1987) does not mention this allusion in her commentary, and neither does Poortvliet (1991). 92 Mozley (1934)

33 Not only does this ensure that Jason will remember her after he leaves her, but it also clearly signals that Hypsipyle ‘will not follow the same path as Dido.’93 This moderation of emotions, combined with her priority of pietas at all times, is what makes Hypsipyle a Roman heroine, whereas Dido is consistently characterized as un-Roman.94 The departure of the Argonauts means the end of Hypsiyple’s story. She is never explicitly mentioned explicitly again, only implicitly when Jason places the cloak she gave him on Cyzicus’ pyre, and later in the epic she is evoked in the Medea-episode.

The influence of the gods The degree to which the gods are involved in the relationship between the two couples differs greatly. How this plays out in the two respective works is for a great part due to the overall role the gods play in the epic. Feeney argues that Valerius Flaccus often inverses the function that the gods traditionally have in epic. This can be seen, for example, in the role Venus plays in the Lemnos episode: instead of inspiring romantic love or passion in humans, she drives them towards a violent massacre of their husbands.95 Central to understanding the role the gods play in the Argonautica is, according to Manuwald, the fact that Valerius’ characters are mostly unaware of the divine plan: Jupiter wants to open up the seas and make an end to the Golden Age. According to him, sending out ships will bring about the wars that characterise the Silver Age (Argonautica 1.531-560). Whenever characters are made aware of a prophecy, it is almost always incomplete or vague. This unawareness makes the characters think that they have made

93 Hershkowitz (1998) 143. 94 McLeish (1972) 133. McLeish argues that while we modern readers may greatly sympathise with Dido’s emotions, the Romans valued moderation. ‘To them Dido’s behaviour must have seemed excessive and overdramatic.’ 95 Feeney (1991) 323.

34 decisions independently, though ‘actions of the Argonauts relevant to the grand scheme of things are predetermined by the gods’.96 As the Argonautica, the Aeneid also has Jupiter’s divine plan as one of its overarching themes. For Virgil, Jupiter’s divine plan ‘presents Augustus’ reign as the culmination of world history’.97 But the plan is constantly thwarted by Juno, who, as a staunch supporter of Carthage, does everything in her power to prevent the growth and expansion of Rome. It can be said that this tension is the origin of the problems the characters in the Aeneid keep encountering.98 Besides this, Aeneas is at least partly aware of being an important part of the divine mission. Even though he does not know the plan in full at the start of the work,99 he is explicitly told by Venus to flee Troy and found a new city elsewhere. Within the Lemnos episode, the presence and involvement of the gods wanes after the massacre. Venus incites the divine fury in the Lemnian women with the help of Fama because its inhabitants have stopped worshipping her, siding with Vulcan in the dispute between husband and wife. Only Hypsipyle is strong enough to withstand the cruel forces of the goddess, even though she confesses that she doubts her own strength (2.252). Her pietas carries her through however, and she successfully saves her father, with the added help of her grandfather Bacchus. It is important to keep this in mind when comparing Dido and Hypsipyle: Hypsipyle is a woman whose pietas towards her father and her fatherland is strong enough to withhold her from succumbing to divine influences. After the massacre and before the Argonauts arrive, Venus has made peace with her husband Vulcan, and now actually wants the Lemnians to start affairs with the Argonauts.

96 Manuwald (2008) 589, 590 n11 97 Ganiban (2013) 14 98 Ganiban (2013) 15. 99 His knowledge of the scope of the plan gradually grows.

Venus ipsa volens dat corpora4 iungi dum vires utero maternaque sufficit aetas.

Freely does Venus herself allow us to mate with them, while our wombs have strength and our years are not past child-bearing. (Argonautica 2.324-5)100

What is more, Venus does not just approve of the relationship, she actively undertakes steps to ensure the Lemnian women will be seen in a favourable light, ‘tollitque loco Cytherea timorem’ (‘banishing all fear of the island’ Argonautica 2.328). According to Harper Smith, the use of Cytherea here is applied deliberately to ‘conjure up thoughts of love’.101 Venus is not the only deity looking favourably upon Hypsipyle and Jason’s relationship. After receiving a tour of the island and enjoying a banquet in their honour, the Argonauts are detained on the island by a storm caused by Jupiter, who ‘grants a respite and a time for love’ (‘deus ipse moras spatiumque indulget amori’ Argonautica 2.356). We see here that the gods look favourably upon Hypsipyle, Jason and their relationship. This is very different when it comes to Dido, who can be seen as a victim of the strife existing between the gods, most notably Venus and Juno. Juno, as a staunch supporter of Carthage, plots to make Aeneas stay with Dido, hoping to prevent the prophesied ruin of Carthage (Aeneid 1.21-22). Venus sees through Juno’s attempts to thwart the divine plan and takes matters into her own hands:

100 Mozley (1934) 101 Harper Smith (1987) 147.

36 quocirca capere ante dolis et cingere flamma reginam meditor, ne quo se numine mutet sed magno Aeneae mecum teneatur amore.

Therefore I plan to outwit the queen with guile and encircle her with love’s flame, so that no power can change her, but on my side she will be held fast in strong love for Aeneas. (Aeneid 1.673-75)102

Dido is consequently shown to fall prey to a furor that she cannot resist. Nor does she know that she is being targeted by Venus. This furor eventually leads to her downfall and her death. Unlike Hypsipyle, Dido was unable to withstand the forces of Venus. Even though Juno professes to favour Carthage and Dido, Dido nonetheless becomes a victim of the conflict that is taking place at the divine level. This also becomes clear during the ‘marriage ceremony’ in the cave, which will be discussed below.

Hypsipyle and contemporary ideas of womanhood Another thing to examine in the characterisations of both Hypsipyle and Dido and their relationships with the respective heroes is whether contemporary ideas of Roman (and therefore un-Roman) womanhood influence their characters. Neither of these women are Romans themselves, but it should be kept in mind that it was written by Romans for Romans who all inevitably had a set of Roman values ingrained in them. They would look at Dido and

Hypsipyle with their ‘Roman glasses’ on, just as we do today from our modern, western point of view. Romans were greatly concerned with sexual morality and especially with policing women’s sexuality. The Augustan marriage laws of the 20s BCE

102 Fairclough (1999)

37 played a large part in this: while they portended to protect women’s lives and reputations, they essentially served to make women adhere more strictly to conventional views of womanhood in order not to risk irreparable loss of their reputations.103 In Rome of the early Principate, pudicitia was one of the defining traits of a Roman elite woman.104 Epigraphic sources show that the seven most frequent descriptions on Roman women’s tomb stones are dulcissima, pia, bene merens, sua, carissima, optima and sanctissima.105 Though these do not necessarily show the historical reality, they can at least help us understand the type of characteristics that were considered ideal or desirable in Roman women. A Roman woman could demonstrate her virtue by using her skillset to support her husband or children. This was the case especially for women of the elite, who themselves were incapable of exercising political power, but could nonetheless do so by supporting the career of their husbands and children.106 Producing legitimate children was one of the primary reasons for marriage.107 It is not surprising then that a large part of the woman’s reputation rested on whether or not she had children. Not only is this reflected in Augustan laws that granted certain legal rights to women who had more than three children,108 but also in the fact that childlessness could sometimes be seen as a sign of moral failures.109 An elite Roman woman then was someone who lived in service of her husband and children. In the previous chapter, we have already seen Hypsipyle as a queen who is able to remain rational, whereas Dido easily succumbs to furor when the Trojans take refuge

103 Langlands (2006) 18. Once a matrona lost her status as a ‘good’ woman, she would be unable to regain it. 104 Langlands (2006) 2 105 Strong (2016) 19 106 De la Bédoyère (2018) 9. 107 De la Bédoyère (2018) 29, Gutting (2006) 263. 108 McGinn (1998) 76. 109 Langlands (2006) 332

38 in her city. Her island, its inhabitants, and her father are always the first priority to Hypsiyple. In fact, Hypsipyle beginning a relationship with Jason can be seen as an act of pietas in itself. Her whole island has been recently deprived of its male population, and her people will die out if they do not repopulate the island, as priestess Polyxo says, ‘while our wombs still have strength’ (Arg. 2.324). Hypsipyle succeeds in her self-imposed task and is pregnant when the Argonauts depart. She has done two things: not only has she done her part in producing a new generation of Lemnians, she has also created a legitimate heir for Jason.110 Dido, again, is a different story. After quickly falling for Aeneas after the banquet during which Aeneas recounts his past travels, Dido is still hesitant to act on her feelings because she had decided never to marry again after Sychaeus’ death at the hands of her own brother. Dido is intent on remaining a univira,111 but is nevertheless in the tightening grip of an erotic madness. A univira was a woman who chose to remain widow after the death of their husband, an ideal of pietas towards a dead spouse that was especially celebrated in times of frequent divorces and remarriages.112 But with the support of her sister Anna, she overcomes her qualms and decides to give in to her emotions.113 After the storm orchestrated by Juno, Dido and Aeneas are forced to take shelter in a cave, where an ambiguous marriage ceremony takes place. According to Ganiban, ‘Vergil’s passage suggests either a wedding or a parody of a wedding, and the event is described in such

110 Because Hypsipyle asks Jason to return to her after going to Colchis, it seems that Hypsiyple does not want to shut Jason out of the child’s life. Hypsipyle thinks beyond the repopulation of Lemnos. 111 Gutting (2006) 265 112 Dixon (1992) 77, 89. It became more rare in the late Republic and the early Empire, when remarriage became more common. 113 Though it has to be noted that while Dido’s heart is said to be inflamed and burning with love, Anna does give Dido advice of a more pragmatic nature: if Troy and Carthage joined forces, Carthage’s power would reach unprecedented heights (Aen. 4.48-49)

39 a way that it is hard to know what is really happening’.114 Either way, we do not find out Aeneas’ thoughts until much later, whereas Dido from now on believes that she has exchanged her widowhood for a life as Aeneas’ wife. But the choice to get married or, at least, the belief that she has married, proves to be fatal to Dido, as the primary narrator explicitly states:

ille dies primus leti primusque malorum causa fuit. neque enim specie famave movetur nec iam furtivum Dido meditatur amorem; coniugium vocat; hoc praetexit nomine culpam.

That day was the first of death, the first of calamity. Dido is no longer swayed by fair show or fair fame, no more does she dream of a secret love: she calls it marriage and with that name disguises her sin. (Aeneid 1.169-70)115

Ganiban recalls Iliad 11.604 κακοῦ δ᾿ ἄρα οἱ πέλεν ἀρχή (‘And that was the beginning of evil’), which marks a ‘crucial step towards disaster’ for Patroclus.116 It is a crucial step for Dido as well, because not only does she fully give into her furor after the ‘wedding’ in the cave, rumour also reaches Iarbas, a suitor Dido previously rejected, and from there it reaches Jupiter, who sends Mercury to tell Aeneas to return to his travels. This, as we know, leads Dido to commit suicide. Unlike Hypsipyle, Dido is unable to perform the primary task as a Roman matron: she did not become pregnant with Aeneas’ child, which she says would have left her a little less ‘utterly vanquished and forlorn’ (capta ac deserta, Aen. 4.330).

114 Ganiban (2013) 334 115 Fairclough (1999) 116 Ganiban (2013) 335

40 While Valerius Flaccus spends very little time on the development of the relationship between Hypsipyle and Jason, we are offered a more ‘zoomed-out’ view of the Argonauts enjoying their repose at Lemnos instead:

urbe sedent laeti Minyae viduisque vacantes indulgent thalamis nimbosque educere luxu nec iam velle vias Zephyrosque audire vocantes dissimulant,

They rest happily in the city, and free from toil give themselves up to the marriage-bed; they spend the days of the storm in delicate living, and don’t wish any more for seafaring, and pretend not to hear the breezes calling, (Argonautica 2.369-73)117

We know this must be applicable to Jason too when shortly after this

Hercules reminds him of their shared mission. Jason is likened to a war horse that enjoyed his repose and is all the more eager to return to war after it (Argonautica 2.384-389). As to the status of the relationship between Hypsipyle and Jason, Valerius Flaccus is less ambiguous than Virgil. The Lemnian women refer to the Argonauts as their husbands, and Hypsipyle likewise refers to Jason as her husband. Neither Jason nor any of the other Argonauts deny the relationship, so we can assume that both parties consented. The fact that Hypsipyle does have a child and that the marriage between Jason and her can be considered as mutually agreed upon, puts her in stark contrast to the disillusioned childless Dido who had renounced her promise to remain faithful

117 Mozley (1934)

41 to Sychaeus and put all her hopes on Aeneas. But in doing this, Dido has not only endangered herself and her people, she also keeps him from his destiny and acts in direct contrast to what Romans considered to be good matronly behaviour, as women were expected to be supportive in their husbands’ careers. In short, Dido does not live up to the standards Romans had for women’s behaviour, whereas Hypsipyle is presented as a rational woman whose pietas reigns supreme. She is in power, but only because there are no men on the island, and the women are said to bemoan the departure of the Argonauts, because it will still take a long time until their sons are grown up and are able to take over the rule of the island (Arg. 2.395-6).

Conclusion In this chapter, I have examined the relationships between Aeneas and Dido and Jason and Hypsipyle: how do they evolve and what external influences play a role? It is clear from the trajectory of the affair that Jason and Hypsipyle were modelled on Dido and Aeneas, but a look at the details reveals many differences. The gods are much more involved in the relationship between Aeneas and Dido than they are in the Argonautica. In the Aeneid, the characters are very much the playthings of the gods and have to bear the brunt of internal strife among the gods. Juno, who wants Carthage to become great and wants to prevent the Trojans from founding another city, ensures that Aeneas and his crew end up in Carthage, whereas Venus, Aeneas’ mother, is actively working against that. She brings about the furor that Dido cannot help but succumb to, and thus ensures the queen’s downfall. The characters of the Argonautica are part of a divine plan too, but they are unaware of it and there is little pressure from the gods to make sure the Argonauts proceed on their journey. Jupiter shows his approval of the

42 relationship by creating a storm that allows the Argonauts to stay for a while longer, until Hercules reminds them of their mission, and they depart again. In the Aeneid, everyone is against Dido and Aeneas in varying forms. In the Argonautica, the gods are not particularly bothered about the relationship between Hypsipyle and Jason. Apart from the lack of divine intervention, Hypsipyle is presented as a different kind of woman: she can be interpreted as a Roman woman. Even though she is not Roman herself, she possesses the characteristics of one, something that would inevitably lead to approval of Roman readers. She is characterised by her pietas, does not lose herself to furor (neither during the massacre nor a romantic furor for Jason), and is shown to be the legitimate partner of Jason and the mother of his child. Yes, she is in a position of power, but, as the Lemnian women point out themselves, it is a temporary position until the new generation of men can once again take over political power. She is directly contrasted to Dido in this regard, who is presented as un-Roman, though this is not to say that the narrative is inherently unsympathetic towards Dido. At first, she is represented as a good queen and a good univira wife (because of her promise to remain faithful to her dead husband Sychaeus). But as soon as Aeneas arrives at Carthage and the gods start meddling, she falls prey to a furor that eventually leads her to neglect her own position. And for what? The ‘marriage’ that she thought she had entered into turns out not to be marriage at all, and she is unable to bear Aeneas’ child. Besides this, she is portrayed as presenting a danger to

Aeneas’ ability to complete his divine mission. In short: Hypsipyle can be read as a Roman character to Dido’s distinctly un-Roman character. In the next chapter, I will examine the possible reasons for this difference.

43 Chapter Three: Interpreting Hypsipyle

Introduction Up until this point, I have looked at the differences and similarities between Hypsipyle and Dido. We can see that Hypsipyle is not simply a copy of Dido, but that Valerius Flaccus truly turned Dido’s character into a different direction. This can be observed by the fact that Dido is led by her emotions, whereas Hypsipyle remains rational throughout the Lemnos episode. Many of the choices Dido makes or does not make are inverted by Valerius Flaccus’ Hypsipyle. Dido receives a sword from Aeneas, with which she kills herself. Hypsipyle is the one to give the sword, thus showing that she is not following the same path of killing herself when her hero leaves her. As it turns out, Valerius Flaccus seems to infuse Hypsipyle with a entirely different character from the Aeneid: Aeneas. What is the effect of this completely intertext? To what purpose does Valerius copy Dido, only to have Hypispyle go in a completely different direction? In this chapter, I will look at the problem from two different angles.

Firstly, I will examine the relationship between Virgil’s Dido, Valerius’ Hypsipyle and Valerius’ Medea. At first, bringing in Medea to the equation seems like a clear-cut solution to the problem: Medea could the Dido to Hypsipyle’s anti-Dido. But upon further inspection, the relationship between the three heroines is much more nuanced. Medea and Hypsipyle are both Dido and anti-Dido in different ways. After that, I will look at genre. Valerius Flaccus differs from Virgil in the sense that he does not discard amor as something that gets in the way of the hero. Instead, amor becomes an instrument that helps Jason move forward.

Medea and Dido Previously I have mentioned that Valerius Flaccus spends very little time describing the developing relationship between Jason and Hypsipyle. According to Spaltenstein, this is because he is saving the true elegiac and tragic themes for the relationship between Medea and Jason.118 Many aspects of Medea’s character have a distinct Dido-esque flavour. That is not surprising Virgil’s primary inspiration for Dido’s characterisation was Apollonius Rhodius’ Medea.119 In this section, I will briefly sketch out some of the most striking similarities and differences. We have seen in the previous chapter that divinely inspired furor, pietas, and the relationship between the heroine and hero are central themes in both Hypsipyle’s and Dido’s story. Does the same count for Medea? How does she differ from Dido and Hypsipyle, and how is she similar?

Furor The element in the Argonautica that sets Hypsipyle and Medea apart and brings Medea and Dido closer is the divine involvement in their relationships with the heroes. As we have seen, the gods approve of the affair between Jason and Hypsipyle. Venus prevents the Argonauts from learning about the massacre and Jupiter shows his consent by sending a storm that allows the Argonauts to stay at the island. In Hypsipyle’s case there is no need for divine involvement or intervention, and no need to overpower Hypsipyle with madness in order to make her fall in love with Jason.

By contrast, Dido can be read as the victim of divine strife. She is subjected to furor because Juno and Venus are both solely act in accordance with their own divine agenda. Medea, too, is tricked into a passion for Jason

118 Spaltenstein (2002) 405. 119 Ganiban (2013) 204.

45 by these two goddesses. The exception here is that the two goddesses are now working together and that they use Medea for a specific purpose: Juno wants to mobilize Medea’s magic powers to Jason’s benefit, for which she deems it necessary to make Medea fall in love with Jason:

illa nimis sed dura manet conversaque in iram et furias dolet ac me non1 decepta reliquit. i, precor, atque istum quo me frustratur amorem vince

but still the girl is stubborn, and in resentment has turned to anger and frenzy, and, not deceived, has abandoned me. Go, please, and carry that passion she cheats me of to victory. (Argonautica 7.160-3)120

According to Hershkowitz, both authors stress the weakness of Dido and Medea as they are driven to madness by the divinely inspired furor, and the tragedy that comes with it.121 Just as Dido, who is hesitant to give up her loyalty to her dead husband Sychaeus, Medea is ‘torn by an internal struggle over her feelings, between her loyalty to her father and her love for Jason, which the poet constructs as the tension between the forces of pudor and amor’.122 But unlike Dido, who soon lets herself be overpowered by Venus’ powers, Medea actually refuses to give into the divinely inspired furor until the very end of the poem, and it takes great effort by the goddesses to subject Medea to it, because she fights it every step of the way – it is not Medea’s weakness that Valerius Flaccus stresses, but Venus’ persistence.

120 Mozley (1934). 121 Hershkowitz (1998) 99-100. 122 Dietrich (2004) 28

46 Venus eventually forces her into having feelings for Jason: illa sequi iubet (‘she orders her to follow’ Argonautica 7.300)123, but she remains torn and conflicted and frequently expresses her displeasure and her dilemma:

contra saevus amor, contra periturus Iason urget et auditae crescunt in pectore voces. heu quid agat? videt externo se prodere patrem dura viro, famam scelerum iamque ipsa suorum prospicit, et questu superos questuque fatigat Tartara;

Yet on the other hand cruel passion and Jason’s danger urge her on, and the words she has heard gain force in her heart. Alas, what should she do? She knows she is heartlessly betraying her father to a stranger, and now she foresees the fame of her own crimes, and wearies heaven above and Tartarus below with her complaints; (Argonautica 7.307-11)124

In this sense Medea is rather like Hypsipyle, who is also quite unlike Dido in being able to a) recognise and b) resist the forces of the gods.125

Pietas We have seen that in the case of Hypsipyle, pietas is a defining character trait. In book 5 of the Argonautica, Jupiter describes Medea as impia

(Argonautica 6.686), which, stricly speaking, she is: she betrays her father by helping the Argonauts against his wishes. But the matter of Medea’s

123 Davis (2014) 202. 124 Mozley (1934) 125 Davis (2014) 201.

47 pietas is more nuanced. Zissos argues that filial affection characterises Medea more than romantic passion for Jason does126, and he shows that in the same speech in which Jupiter described Medea as impia, the god also alludes to a future in which Medea returns to Colchis to help restore the reign of her family. 127

mox ubi Thessalicis referent hos flamina terris, tunc aderit victorque domos et sceptra tenebit, donec et Aeeten inopis post longa senectae exilia (heu magnis quantum luet impia fatis) nata iuvet Graiusque nepos in regna reponat.

Soon when the breezes bring these heroes back to Thessalian lands, he will return and in triumph hold the sceptre and the kingdom, until his daughter (ah, what atonement will she pay to the mighty fates for her impiety!) will bring Aeetes aid, when in long exile he has spent a helpless old age, and a Greek grandson will place him on his throne again.

(Argonautica 5.683-7)128

However, I do not think that filial piety and passion are necessarily mutually exclusive and I believe that the crux of Medea’s complicated (im)piety lies in the fact that her father Aeetes is not presented as a good person or a good king in the first place: Aeetes is a tyrant, and his fraternal strife with Perses is an important theme throughout the Colchis narrative. As several scholars

126 Zissos (2012) 104. 127 Zissos (2012) 97-8 128 Mozley (1934). Zissos also references Zissos also references a largely lost play featuring Medea by Pacuvius, in which she is ‘refashioned as an angel of deliverance for her father’. But it is impossible to know in which direction Medea’s story would have gone if Valerius Flaccus had been able to finish the work. I think it is too much of a stretch to construct our entire reading of Medea’s character on the prolepsis of Arg. 5.683-87 and the subsequent possibility of the influence of a largely lost play.

48 have argued, Aeetes recalls Nero.129 In the Flavian context, it seems that Valerius Flaccus problematizes the very concept of pietas: must piety be maintained at all costs? Should Medea be loyal to her father even though he is a tyrant who fits better in the Julio-Claudian period than in the Flavian era? I believe that the implication is that Medea’s impietas here is not black or white, but nuanced and perhaps even justified. Furthermore, the entire concept of pietas is questioned by two contrasting quotes, one from Hypsipyle and one from Medea, in which they talk about Jason and their fathers. Hypsipyle says about Jason that he is carius o mihi patre (‘dearer to me than my own father’, Argonautica 2.404), whereas Medea says about Jason: non carior ille est (‘he is not dearer [than my father]’, Argonautica 8.13).130 Medea clearly continues to struggle between loyalty to her family and her affection for Jason. If Hypsipyle, an example of filial piety, professes Jason to be worth more to her than her father, what does that make Medea?

An elegiac threat? Similar to Dido, who poses a threat to Aeneas’ ability to finish his mission,

Medea is also initially represented as a possible threat to Jason’s status as hero: Stover argues that the evocation of Ovid’s myth of Salmacis, the nymph who raped Hermaphroditus, during the first meeting presents Medea as a sexually transgressive woman who will potentially threaten Jason’s masculinity.131 In the Apollonian model, Jason is often seen as unheroic, but Valerius Flaccus attempts to recuperate Jason’s status as an epic hero.132 Hershkowitz argues that Jason becomes epic again because Valerius Flaccus looks at Apollonius through Virgil133, but Jason is no Aeneas. As Stover

129 Taylor (1994) 228-31; Heerink (2014) 91-92; Cowan (2014). 130 Zissos (2012) 131 Stover (2003) 128-132. See also Heerink (2015: 137ff.) 132 Castelletti (2016) 173-191. 133 Hershkowitz (1998) 101-128.

49 argues, Valerius Flaccus’ Jason is a heroic warrior (fighting in Cyzicus and Colchis), but in a way that ‘creates a poetic space in which amor and arma are not seen as incommensurable, but rather as mutually reinforcing categories’134, because Jason’s aresteia at Colchis helps Medea fall in love with Jason, and, in order to make Medea fall for Jason quicker, Juno expands Jason’s powers on the battlefield.135 Besides this, Medea is the crucial element to both the plot and the Argonauts moving forward. Medea’s knowledge and her magic powers ensure that Jason is able to complete his mission, and Juno ‘recruits’ Medea for this purpose because she recognises her powers:

ergo opibus magicis et virginitate tremendam Iuno duci sociam coniungere quaerit Achivo; non aliam tauris videt et nascentibus armis quippe parem nec quae medio stet in agmine flammae, nullum mente nefas, nullos horrescere visus; quid si caecus amor saevusque accesserit ignis?

Therefore Juno wished to join her, awe-inspiring with magic power and maidenhood, with the Achaean leader; for she sees no other match for the bulls and for the up-springing warriors and for the flame that stands in her way, fearing nothing, shrinking from no horrible sight; what if blind passion adds merciless flame to that? (Argonautica 6.449-454)136

134 Stover (2003) 143. 135 Stover (2003) 129, 144. 136 Mozley (1934)

50 Whereas Dido holds Aeneas back from his destiny of founding Rome, Medea is crucial to Jason reaching his destiny. Jason is no simple Aeneas who is threatened by elegy, but it is a part of his heroic character. Medea seems to consolidate Jason’s status as a hero. Because of her, Juno boosts Jason’s prowess on the battlefield, and because of Medea, Jason is also able to fulfil his epic task.

Genre Valerius Flaccus’ handling of genre conventions is another angle from which we could interpret his usage of Virgil’s Dido. The Virgilian intertext is broken with because the overall theme of the Argonautica and the approach to genre are very different from the Aeneid. This is reflected in the way that the text – in Hypsipyle’s case as well as in Medea’s – interacts with the Dido episode in the Aeneid. Valerius Flaccus does not shy away from elegiac themes. Neither does Virgil, but as I have previously argued, the Aeneid seems to suggest that amor is a tragic and destructive force, whereas in the

Argonautica, Jason is propelled forward by it. At the end of the Lemnos episode, Hercules reminds Jason of their quest, so at least he considers the presence of amor to be a danger to their epic mission.137 Jason, however, is described as a war horse that is happy to have had some respite from his work, the rest enabling him to resume his task with new energy (Argonautica 2.386-389). Amor is a positive force for the Lemnian women too: because of their affairs with the Argonauts, they are able to repopulate their island. And, as described in the previous section, Medea’s love for Jason enables him to shine as an epic hero. Thus, elegy and elegiac themes are no threats to Valerius Flaccus’ epic

137 Feeney (1991) 323.

51 and Jason’s epic mission, but rather epic and elegy reinforce each other.138 Love also gets a darker function, as we have seen in both the Lemnos and the Colchis episode: in the former, Venus does not inspire romantic passion, but instead drives the Lemnian women to a murderous fury. And in the latter, together with Juno, she is insistent on forcing Medea to fall in love with Jason. Fucecchi describes Venus as ‘a true synthesis of amor and arma’.139

Conclusion By comparing the three different heroines, we can see that both Hypsipyle and Medea are at first presented as Dido-esque characters, who are then eventually shown to be in a way almost anti-Didos. That does not mean, however, that Hypsipyle and Medea are similar characters. Rather, they are anti-Didos in completely opposite ways. Hypsipyle is presented as a rational woman and a pious daughter; she recognises and is able to withstand the furor Venus inspires in the women of the island and manages to help her father escape from the massacre. She is similar to Dido in the sense that she is also responsible queen with a flourishing community who begins a relationship with a traveling hero. But whereas Dido gives into furor, Hypsipyle remains rational. Medea represents the more emotional side that we see in Dido, having neither the experience nor the position of Dido. She succumbs to a furor inspired by the gods as Dido does, but it takes both Venus and Juno and a lot of effort to accomplish this, because Medea recognises their influence and fights it every step of the way. Medea is presented as someone who will potentially obstruct the hero, but turns out to be crucial for Jason’s fulfilment of his mission. Like Hypsipyle, she is characterised by pietas or lack thereof.

138 Fucecchi (2014) 120. 139 Fucecchi (2014) 120.

52 Chapter Four: Lemnos, Hypsipyle and

Roman politics

Introduction In this section, I will be examining and discussing the political implications of the Lemnos episode. To understand Dido, understanding the contemporary politics of the Aeneid and of her connection to Cleopatra, is crucial. This led me to wonder whether the same can be said for Hypsipyle and the Lemnos episode. Can the episode be better understood when examining its Flavian contemporary context? Does the characterisation of Hypsipyle have political implications like Dido does? Firstly, I will discuss the contemporary politics of the early Flavian period and the way the Argonautica fits into this. Then, I will look at the Lemnos episode with this political approach.

The Flavian political climate After Nero’s suicide in 68 CE, Rome was briefly engulfed in a civil war, as several opposing factions sought to replace the now extinct Julio-Claudian dynasty. Military general Titus Flavius Vespasianus came up victorious. As the first emperor of humble origins140, it was vital for Vespasian to legitimize his power in order to establish the new dynasty. One of the ways in which he did this was to openly pursue and display both continuity and discontinuity with the former Julio-Claudian dynasty.141 He presented himself as another Augustus, restoring the state after civil war by bringing peace and civility and, like Augustus, he restored morality by introducing several laws against licentiousness and luxury.142 And, much like Augustus, he presented himself

140 Mellor (2003) 70-1. 141 Tuck (2016) 109. 142 Ketih (2018) 302-3, Nicols (2016) 68, Stover (2012) 167.

53 as someone who was chosen to hold power, rather than someone who had actively sought for it.143 Vespasian also cultivated continuity with Tiberius and Claudius, the two other ‘good’ Julio-Claudians, by reinstating several of their laws.144 Meanwhile, he exhibited populist behaviour and built the Colosseum at the location of Nero’s private retreat in the city.145 This distance between himself and his predecessor combined with his honouring several of the other Julio-Claudian emperors presented him as a legitimate heir to the office while also broadcasting the sort of moral politics he wished to pursue during his reign.146

Dedication of the Argonautica At the start of the epic, Valerius dedicates his work to Vespasian and his two sons, and it is implied that the Flavians should be likened to the Argonauts who are on their mission to open up the seas.

tuque o, pelagi cui maior aperti fama, Caledonius postquam tua carbasa vexit

oceanus Phrygios prius indignatus Iulos, eripe me populis et habenti nubila terrae, sancte pater, veterumque fave veneranda canenti facta virum.

And you too, who won even greater glory for opening up the sea, after the Caledonian ocean had born your sails, the ocean that of before

would not accept the Phrygian Iuli -- holy sire, raise me above the

143 Tuck (2019) 124. 144 Nicols (2016) 68. 145 Boyle (2003) 4; Lindsay (2010) 169. 146 Tuck (2016) 110.

54 nations and the cloud-wrapped earth, and favour me as I sing the wondrous deeds of old time heroes. (Arg. 1.7-12)

The Argonautic enterprise could be read as symbolizing the start of the Flavian dynasty. Vespasian was known for his conquests far and wide, and especially his role in conquering Britain under Claudius.147 Aside from opening up the seas in order to conquer new lands (as Vespasian clearly achieved), the Argonauts are also meant to end the Golden Age, which is filled with tyrants (Pelias and Aeetes). The arrival of Vespasian followed the death of the tyrant Nero, allusions to whom, as I showed in the previous chapter, can be found in the character of Aeetes. The Argo leads the way to a new era in much the same way that the Flavians do.148

Lemnos and Rome The first stopover of the Argonauts is the island of Lemnos. Could Lemnos, the massacre that took place there and the intertextual relationship between

Hypsipyle and Virgil’s Dido relate to the political implications of the epic? And if so, how are we to read the episode? According to Clauss, the Lemnos episode in its entirety is emblematic of Valerius Flaccus’ attempts to circumvent Julio-Claudian origin myths and place the rise of the Flavians in a pre-Trojan mythological context, which is achieved by alluding to both Rome and Troy in the episode.149 The theme of civil war and political reform is very much present in the

Lemnos episode. There are no external enemies: the conflict is between the women and their husbands, sons and brothers. Patriae … ruentis (‘of the

147 Clauss (2014) 104. 148 Mitousi (2014) 155. 149 Clauss (2014) 110-111.

55 falling fatherland’ Argonautica 2.243) evokes civil conflicts in Rome.150 Additionally, Valerius Flaccus laments having to speak of the horrors committed at Lemnos:

(unde ego tot scelerum facies, tot fata iacentum exequar? heu vatem monstris quibus intulit ordo! quae se aperit series! o qui me vera canentem sistat et hac nostras exsolvat imagine noctes!)

(How should I record all those scenes of wickedness, all the deaths of the fallen? Alas, what ghastly deeds has his story brought the poet! Ah, the long tale of horror that opens before me! Oh that someone would check my too faithful tongue, and rid me of this vision in the night hours!) Argonautica 2.216-219151

Landry argues that this emotional apostrophe connects the events at

Lemnos with recent and personal trauma, experienced by the narrator and the contemporary reader alike.152 Additionally, in this apostrophe, there is a clear allusion to Lucan’s Bellum Civile, whose narrator frequently expresses the wish that someone would stop him from speaking on brutal subjects.153 This further shapes our reading of the episode as reflecting the recent civil war following the death of Nero. In the first chapter, I have already described how, after the massacre, the Lemnian women formed a government that is explicitly described in Roman terms (Argonautica 2.306-313): the women form a senate (manus

150 Hershkowitz (1998) 137. 151 Mozley (1934) 152 Landry (2018) 231. 153 Bernstein (2014) 161, Poortvliet (1991) 137.

56 horrida matrum congruerat ‘an unkempt throng of women had gathered’ Argonautica 2.306-7), create new laws (iura novant, ‘they make new laws’ Argonautica 2.308) and choose Hypsipyle as their new leader, consolidating her position by providing her with solio sceptrisque (‘the throne and the sceptre’ Argonautica 2.309). Much like Vespasian, Hypsipyle here is presented not as someone seeking power, but rather being chosen by others. In addition to this, when the women notice the approach of the Argo, Hypispyle calls for a concilium in order to collectively make a decision about the approaching strangers (Argonautica 2.313). The events following the massacre ensure ‘constitutionality and genuine political process’154, in the same way that the ascension of Vespasian brought stability to the empire.

Pia Hypsipyle and Pius Aeneas Hypsipyle is explicitly described as pia several times. Firstly in line 249, when she is described as illa pias armata manus ‘she with her pious hands armed’ (Argonautica 2.249): like the other Lemnian women, Hypsipyle is carrying a weapon during the massacre, but her hands are pious. Her piety is so strong that even though she is armed, she does not give in to Venus’ furor and is able to refrain from killing her own father. The second time that Hypsipyle is said to be pia is when the Lemnian women collectively decide to crown her their queen – in the eyes of the Lemnian women because she has killed her father, while to the reader she is pia because she has not committed patricide.155 Even beginning an affair with Jason is an act of piety, because by becoming pregnant, she is ensuring the future of her island.

When reading descriptions of pious Hypsipyle, it is impossible not to think of another of Virgil’s characters: Aeneas. Pius or pietas are essentially the ultimate trigger words for intertextual relationships with the Aeneid’s

154 Zissos (2009) 361 n.39. 155 Spaltenstein (2002) 391-2.

57 hero. The very act of saving her father Thoas from the massacre recalls Aeneas’ rescue of Anchises from the burning Troy.156 She is not only described as doing with pias manus (see above); she also excipit artus (‘supports his [Thoas’] limbs’) as she helps him to safety. This recalls Aeneid 2.707-8: ergo age, care pater, cervici imponere nostrae; | ipse subibo umeris nec me labor iste gravabit (‘so come, dear father, clasp my neck, I will carry you on my shoulders and this work won’t wear me down’).157 Aeneas’ rescue of Anchises is also alluded to at the end of the Lemnos episode, when Hypsipyle gives Jason a cloak which depicts Thoas’ escape from the island.158 Another gift Hypsipyle gives Jason is her father’s sword. Here, the dominant Dido-intertext is inverted. In the Aeneid, it is the hero who gives a sword to the heroine. By alluding to Aeneas instead of Dido in Hypsipyle’s characterisation, the heroine’s romanitas159 is stressed, and it strengthens our reading of Lemnos as Roman. But the rescue of Thoas incorporates other allusions to Rome as well: a real-life event that contemporary readers of the Argonautica must surely have been familiar with.160 During the civil war that followed

Nero’s death, Domitian’s life was endangered by Vitellius’ forces present in Rome.161 According to Tacitus’ account, Domitian hid in a temple, from which he was able to escape by disguising himself (Tac. Historiae 3.74).162 But Suetonius adds a religious element to the story of Domitian’s rescue163:

156 Clauss (2014) 110, Hershkowitz (1998) 138. 157 Hershkowitz (1998) 138. 158 Hershkowitz (1998) 143. 159 Though Aeneas himself is strictly speaking not a Roman, he nevertheless became a symbol of romanitas. 160 According to Harper Smith (1987, 124) this was not something that Domitian hid from public knowledge. Instead, his escape was publicised. 161 Clauss (2014) 110, Harper Smith (1987) 124, Landry (2018) 241. 162 Harper Smith (1987) 124. 163 Harper Smith (1987) 124.

58 Bello Vitelliano confugit in Capitolium cum patruo Sabino ac parte praesentium copiarum, sed irrumpentibus adversariis et ardente templo apud aedituum clam pernoctavit, ac mane Isiaci celatus habitu interque sacrificulos variae superstitionis cum se trans Tiberim ad condiscipuli sui matrem comite uno contulisset

In the war with Vitellius he took refuge in the Capitol with his paternal uncle Sabinus and a part of the forces under him. When the enemy forced an entrance and the temple was fired, he hid during the night with the guardian of the shrine, and in the morning, disguised in the garb of a follower of Isis and mingling with the priests of that fickle superstition, he went across the Tiber with a single companion to the mother of one of his school-fellows. (Suet. Lives of the Caesars 8.3.2-3)164

Thoas, like Domitian, evades danger with the help of a family member (Hypsipyle and Sabinus respectively). He hides in a temple (Bacchus’ temple versus Isis’ temple) until it is safe enough to resume the escape mission. This both Thoas and Domitian achieve by disguising themselves in religious garbs. In order to reach safety, they both cross a body of water (in Thoas’ case the sea, in Domitian’s case the river Tiber). If Hypsipyle rescuing Thoas evokes the rescue of Domitian, then Lemnos and the massacre taking place there could be conflated with the events that took place in December of 69165. According to Landry, Hypsipyle should then be read as an exemplum virtutis in that she shows how the elite can act commendably even under circumstances as destructive as civil war.166

164 Rolfe (1914). 165 Landry (2018) 242. 166 Landry (2018) 243, Fucecchi (2014) 120.

59 It is no surprise, then, that Valerius addresses Hypsipyle directly for her bravery. Sed tibi nunc quae digna tuis ingentibus ausis orsa feram, decus et patriae laus una ruentis, Hypsipyle? non ulla meo te carmine dictam abstulerint, durent Latiis modo saecula fastis Iliacique lares tantique palatia regni.

But now what words can I speak that are worthy of your high courage, Hypsipyle, you the glory, the single honour of your falling country? Your story told in my song shall never be forgotten, so long as the Latian annals still mark the centuries, and the homes from Troy and the palace of our mighty empire still stand. (Argonautica 2.242-6)

In this apostrophe, Valerius Flaccus promises that ‘Hypsipyle as a literary figure will never die’.167 Though she is not directly hailed for her romanitas, it is clear that her type of courage appeals to Roman readers, and is worthy of eternalisation. Dido’s legacy in Roman history, on the other hand, was considerably more negative:

tum vos, o Tyrii, stirpem et genus omne futurum exercete odiis, cinerique haec mittite nostro munera. nullus amor populis nec foedera sunto.

exoriare aliquis nostris ex ossibus ultor 625 qui face Dardanios ferroque sequare colonos, nunc, olim, quocumque dabunt se tempore vires.

167 Poortvliet (2002) 150.

60 litora litoribus contraria, fluctibus undas imprecor, arma armis: pugnent ipsique nepotesque.'

Then, O Tyrians, pursue my hatred against his whole line and the race to come, and offer it as a tribute to my ashes. Let there be no love or treaties between our peoples. Rise, some unknown avenger, from my dust, who will pursue the Trojan colonists with fire and sword, now, or in time to come, whenever the strength is granted him. I pray that shore be opposed to shore, water to wave, weapon to weapon: let them fight, them and their descendants. (Aen. 4.622-9)

Dido is here shown to be responsible for the Punic wars, someone who symbolizes war and destruction in Roman history. As Dido obstructed Aeneas from reaching his destiny, she continues to obstruct the Romans throughout history.168

Conclusion We have seen that in many instances, the massacre and the subsequent events taking place on the island allude to Rome and the ascension of the Flavians. The massacre is a layered evocation of civil war within which pia Hypsipyle is presented as an exemplum virtutis because she saves her father. Her rescue of Thoas evokes the rescue of Domitian from Vitellius’ troops in

December 69. Additionally, the allusions to Aeneas in Hypsipyle’s characterisation, especially during the massacre, help to further consolidate her reading as a Roman heroine.

168 Syed (2005) 189.

61 Conclusion

In the first chapter I researched the statuses of both Hypsipyle and Dido. The similarities between them are obvious: both are sole female rulers of eastern territories, who have come to power more or less out of necessity. They are both successful and their realms are rich, flourishing and described in distinctly Roman political terms. Thus far the similarities. As I have argued, the differences between Hypsipyle and Dido are prominent, and they are even more pronounced thanks to the similarities in character and plot. The arrival of the Trojans means the beginning of doom for Dido: she sacrifices her reign and her neglects her people as she becomes increasingly involved with Aeneas. In her final acts before she commits suicide, she curses Aeneas’ descendants to eternal strife with her own people. Hypsipyle, on the other hand, is not shown to let her affair with Jason influence her role as a queen and leader. The relationship with Jason is in fact beneficial for her people, as they are in dire need of a new generation of Lemnians after killing all the men on their island.

Besides this, in the characterisation of Dido there are many allusions to Cleopatra. Dido, as an Eastern woman, as a Cleopatra, becomes a threat to Aeneas’ divine mission, just as Cleopatra was thought to be to Mark Antony. Hypsipyle, though Eastern herself, is not described as such. Combined with the Roman-coded political system Lemnos adopts, her characterising rationality and piety, and the evocation of Aeneas’ rescue of Anchises from Troy in Hypsipyle’s rescue of Thoas from the massacre, Hypsipyle in fact becomes a Roman heroine rather than a foreign antagonist.

Chapter two examined the relationship between Jason and Hypsipyle and how this was influenced by the affair between Dido and Aeneas. The development of both follows along roughly the same lines and it clear that Dido and

62 Aeneas are an important intertext for Hypsipyle and Jason. But again, the intertextual expectation is subverted and the ending of their affair is radically different from that of Dido and Aeneas: whereas Dido commits suicide with Aeneas’ sword out of desperation, Hypsipyle, ever rational, is resigned when Jason leaves and asks him to visit her once he has achieved his mission. Furthermore, the gods play a pivotal role in the relationship between Aeneas and Dido. Both Venus and Juno, for different and contrasting reasons, work to make Dido fall for Aeneas. Dido becomes the plaything of the gods and is tricked into thinking she and Aeneas are married. It is not Aeneas himself who decides to leave Carthage and Dido, but he is forced to do so at the behest of Jupiter. Hypsipyle has already shown during the massacre that she is able to withstand divine furor. The gods are of very little influence on her affair with Jason, interfering in two instances only: firstly, Venus makes sure that the Argonauts remain unaware of the horrors committed on the island, and secondly, Jupiter sanctions the affairs between the Lemnians and the Argonauts by creating a storm that compels the Argonauts to stay on Lemnos. It is Hercules who, out of frustration and boredom, inspires Jason to take up his journey again. I also looked at both relationship while considering Roman views on gender and sexual morality. Again, Hypsipyle can be read as a Roman woman whereas Dido is clearly construed as un-Roman. Hypsipyle and Jason are mutually agreed on their relationship status as a married couple, whereas Dido considers herself married while Aeneas thinks the opposite. In terms of power, Hypsipyle’s position as a female leader of a Roman-coded island is justified because the Lemnians themselves see it as a temporary measure. They lament the departure of the Argonauts because they will once again be without men and their sons are not yet old enough to take over their temporary positions.

63 In the third chapter, I examined the different effects that this nuanced usage of the intertext has. Firstly, I examined the other female main character in the epic: Medea. Could Medea’s role in the epic help us interpret that of Hypsipyle and the Lemnos episode in general? Is Medea the Dido to Hypsipyle’s anti-Dido? Examination of the Colchis episode provided me with an interesting, nuanced intertextual relationship between Hypsipyle, Dido and Medea in which both Hypsipyle and Medea can be read as modelled on Dido, though in different ways. Hypsipyle and Dido share many similarities in their position and their affair, but Hypsipyle is presented as considerably more rational and Roman. Medea and Dido share similarities too, in the sense that both are emotional and function as the playthings of the gods. Besides this, examination of the episode revealed that Valerius Flaccus may be asking us fundamental questions about very fundamental Roman concepts: Medea betrays her father and is considered impia. But there are also clear indications that the tyrant King Aeetes in the Argonautica is modelled on Nero. The question that Valerius Flaccus seems to ask is: should we be pious at all cost? Does defying your parent make you impia, even when said parent is a tyrant? Another possible reading would be on the level of genre: by departing from the Dido intertext, the Argonautica becomes an example of how to properly combine arma and amor in one. Hypsipyle and Jason have a healthy relationship and whereas Medea and Jason’s affair is not particularly healthy, Medea is still a crucial factor for Jason’s ability to reach his destiny. Amor becomes a positive force in both episodes, contrasting its role in the Aeneid. In the fourth and final chapter I also examined the contemporary political climate during which the Argonautica was written. The Aeneid and especially the character of Dido are so anchored in contemporary politics that parallel examination could prove fruitful. This has proven that the Lemnos episode as a whole has several clear allusions to contemporary Roman politics

64 of the early Flavian period: not only does the government of Lemnos reflect the regime change and political stability the Flavians aimed for after the civil war that followed Nero’s death, Hypsipyle’s rescue of her father Thoas also recalls Domitian’s escape from the Capitol. Due to the limited scope of this research, I have limited myself to studying Virgil and Valerius Flaccus and, to much lesser extent, Apollonius Rhodius. Obviously, there are multitudes of other intertexts that play a role in the construction of meaning of the Argonautica and it would be worthwhile to examine the effects of intertextual relationship between Valerius Flaccus and, say, Ovid’s Heroides. Additionally, I have shown that Hypsipyle can be read as a positive character, and that the Lemnos episode suggests positive change and increasing stability after civil war. It could be rewarding to further examine the ways in which this interpretation of the Lemnos episode reflects on the overall interpretation of the epic. To conclude, Valerius Flaccus has not simply copied Virgil’s heroine, but he has crafted a Roman one by cleverly using and inverting intertextual allusions to Dido.

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