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ABSTRACT
Bangkok’s expansion and population increase are both causes and consequences of rapid economic transformation and growth. In this light, the study examines the synergic conditions that are operating in the
Bangkok region, that define the relationship between economic growth and spatial expansion. What is emerging is a chaotic tapestry of an urban and rural landscape which reflects a bonanza form of development and has accelerated in the last ten years.
Moreover, there is evidence supporting an urban form that is emerging at Bangkok’s edge, extending up to 100 kilometres from the central city, which is neither city nor countryside. It is a settlement system characterised by an intense land use mix, where agriculture, industry, housing, and recreation all inflect upon each other. Within this region there has been a shift of labour from farm to off-farm sectors within the strictly defined rural areas.
The dissertation argues for a new set of definitions to account for an extended urban settlement pattern which is sensitive to the prevailing heterogeneous space economy. The term Region Based Urbanization (RBU) is introduced to describe the phenomena in a region with 14 million people, now known as the Extended Bangkok
Metropolitan Region (EBMR).
Aside from affirming RBU as the predominant settlement form in the EBMR, there are three notable conclusions to this study:
(i) Since the mid-nineteenth century diverse and disparate forms of dominant capital have contributed to outer city development.
(ii) As the region diversifies, and further affirms its economic primacy within Thailand there is indication of increasing disparities and uneven development among socio-economic classes. iii
(iii) There is empirical support to challenge traditional rural-urban transition models. Outer areas of the EBMR, which are defined as ‘rural’, are not only ‘holding’population, but are the destination of a large migration from peripheral regions of the Kingdom. iv
TABLE OF CONTENTS
Abstract
Table of Contents iv
List of Tables vii
List of Figures ix
List of Plates X
Acknowledgments xii
PART I - NEW URBAN FORMS
Chapter one - INTRODUCTION 1 1.1 Goals and Objectives 3 1.2 France: Late Nineteenth Century Outer City Development 5 1.3 The New Regional Geography 12 1.4 The Extended Bangkok Metropolitan Region 15 1.5 Outline of dissertation 23
Chapter two - REVIEW OF URBAN THEORY: FOCUS ON MEGA-URBANIZATION 25 2.1 Rural-Urban Shift and Urban Transition Model 28 2.2 Settlement Dichotomy 35 2.3 A Region Based Urbanization 40
PART U- THE EBMR: HISTORY AND PRESENT CONDITIONS
Chapter three - PRECONDITIONS OF REGION BASED URBANIZATION IN THE EBMR: THE PHYSICAL GEOGRAPHY, HISTORY, AND POLITICAL ECONOMY OF THE CENTRAL PLAIN 45 3.1 Physical Geography 46 3.2 Ayutthayan Period 52 3.3 The 1855 Bowring Treaty and the Integration of the Central Plain into the World Economy 54 3.4 Pre World War II Political Economy 64 3.5 Post War Capitalism: Soi Ratchu Khru to the 1980s Boom 70 3.6 The Fringe to the Fore 74
Chapter four - DIMENSIONS OF CHANGE: THE AMPLITUDE OF TRANSITION IN THE EBMR 79 4.1 Economic Transition 81 4.2 Population Change 102 4.3 Space-Time Compression 109
PART HI - REVOLUTION IN TIlE OUTER FRINGE LANDSCAPE: 1986-1991
Chapter five - LAND USE AND LAND PRICES 119 5.1 Land Prices 120 V
5.2 Land Use Metamorphose 130
Chapter six - THE NEW LANDSCAPE I: INDUSTRY AND AGRICULTURE 141 6.1 Industry 141 6.1.1 Land Use 141 6.1.2 Multi-National Corporations 149 6.1.3 Industrial Estates 157 6.2 Agriculture 169 6.2.1 Agribusiness 172 6.2.2 Aquaculture 174 6.2.3 Turf Farming 176 6.2.4 Persistence of Rice 177 6.2.5 Summary 181
Chapter seven - THE NEW LANDSCAPE II: HOUSING AND RECREATION 183 7.1 Spatial Extent of Outer City Housing 186 7.2 Outer City Housing Typology 189 7.2.1 Shophouses 190 7.2.2 Rowhouses 191 7.2.3 Condominiums 192 7.2.4 Dormitories 194 7.2.5 Slums 196 7.2.6 Housing Estates 198 7.2.7 The Persistence of the Traditional Village 201 7.2.8 Summary 204 7.3 Recreation Landscape 205 7.3.1 Golf in the EBMR 205 7.3.2 Evolution of Golf in Thailand: The Emergence of an Outer City Activity 206 7.3.3 Golf: A Non-Productive Sector 211 7.4 Hobby Farms 215 7.5 Summary 220
Chapter eight - OUTER CITY ILLUSTRATIONS 221 8.1 The Northern Corridor 221 8.2 Minburi-Bang Chan 230
PAJ{T IV - CONCLUSIONS
Chapter nine - CAPITALISM AND RESTRUCTURING 247 9.1 The Spatial Process of Capitalism in the EBMR 249 9.2 Forms of EBMR Capital 251 9.3 Capitalism and Labour 255 9.4 Capitalism and Underdevelopment 256
Chapter ten - NEW MODELS: THEORETICAL REFINEMENT OF SETTLEMENT AND URBAN GEOGRAPHIES 258 10.1 Verification of a New Settlement System 258 10.2 Convergence and Standardization Within the Urban Region 260 10.3 Ideology and Extended Urban Development 263 10.4 The Urban Region: An Awakening for Urban and Settlement Geographies 266 10.5 Seven Questions for Consideration 269 10.6 Conclusion 280
Bibliography 282 vi
Appendices Appendix I Research Plan and Methods 295 Appendix II Field Work Diary 302 Appendix III Notes on Thailand Census Data 306 Appendix IV Foreign Direct Investment 308 Appendix V Land Values 309 Appendix VI List of Acronyms 317 vii
LIST OF TABLES
Number
1.1 The EBMR: Selected Demographic and Economic Data 22
4.1 GDP Growth rate 79
4.2 Per Cent Distribution by Sector of GPP 82
4.3 Per Capita GPP in Selected Changwats (1981, 1985, 1989) 84
4.4 Pathum Thani: Economically Active Population 85
4.5 Samut Pralcarn: Economically Active Population 86
4.6 Pathum Thani: Agriculture Population 89
4.7 Samut Prakarn: Agriculture Population 89
4.8 Number of Rais Planted by Year, in Selected Changwats 93
4.9 Urban land Use, BMA Outer Areas (in Rai) 94
4.10 Increase in Urban land Use, Over 10 and 4 Years 94
4.11 Location (EBMR) of Selected BOl Approved Projects 99
4.12 Change in Distribution of Manufacturing Establishments 101
4.13 Five Year Regional Net Migration (1975-2000) 104
4.14 Migration of Population into Selected EBMR Changwats 105
4.15 Urbanization of Selected EBMR Changwats 108
4.16 Average BMR Population Densities 108
5.1 Price Trends for Serviced and Unserviced Plots 127
5.2 Agricultural Land Use in the BMR for Selected Years 134
6.1 Distribution of GDP 142
6.2 Number of Factories in 8 EBMR Changwats 143
6.3 Factory Size in BMR, by Total Employees 145
6.4 Projection of Total Employment by Region 145
6.5 Estimate of Industrial Land Use in BMR (TDRI) 147 viii
6.6 Estimate of Industrial Land Use in BMR (DLD) 148
6.7 Industrial GDP 148
6.8 Industrial Estates in Thailand 164
6.9 Minburi District Agriculture: Decision Making 170
6.10 Agriculture Land Use in Pathum Thani 172
6.11 Harvested Rice in Selected EBMR Changwats 178
7.1 Housing Stock in BMR (1974, 1984, 1988) 184
7.2 New Accommodations Registered in 2 Outer City Changwats 186
7.3 Subdivision Permit Requests 187
7.4 Outer City Golf Courses 209
7.5 Golf Course Boosters 215
8.1 Population: Klong Luang and Pathum Thani 224
8.2 Estimate of Northern Corridor Population 224
8.3 Northern Corridor: 1987 Land Use 224
8.4 Number of Factories and Labour Force by Type of Factory 226
8.5 Population of Minburi and its Subdistricts 235
8.6 Minburi’s Population: 1984-1991 235
8.7 Farmland in Minburi Under Paddy 236 ix
LIST OF FIGURES
Figure
1.1 Southeast Asia 16
1.2 Ring of Access 17
1.3 Thailand and the EBMR 18
1.4 Extended Bangkok Metropolitan Region 19
1.5 Bangkok Metropolitan Region 20
2.1 Settlement Hierarchy in Thailand 38
3.1 Central Region 47
3.2 Canal Excavation 50
3.3 Ayutthayan Canal Excavation 57
3.4 Canals of the Central Plain 59
3.5 Historical Growth of Bangkok 75
3.6 Historical Forces Operating to Extend Bangkok’s Space Economy 78
4.1 Contours of Change Within the Space Economy of the EBMR: Tripartition of Change 80
4.2 Ampoes of Pathum Thani 91
4.3 Ampoes of Samut Prakarn 92
4.4 Eastern Districts of BMA 95
4.5 Foreign Direct Investment 97
4.6 Percentage of Total BOl Approved Projects in EBMR 100
4.7 Bangkok Mini-Megalopolis 106
4.8 Spiralling Transactive Linkages 111
4.9 Trip Demand Increase 115
4.10 Traffic volume: Asian Highway 116
4.11 Increasing Demand For Road Space 117
5. la Average Land Prices (Agricultural - Road Side) 123
5. lb Average Land Prices (Agricultural - Off Road) 124 x
5. ic Average Land Prices (Non-Agricultural - Road Side) 125
5. ld Average Land Prices (Non-Agricultural - Off Road) 126
5.2 Land Conversion, 1974-1984 133
5.3 Factors Operating in Outer City 140
6.1 Industrial Estates of the EBMR 161
6.2 Bang Plee and Gateway City Industrial Estates 167
7.1 General Patterns of Outer City Housing Developments 188
7.2 Upscale Outer City Housing Estates 202
7.3 Outer City Golf Courses 210
7.4 Hobby Farm: Nong Sua, Pathum Thani 218
7.5 General Patterns of Outer City Hobby Farms 219
8.1 The Northern Corridor 223
8.2 Selected Land Use Activities Along the Northern Corridor 231
8.3 Minburi 232
8.4 Khwaengs of Minburi 241
8.5 Selected Land Use Activities in Minburi 242
8.6 Bang Chan, 1957 244
8.7 Bang Chan, 1992 245
5. la(appendix) Land Prices (Agricultural - Road Side) 303
5. lb(appendix) Land Prices (Agricultural - Off Road) 305
5. lc(appendix) Land Prices (Non-Agricultural - Road Side) 307
5. ld(appendix) Land Prices (Non-Agricultural - Off Road) 309 xi
LIST OF PLATES
Plate
1.1 Persounage assis tude pour Une Baignade Asnires 8
1.2 Le Convoi du Chemin de fer 9
1.3 Une Baignade Asnires 10
6.1 Flexible Production Along the Northern Corridor 146
6.2 Hi-Tech Industrial Estate 160
7.1 Villa California 200
7.2 Muang Thong Bangna; Fortune City 203 Dr. invaluable. For I their International 42 The Southeast the region, particularly were Guidance I dissertation as great respect strategy realize. wish wish a kilometres research Terry initiating Human friend time the beginning. to to his MT. meetings’, core express thank Asian in to McGee. and knowledge I at Sue Settlements phases the read am Development for my band north the a a Studies. field Melnychuk, also me Scott my ‘master number interest and end His of in but of was gratitude indebted were edit Thailand. investigators of and Macleod, Bangkok, advice provided Division a of this in of this provided special Research expertise. methods’. this my through project and to dissertation. to friends. topic, Professors my my along invaluable three at guidance metaphor for the by Centre, ubiquitous conmiittee, when Andrew her Ellen and funding the the Wiwat Asian Shaun companionship ACKNOWLEDGMENTS Rapid Northern allowing I Robinson, during encouragement for Gilfix’s Canada-ASEAN thought Marton, Institute Cathithammanit, agencies Shefrmn, comrade, the Professors Rural the project. this Corridor, friendship it Yap, field of may not Appraisal although who study and Technology was only Edgington, and never work and provided intellectual Centre, always to in and intellectual Khun Kammier faithfully be 2000 the and team. be humour possible, completed. heart present and writing-phase (AlT), Ruangwit, support kilometres Siemens, guidance the were organized of sustenance, were provided to the Northwest I for am particularly offer During and extended and a away, provided my grateful much of weekly Dearden, Cherukuri valuable visits excellent this more the provided Consortium needed Bangkok dissertation to supportive. this early to ‘dissertation so my advice. Thailand: who then project support Sasidhar. inspiration, stages supervisor, support kindly urban he for I were Situated with truly may of during They both xii gave this a 1
PART I
NEW URBAN FORMS IN ASIA
CHAPTER ONE:
INTRODUCTION
Februaly, 1985:
Afour day lay over in Bangkokseemedthe peifect pretwie to afive month research and field trip to Bangladesh. Although it was not myfirst visit to Thailand it was myfirst time in Bangkok, and predictably, within a few days I was yearning to escape the overcrowdedand polluted cityfor the countryside. Before leaving Winnipeg,a Thai classmatefrom the Universityof Manitoba had offered me hisfamily’s address in a village “verynear to Bangkok”; it was to be myticket out of the city. I received directionsfrom dozens of people, figured out the bus routes and schedules, and was set to embark on a journey to meet Songsan‘5 family. After three buses, and a ‘songtaew’(smallpickup with benches, regarded as a rural mode of conveyance)ride, on a muggyand sultry morning, I landed in a bustling market town and soon realized it was not myintended destination, and moreover, I was told, I was “at least” two districts off There was no shortage ofpeople to help me get back on track, and within 30 minutes I was in another songtaew headed for another town, where I would catch yet another songtaew to the village. One and half hours maximum,I was told, it would take to reach my location. I made an easy connection at the second town, but it was becoming late in the day, and 1 was concerned! would reach the village after sunset and not locate the family.
Sure enough dusk had set in when I eventuallyreached the village. After nearly afidl day of travel, I imagined I was muchfurther from Bangkokthen the 50 kilometers1had travelled. Perceptually, the tangible landscape was as far from Bangkokas travel allows. The village was a linear assemblage of traditional houses, on stilts, lining a meandering canal. There was a tranquil and nonaggressive attractiveness, in complete contrast to Bangkok’sbedlam. To the north and east, endlesspaddy fields reached the horizons, reminding me that the Central Plain of Thailand in February lookedstrikingly similar to the Canadian prairies in September. Chickensand ducks scurried about their business, oblivious of a mammothwater buffalo (that nearly stomped them to pulp), being dragged from thefields by an old leatherfaced man in a tightly wrapped sarong, nakedfrom the waist up exceptfor an intricate and overflowingtattoo on the chest and back. This was the countryside I left Bangkokfor this morning!
I approached a small shop near to where the songtaw left me and for a momentwatched a group of kids playing with spinning tops. I asked the shopkeeper the location of Songsan ‘5family’s home, and was told to have a seat while one of the children was sent to the house to announce myarrival. WithinminutesI was regretfully informed that thefamily was away on business to Khon Khaen. Over a Singha beer I ruminated over the long and exhausting day of travel, (withno payoff), and began to consider thejourney back to my hotel in Bangkok. Just thenfrom the same dusty road that mysongtaew arrived, appeared a shining silver ToyotaLXMinivan. Atfirst, I took little notice of it but thought it seemed out of place in the village; to me it was a vehicle that was more suited to shuttle tourists back and forth from airport to hotel.
The minivan stopped in front of the shop, and as thefour passengers climbed out, I watched curiously and intently. First to emerge was a woman, thirtyish, immaculatelydressed in whatappeared to be a fine Alfred Sung suit, and a pair of expensiveitalian pumps. Thesecondpassenger was a man, about the same age, dressed equally ‘downtown-style’in a tailored suit, crisp windsor knot on his silk tie, carrying a leather attache and a Central Department store bag. The third commuterwas younger, probably a teen, dressed in Guessbluejeans, a Miami Dolphins t-shirt (ugh), and Nikehigh tops. The last passenger tofile out was a 2 woman in a grey skirt with matchingjacket and the Thai Military Bank logo below the left lapel. She had in her arms a large rectangular Sanyo stereo box. The minivan then pulled away.
The two womenand the Dolphins’ booster scurried off towards the village, but the man entered the shop, sat down at a table adjacent to me, and ordered a Mommanoodle and Pepsi. “Youall work in Bangkok?”, I asked as 1took mySingha and sat with him. Over the next 20 minuteshe explained to me that about 50 residents of the village work in or around Bangkok. He was a corporate executivewith Kodak, and is provided with the van and a driver. Other commuters, who work near the Kodak office on Phetchaburi Road pay him a small monthlyfee for the 75 minute return trip, six days a week. He had lived all his 4fe in the village, exceptfor four years at Chiang Mai University,and saw no reason to live in Bangkok. His parents owned and cultivated 60 rai of land (30 under paddy, 20 under tapioca, and 10for a garden).
I wondered if he perceived the unlikelyjuxtaposition in his life as I did. Perhaps he was too close to notice. Because of the tninivan and road network, the city does not have to sprawl to the village, the village can be transported to the city, and at the same time the city sends its quintessence to the village. The city and village are not as detached as I had expected, but are melded in a curious amalgamation. One day, I thought, I would like to explore this themefi4rther. Little did I know then, that this day trip in 1985, was to be the ‘seedof the research ‘for mydoctoral dissertation six years later.
Thesongtaew back to the market townpulled up to the shop. It was now completelydark. I thanked mynew friend for the insightful conversation and handed him a picture of Songsan and lice skating in a hockey arena in Winnipeg.I asked him to pass it on to Songsan‘sfamily when they return from Khon Khaen. I climbed into the songtaew and as it sped away I looked over and waved to myfriend. He looked down at the picture, then up to me. It was all over hisface; he and Songsan, were bestfri ends. unique politics The 1.1 decades
particular Thailand. for Theories processes Theories
the in implies continuation Extended contingent industrialization.’ Unprecedented Extended
Oxford:
1.
Asia,
Johnston,
profound
extended Goals
process
ways
and
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Blackwell the
and
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of urbanization
times urbanization
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of
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of elsewhere.
of urban
revisions
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urbanization, Objectives:
life
change
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and
(1985)
behavioral
International
Reference,
further,
that region and growth
places.
growth,
of
emerges
“Urbanization.
is
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has
becoming urban
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and
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pg.363. social
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Division suggest
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dissertation
relevant
land
changes,
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and GEOGRAPHY,
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1.2 France: Late 19th Century Outer City Development:
Extended urbanization, in a historical sense, is not without precedent. In fact the larger discourse surrounding the outer city, whether referring to the large urban regions of Asia, or the edge cities of America, have parallel antecedents rooted in 19th century industrial expansion in 3Europe. At the time, with the industrial revolution in full progress, the outer city was under a transformation not so dissimilar to the processes that will be described in this study. We will begin this dissertation with a look at the environs of
Paris in the 1870s and 1880s, through the work of two French artists of the time. There are lessons to be realized from 19th century outer city Paris that are applicable and informative to Bangkok’s extended urbanization process. By temporarily focusing on art history as an alternative discipline to geography, there exists an opportunity for fresh and explanative insight into the forthcoming theoretical rationalization of the
Bangkok urban region.
Impressionist painting, particularly early impressionism is a “discovery of a constantly changing phenomenal outdoor world... “.‘ Moreover it is an underlying critique of the symbolic social and political formalities of a landscape. As the bourgeois proceeded to build a landscape away from the increasingly polluted and teeming cities of France, particularly Paris, Impressionist artists, such as Claude Monet and George Seurat were able to portray a new landscape in their art, “in which the environs of Paris are recognized to be a specific form of life: not the countryside, not the city, not a degenerated form of 5either.” What emerged, as an early 3. See Merriman, John M. (1991) THE MARGINS OF CITY LIFE: EXPLORATIONS ON THE FRENCH URBAN FRONTIER, 1815-1851, New York: Oxford University Press.
4. Clark, T.J. (1984) THE PAINTING OF MODERN LIFE: PARIS IN THE ART OF MANET AND HIS FOLLOWERS, Princeton, N.J.: Princeton University Press, pg.3. The movement in French painting, originating in the 1860s, was named for one of Claude Monet’s pictures -Soleil levant, or Impressionism (in English) that was displayed at an 1874 exhibition. Aesthetically, Impressionism is known for its concern with fleeting effects of lightand motion, its disregard of outlines, and distaste for gloomy and somber colors. The subject matter is normally open air landscapes. The movement’s impact in art has been extraordinary, in that virtually all development in 20th century art is traceable to its principles. Two important readings are: Rewald, J. (1973) THE HISTORY OF IMPRESSIONISM, NY: NY Graphic Society., and Pool, P. (1979) IMPRESSIONISM, Toronto: Oxford University Press. Monet’s may
for industrial regional etc..) city lower and there another Plate weekend portrayed subjects has clean
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The
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186)
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sense
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As factories
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The
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in pg. Seurat
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The ironies and inconsistencies in all three paintings are in fact the existent realities of outer city metamorphosis. Clark alludes to the indetermination of classifying the landscape:
This landscape can not fairly be described as suburban, for there is too much space still remaining between the weekend retreats; but it can hardly be called countryside, in Monet s terms. It is too empty to deserve the name; too ragged and indiscriminate, lacking in incident and demarcation apart from that provided by the houses (which does not amount to much); too formless, too perfunctory and bleak. These negatives add up, it seems to me, to a specific kind of composition, one appropriate to the things in hand: they are Monet’s way of giving form to the elusiveness f Argenteuil’s surroundings, their slow dissolution into something else. 1
Monet’s textualization of landscape through art offers an insightful discourse of interpretation. In the environs of 19th century Paris and in the late 20th century Bangkok, the very elusive formlessness and lack of identity and demarcation that Monet focuses on are the essence of defining the landscape. It is not a city, and should not be measured against one. Certain political and economic forces coalesced under a particular set of ecological and historical preconditions to give rise to a distinctive settlement. In the Bangkok outer city, it is an ‘urban’ region, but certainly not a city. In the Paris region, perhaps due to the lack of residential development, there is a resistance to use the term urban. Notwithstanding, it is clearly neither city nor countryside. There is no attempt to suggest a rigid analogy between Bangkok and Paris; however, despite profoundly dissimilar environments and histories, salient resemblances in the morphology (at different times; in different centuries) should not be ignored.
An interesting parallel between the (outer city) Impressionists and many academics currently writing on the large Asian urban regions is the political critique of industrial capitalism. Specifically, the environmental degradation, appropriation of agricultural land, and class conflict are dealt with by both sets of commentators. These critiques and explanations will be expounded upon throughout the dissertation.
11. Ibid, pg.191-2. analysis A chaotic Planners concerning sites 1.3 current. rendering to officers Another to before, that the In possible, data transforming Appendix distinguishing interpret the this elusive The are collection. I landscape. realized light tapestry perhaps dealt were The such New consequence and it considering II synthesis the the largely I is 1990 academics as with often region Regional chose it region a Bangkok It of because landuse record characteristic was Similarly, is census are rural not historical Rapid as a of inconceivable of was not technique time up it the Geography: of in and mapping of the urban is data always to Bangkok at Rural all its changing and multidisciplinary, business changing urban date least information. fieldwork intrinsic from of region. money that Appraisal the covered are on partially landscape to the were new leaders involves Bangkok landscape out-dated quality collect difficulty. limitations. National interviews projects even completely. Generally, (RRA) dated and is even of selective based urban further before emerging of the industrial Statistics before and the as reasonable and RRA data on region a Bangkok tangible they other outdated The methodology. field visits triangulation, it was is so even Office managers major are explained is similar rapidly checking that to land rapid published even region. with went field (NSO) effort not use land that and completed. their were to sites. all It in and of data. This print. of is detail continuing conventional was use topics maps data information ‘fast’ unable the applicable has Any changes only was Village thesis in and could and After certainly Appendix published to partly not statistical change. responsive keep is in be to means several headmen the regarding to their a covered, released attempt not their most rapidly 1, document The of data jurisdiction. been visits and information effective and systems urban the resulting in to whenever and in attempted to district capture 1993, changes those field of way 12 part and Another acting Throughout and visiting and The that officers obviously Through information. language west understanding The and (eds.), 12. any For cultural spoke of rather is local swift of on reflected this (1985) an Bangkok numerous to form aspect the and Bangkok’s printed pace the with insightful nomadic than research, the bedrock media For of English GEOGRAPHY, most the of of hundreds studying research in, conveyance was example, media the transformation villages, sense a discussion as current duck periphery of I trend technique often daily well, spent the also or period, people, herders. of in the symbolism Bangkok source towns, by newspapers residents advertising that 13 proved THE on geography reading were only months of the ‘fieldwork’ I was in MEDIA Fieldwork of was RRA industrial power the way to spatially urban information, available. of of promotional learning be travelling possessed urban and the involves to to place. of AND a region. move learn valuable promotional study the was estates, was differentiated regions, POPULAR This media from It the of gaining the away through a region; but returns I advertising refreshing a travelled fundamental enabled asset farms, hallmark them new and journalists and from literature familiarity its from to the for golf CULTURE, (see the through factories, impact the regional me Bangkok data thousands sensitivity of tenuous course aquaculturalists Appendix literature geographer to and this tool were collection. on develop the with news quantification, research. Geography, and being London: for quality urban region. significant of selling to the I discovering temples. kilometres gatherers for a the a developed region sense region Not credibility Croom of Research and to outer memberships. see current factory only methods More of it under using Burgess, and working city Helm. would the how throughout in were Plan that a data importantly, a economic, workers, landscape. public move investigation. various small to be media may J. and has for 12 obtain apt & to district both transport, the J.R. Methods). induced, have processes to district social, region state, Gold I Thai been met 13 As tangible lost
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,MAL Thailand ,‘ Gui 14. 10. 13. 12.Soraburi 11. 9. 8. Chonburi Samut Bangkok Nonthaburi Chochoengsao Pothum I — f Prakarn of ThanI F. I.;’ _\ / :.: ., / 4< / ii 0 .?‘.. 7... 200 I kitometer I 200 I 18 miles 4. 1< 6 ,,, I 1. — I’ C.. Ii Th SARABURI + I, 4 4, ‘AYUTTHAYAi - 4 - C, -— ft I PATHUM ) THANI - L = - - CH4 10 SAMUT ‘ SAMUT PRAKARN <‘ SAKHON — ,,‘ — C. - - ‘SAMUT - 1NGKHRAM 0 ‘I I-I I ‘0 ______ tb C, — ez 0 z ‘. e I— —z —- .. -- I — ..••_—r CZ - C.. $ / -4 0 zc I — — * 21 It is important to describe the region by changwat, and establish a range and demarcation.’ The inner ring Thani, Nakhon Pathom, Samut Sakhon, and9 Nonthaburi, with Bangkok changwats, Samut Prakarn, Pathum (BMA) are collectively referred to as the Bangkok Metropiltan Region (BMR). The outer ring changwats of Ayutthaya, Chachoengsao, Chonburi, Samut Songkram, Ratchaburi, Kanchanaburi, Saraburi, and Suphanburi combined with the BMR comprise the °2EBMR. Industry is highly concentrated in the inner ring, and dispersed throughout the outer ring, particularly along the east coast. Also, it is important to note that industrial locations are not necessarily near large urban areas; a reflection of a region based urbanization. Aside from Bangkok, the EBMR has only 6 cities with over 50,000 people; Nonthaburi, Samut Prakarn, Saraburi, Pattaya, Ayutthaya, and Samut Sakhon. There are also two sanitary districts, which by official definition are not ‘urban’, however both Pak Ret and Phra Phadeng 21 have over 100,000 people (see Chapter 2). Table 1.1 highlights some economic and demographic data of the EBMR. There are several points of importance. The ‘official’ population (1990) of 12.7 22million is an underestimation. There are hundreds of thousands of workers, some seasonal, many children, that are not included in surveys, or the national 19. Changwars are the principle administrative division in Thailand, comparable to a state or province. There are 72 in Thailand. The capital region, or BMA is not considered one. 20. An argument can be sustained for including several other changwats in the EBMR. For example some areas of Phetchaburi, Prachinburi, Nakhon Nayok and Ang Thong may fall within the 100 kilometer ring of Bangkok. At the same time parts of EBMR changwats included in the study are outside the ring. The most notable example is Chonburis Eastern Seaboard which is 125 kilometers from Bangkok. The National Economic and Social Development Board (NESDB) appears to consider the EBMR as only the BMR and the three changwats of Chachoengsao, Ayutthaya, and Chonburi. They do confess that a handful of adjacent changwats could just as well be included. See National Economic and Social Development Board (1991) National Urban Development Policy Framework, Recommended Development Strategies and Investment Programs for the Seventh Plan (1992-1996), pg.iii. It is important to realize that the EBMR is a new and arbitrary region (creation) without definite boundaries. Although this study includes thirteen changwals, analysis will be limited to inner ring regions of the EBMR, in particular Samut Prakarn, Pathum Thani, and the eastern outskirts of the BMA. It is beyond the scope of this study to cover all possible’ areas (eastern, western and Central Plain) that could justifiably be included in an EBMR region. 21. Also, the primacy of the region in Thailand is apparent, when considering that the inner ring alone now accounts for 50 per cent of national GDP and 77 per cent of manufacturing output, ibid. 22. Thailand Government (1990) Population and Housing Census, National Statistics Office. TABLE census. many THE or DATA Source: Note: accurately Nskhon Samut Pathum Bangkok Samut Nonthaburi Ayutthaya Chachoengsao Chonburl Samut Ratchaburt 40t*I4riewr.ge Kanchanaburl Saraburi Thailand informal The EBMR: Thailand Statistical Prakarn Sakhon In Songkrain JICA Pathoni Thanl statistical 1.1 1993 account . unregistered (1990a). approximately Government Yearbook SELECFED for yearbooks (sq. Are. 1565 2168 872 1526 1004 622 2557 their 5351 4363 48702 417 5197 3577 19483 513115 economic kiii) of workers. (1990) Thailand use 25 Baht registration (1990) Pop. density 767 3754 269 290 . 368 924 274 activities, 461 103 195 33 141 $2 142 106 Population DEMOGRAPHIC A equals (1990). universal 1981 (000’s) Pop 5331 557 332 570 271 404 627 498 738 654 11200*0 198 545 475 47875000 such I data and U.S. shortcoming as that Housing Dollar. prostitution are 1990 (000’s) Pop. 411 5876 770 629 321 575 701 552 851 192 735 641 11161*0 507 54532000 incomplete. Census, of AND national and I growth Pop. 4.2 1981-90 2.6 2.1 1.1 4.7 1.1 1.3 -.03 1.2 1.7 NSO. 2.0 0.7 1.4 II 1.5 annum contract Further, ECONOMIC census % labour, there Per Capita (Babt) GDP 21750 7446 21941 1981 13143 6691 11754 4204 6914 data 3902 7762 13428 8429 6520 10120 is are that its reputed do tendency Per Capita (BahI) GDP 23505 24293 1986 8890 7016 18536 5149 8126 11272 4830 8599 15882 7345 11559 11083 not to report, be to 22 /annum GDP Growth 8.2 2.1 198146 -0.8 3.9 1.6 4.5 3.5 1.0 3.7 4.8 31 2.2 2.8 6.3 2.5 23 over-count village population and under-count urban 23population. In industrial zones of the EBMR, workers from peripheral regions of the Kingdom are not always counted as local residents, yet their permanency can be measured in years. It is also of critical importance to the theme of this dissertation to note that both Gross Domestic Product (GDP) and population grow quicker in the EBMR then in the Kingdom as a whole. Thus, primacy of the larger region continues to increase at the same time the actual primacy of the more spatially constrained Bangkok (BMA) is declining; the GDP and population are increasing at a decreasing rate, a clear confirmation of the rise of the ‘region’, (as opposed to the city). This is covered in more detail later in this thesis. 1.5 Outline of the Dissertation: This study is presented in four parts covering 10 chapters. In Part I, entitled, New Urban Forms in Asia, aside from this Chapter (1), Chapter 2, is a literature review of current urban models and theories, with an emphasis on the recent body of literature dealing with extended metropolitan development. Although this Chapter is largely a review it can not avoid raising some new questions and proposing a rationality to abandon old thinking, particularly that ‘urban’ is a tightly settled and organized morphology. 23. An exampleof the type of errors that can occur in countingpopulationin certain areas of Thailand was told to me by a western scholar who has worked in Thailand for many years. A small district in the inner ring, according to the statistical yearbook had an absurdly large population. A ground check confirmed that there was only a fraction of the reported number of people. The problem, eventually solved, was that a hospital in the area registered all new births as residents of that district, (personal communication, D. Kamnner, July, 1991). Part chapter of Chapter is are change Chapters Part and the contains establishes operating 1947, has Part is with Finally, research. described, the sensitive population larger on recreation. II, III, IV, seven and synergic shaping involved entitled highlights 4 Revolution Chapter two Conclusions, 6 process in presents the and the pertinent to the with regional preceding understanding and density conditions 7 the Generally The EBMR. in describes 10 of emphasis the a transportation. landscape. reshaping EBMR: in comes tripartition land questions role case begins of the four In activities use it that of Outer studies, forms to this on sketches History settlement various decennial with the metamorphose a interplay, that data resolution chapter of Fringe outer that This Chapter factors in which act derived and the rounds two are as city is censuses a systems landscape: diverse in Present greater both a emerging balance outer acting on 9, rich terms landscape. from of in the explaining a dominant terms city empirical within consumption summary (1960, as Conditions, understanding direction the of the 1986-1991, a on regions. the five base of empirical the large 1970, region’s factors the capital national chapter of of new urban role extended the change. begins of 1980, landscape; contains thrust of is in space dissertation, history geography of emphasizing gained censuses change, shaping the with and Firstly, of urban in various four and the 1990). terms of Chapter industry, and since the must the preceding regions. geography. chapters. and economic the in urban of brands prominent The the follow particular a 3 activities. tidal mandate which agriculture, end second The landscape. two Chapter of movements change In in of capitalism chapter impact presents chapters. the particular World land and Chapter for future, 5 in further housing, third values. examines concludes capitalism the War a of It 8 sketch this region factors which II; 24 25 CHAPTER TWO: REVIEW OF URBAN ThEORY: FOCUS ON MEGA-URBANIZATION Increasingly, in the market economies of developing 1countries urban and rural transformations should be seen as products of structural change in society, instead, of processes in themselves. The two terms (urban and rural) must be analyzed simultaneously in order to appreciate significant transition and change. When an economic system is under the domination of capitalism, the landscape, articulating industry and agriculture, become fused and linked; the distinctions are 2reduced. Moreover, when commercial enterprises become widespread in a relatively rapid time period, as is the case in the Central Plain of Thailand, the social and economic landscapes take on an urban facade without the morphological attributes of a city. The blurring of rural and urban boundaries become an obvious characteristic of the settlement system. The spatial imprint of capitalism in Thailand, more specifically, late flexible 3capitalism reduces the traditional divide between rural and urban, yet it has been this division which has acted as the basis of settlement planning strategies since early industrial periods in almost all societies. As Koppel points out, the two processes - urban change and rural change - have been largely studied autonomously, Thut {they are} 1. Market economies are characterized by the domination of three main capitalist groups: the local state, global capitalists (TNCs), and local capitalists. 2. see Harvey, David (1978) ‘The Urban Process Under Capitalism”, INTERNATIONAL JOURNAL OF URBAN AND REGIONAL RESEARCH vol. 2, pg.1O1-131. 3. Flexible capitalism (or flexible accumulationlproduction) is a production regime that is argued by Harvey (1989) to have followed ‘fordism’. Employers exercise enhanced powers of mobility and flexibility, resulting in increased levels of labour control on a workforce that remains largely unskilled and impermanent. See Harvey, David (1989) THE CONDITION OF POST MODERNITY, Cambridge: Blackwell, pg. 147. Harvey (1989) describes flexible accumulation as follows: It rests on flexibility with respect to labour processes, labour markets, products and patterns of consumption. It is characterized by the emergence of entirely new sectors of production, new ways of providing financial services, new markets, and above all, greatly intensifiedrates of commercial technological and organizational innovation. tacitly and throughout activities, of Nearly This measure.”7 degrees. settlement from regardless is 4. METROPOLIS: by University 6. 5. 7. Approaches, 8. what sometimes Koppel, Marx, Ibid. Oberlander, Lang, Samuel when prediction rural recognized 125 pg.49. is M. Referring Karl nearly we going of Moore Bruce hierarchies. of in the years Taking (1986) URBAN Hawaii must assumed where earlier (1867) Peter countryside, SETI’LEMENT underpins on?”5 (1991) an and ago, to join to entire this (1989) Redefining Press, CAPITAL: they be times GEOGRAPHY, Edward the Marx between Urban-rural “The linked Koppel point live.”8 USA, cohort pg.47. The replaced completely together the But for Personal have industrial Rural-Urban (1867) Aveling, a process if Urban at further, irrational TRANSITION A rural in higher Lang either not This the of CRITIQUE asking, Communication, agriculture by fusion a wrote vol. always and same and NY: young tears (1986) modes is whereby largely scientific synthesis Oberlander 7, not Dichotomy Rural old urban International the time “does as no. asunder correlated” to non-urban fashioned OF IN states, of a disappeared following: for 2, and suggest, process, the it is production POLITICAL ASIA ones. a in pg.118-134. the creates no rural-urban May. manufacturing (1989), changing Reexamined: the the “the U.S. longer (eds) Publishers, Capitalist methods future. .‘ old population Thailand, has apparent the But Census or N.Ginsburg, referring union permeate occurred there. ECONOMY, market m6aterial have when appellation Beyond of production pg.505. of which in characteristics for agriculture become Canada find Population: urban4ike economy to their villages in conditions example, B.Koppel, the Canada their the held translated offer infancy. Ersatz today more west employment and will are Assessing ecologies the is said, difficult in Debate?” T.McGee, that is distinctly 60 from eventually most 22 varying million distinguished “The million the the incisive spring to in in 3rd dichotomy Honolulu: need forms ‘rural’ identify THE non-agricultural urban lead urban German up for appreciation EXTENDED and to regions, urban people, Alternative and people, new which edition 26 27 but official statistics of urban population are dramatically underestimated. Certainly, living in a city is not the only qualification for urbanization, and ‘city is not the only settlement form to be labelled ‘urban’ Although, the dichotomy is beginning to be dismantled, one place where it persists is in urban transition theory. The process of rural-urban migration seems to be generally accepted as a precondition for modernization and development. Urbanization and industrialization are often synonymous terms, where economic development is closely associated, and in fact often defined in terms of the movement of labour from rural to urban areas. It has been generally understood that the rural sector is dominated by agricultural activities, and the urban sector focused on industrialization. This has led to an assumption that economic development occurs by the gradual reallocation of labour away from agriculture and into industry through rural-urban migration. The urban transition model, then endorses an analogous association of urbanization and industrialization. Furthermore, there exists a presumption of a rigid settlement dualism; rural and urban. Here it is argued the validity of this dualistic perspective, needs to be challenged and critiqued in light of extended and mega-urbanization. This chapter, using two common discourses of urban theory, the urban transition model and the settlement dichotomy, will embrace a new direction for inquiry in urban development, a finer conceptualization of Asian urbanization, specifically a working theoretical application for Thailand’s urban framework. A new frontier of urban morphology that will act as a framework is here called Region Based Urbanization (RBU), an extended urban form that includes surrounding regions of a city core, that have taken on many characteristics without all the features of a core city’s morphology. Knox (1990) believes that outer-city urbanization is an area of urban geography that is under-represented in the literature. “The cupboard is bare”, he writes, yet the significance of, “these changes amount to nothing less than a new urban 10geogphy” Clearly, a settlement transition is emerging which reflects the new 9. Accordingto the 1990 Populationand HousingCensusthe officiallevel of urbanizationin Thailandwas 18.7per cent. 10. Knox, Paul (1990) “Planning and Applied Geography” in PROGRESS IN HUMAN GEOGRAPHY, vol. 14 no. 1, March, 1990. Thailand. common forms 2.1 phenomenon Following Rural process. of colonial The Washington and AREAS: factors MIGRATION Paper BANGLADESH ANNALS Migration IPSR 11. RURAL (1985) D.Suits, “Understanding 12. the see Rural-Urban Lee, influences conceptual publication No.215., to of literature “Migration Brigg, acting N.Ogawa, POPULATION world. E. THE urban A industrialization throughout in OF This a voluminous (1966) D.C. Less critique in THE AND P. EVIDENCE to For Rural-Urban effecting migration chapter model There developed NATIONAL no.122, are (1973) World repel Developed in “A Tokyo: Shift ASSOCIATION literature UREAMZATION Thailand: available.11 Association of Theory is movement, of “Some Bank will 1987-2001, both January., amount and the debate internal was NIRA. located FROM countries, Migration Countries: of first decisions. GEOGRAPHICAL Staff of Urban models, Past Economic an rural-urban Migration” of over review Thienchay VILLAGE of expected, Working and in migration, OF TDRI, as literature Southeast traditional Transition IN in its well an Future” and A AMERICAN 12 the Interpretations THAILAND, Survey the timing innovative December., migration Generally, a DEMOGRAPHY, Paper certain Third almost process STUDIES, urban Kiranandana has presented in Asian ASSOCIATION, of rural and URBANIZATION No.151., Models: World: been the factors transition GEOGRAPHERS specifically timeless, either approach extent, Stemstein, Nations Lee districts Literature” 1980: of published Delhi: by A Case et Connell, act argued Critique occurring al Lee THE vol.3, but universal model, Oxford (1985) as Studies (ASEAN) for will adjoining vol.12, Larry (1966), it an Washington URBAN-RURAL on that Thailand, pg.47-57. AND J. is of be adducement THE this vol.64, et University generally of then the or (1974) in suggested al nos.1&2., movement. Urban MIGRATION focused eventually phenomena, countries, large Current every (1976) PROJECTION examine see no.1, D.C. ‘Migration Migration city Kritaya recognized Press., region MIGRATION to Theories”, on centered Yap, March., World CONTINUUM possible regions It the to and migration IN was and Haque, L. occur Archavanitkul, there to settlement in OF particularly Bank ASEAN, (1975) Penporn and around a Developing several as JOURNAL that THAI migrants. widespread are in Staff an E. FROM From decision the are “Internal a (1984) inevitable ANALYSIS, eds URBAN Tirasawat RBU. number good Working dichotomy. post- Bangkok’ now in RURAL (1988) P.Hauser, Countries’ These OF making reviews THE of 28 29 two polarized set of elements may be thought of as “push and ‘pull” forces. The multifarious range of factors can be reduced to four categories. Originfactors are the “push’ forces, such as rural poverty that have acted as a universal cornerstone for rural-urban migration. Destinationfactors, such as the ‘bright lights’ of the city are obviously an example of a “pull” force, thawing migrants into an act of migration. The third factor, intervening obstacles are forces that divert or prolong a rural to urban migration. Distance is the most common obstacle. Finally, personal factors, such as class, ethnicity, and education are further considerations determining migration. Economic models are also commonly used to explain rural-urban migration. The most prevalent of this genre is Todaro ‘sexpectedincome model, which attempted to address the seemingly paradoxical act of migrating to a city with few jobs or economic 13opportunities. He hypothesized that internal migration is decided upon by perceptions in the value of expected earnings, as opposed to certain or actual income. The model still stands as an important contribution to migration theory, but is essentially urban biased and orientated, and does not address the determinants of rural income, nor the social system of the rural area. A second economic model, more workable in mega-urbanization situations, is the inter-sectoral linkage model. Hirschman (1958), Mellor (1976), and others argued that by concentrating on the linkages and flows 14 between cities and the rural areas, a more comprehensive grasp of rural-urban migration may be achieved. An extensive series of backward and forward linkages interconnect the city and village. The industrialization of the countryside and agri-business are two processes that stimulate interaction through communication and transportation. Within this highly integrated model, rural incomes are expected to rise creating a proliferation in rural consumption and a subsequent increase in urban production. Newly created employment opportunities in the city will induce rural-urban migration. 13. Todaro, M. (1978)INTERNALMIGRATIONIN DEVELOPINGCOUNTRIES,Geneva:ILO. 14. Hirschman, A.O. (1958)THE STRATEGYOF ECONOMICDEVELOPMENT,NewHaven: Yale University Press., Mellor, J.W. (1976) THE ECONOMICS OF GROWTH: A STRATEGY FOR INDIA AND THE DEVELOPING WORLD, Ithaca: Cornell University Press. characteristic These a settlement, The of experienced transition colonial convenient appropriation experiences Reissman However, industrial McGee revolution Free 15. role settlement. Reissman, shift Press. in models (1967) countries rectifying of model development, creates is in distinctly backdrop population of a post of the Leonard and which Urban rural-urban the developed categorizing seeks same a colonial the as European this typology activates a transition separate from many (1964) replication, to milieu shortcoming. from urban delineate transition the the althouh countries urban space. which others .that THE nations of rural settlement position contention from as west growth, theories change transition western industrial to URBAN to attempting a albeit, and city greatly draw today in paradigm a urban century that the and reflected in as and systems and countries. from in the PROCESS: well, is late merely the urban areas separated nationalism; village. a the discrepancy. underdeveloped to more ago. Post for nineteenth for are into same explain in is development population a the stages effected He Colonial He infamous concentrated However, repeat either CITIES in process post states: coined time all rural-urban and through Reissman of rural colonial accurate by IN countries and movement for Europe early the RBU in a INDUSTRIAL or plethora and not term which urban; twentieth countries. migration representations and (1964) acknowledging uneven at would “psuedo-urbanization” a to Mega-urbanization a different of an society cities. has factors. form, century, not unwarranted SOCIETIES, However, share analyzed experience Since passes. time of of the Hence, an the it Europe’s intermediate western and provides same urbanization it urbanization He Glencoe, dichotomization is models space? the a this included overriding to ‘true’ urban nations transition. describe a Illinois: can urban in play post the 30 process.16 The vibrant commodities, manufacturing opportunities innovative occur economic (1978) Moreover, countries turn economies, as Harper Hemando, THIRD 16. 17. 18. “urban McGee, This Roberts, settlement absorbed tended describes and industrial WORLD, resulted involution’. that growth (1987) and At Row. industrial T.G. resulting B. to as and urbanized the more sector revolution (1978) at he in in (1967) the THE London: base, the was time, the a capital the proliferating rural need Some pioneering lagged in employment CITIES import OTHER labour European THE as Post an subsequently. labour. Edward was for rather was but Particular England centers by of region scholars inflated SOUTHEAST behind Colonial of OF the intensive, rural labour thriving PATH: ill-timed. the finished informal then stages PEASANTS: experience, greatest Arnold in A of case in believe migrants had informal urban similar the in attention important Europe labour THE countries market This that of nineteenth developed providing area economy, manufactured It (after industrial this development. ASIAN growth, did INVISIBLE contributed precondition macro who economy. intensive. forty where was THE to Chapman, was centers. not manufacturing were be were the CITY, particularly abundant miles century a POLITICAL occur drawn the growth and regions industrial substantial base economically nourishment REVOLUTION goods, now some The the to 1904). London: around In as has to urban of Britain: financed the limited a of early spinners opportunities the of not within a response revolution the suggesting activity much ECONOMY Post network these Manchfter greatest growth G. greeted urban day. needed investment orientated the Bell Colonial more and wider were IN carried to service transition and of in industrial THE urban technology for weavers. the the investment for OF already small the market Sons. as a growth countries, unlikely factory THIRD sector. to revolutionary out in URBANIZATION west. one migrants the manufacturing of than 17 export was McGee the of WORLD and employment. chance urban expansion has European in still industry force. the of been later of relativeLy employment primary New Post IN that developing referred See available which of model THE York: Roberts Colonial did de the Sota, to in of to this a 31 32 While rapid economic development coincided with urban transition in Europe, the Post Colonial countries in contrast, experienced a more hurried pace of urban growth, even in countries with low levels of development, such as South Asian and central African 19nations. In other words, accelerated urbanization began in the west only as part of a process of rapid industrial and economic growth according to the conventional models. Yet, urban growth in the Post Colonial countries has taken place at much earlier stages of economic development and now involves a much greater population at a faster °2rate. Finally, the safety valve of emigration that characterized late 19th century Europe does not exist for most Post Colonial societies. Returning to Hirschman-Mellor Rostowian urban economic growth theories, within an urban transition framework, a much heard critique was levelled by a school of theorists known as the Dependistas. The criticism was most eloquently forwarded by Frank (1967), using a neo-marxist approach, who attacked diffusionist growth theories that relied on the city as being the leading sector of economic growth and a source of social 21change. The position essentially maintains that decay is ultimately rooted in industrial capitalism, hence, urban centres are not a stimulus for development. Foreign and industrial capital (and technology) tended to concentrate in a few urban based sectors rendering an inequitable income distribution. Within this view, the western experience will not be repeated. The city is thus, parasitical on the populations in the periphery, as well as on the “urban-peasants” outside of, or marginalized by the urban capitalist mode of production. 19. McGee, T.G. (1971) THE URBANIZATION IN THE THIRD WORLD: EXPLORATION IN SEARCH OF A THEORY, London; Bell. 20. Berry, Brian and John Kassarda (1977) CONTEMPORARY URBAN ECOLOGY, New York: Macmillan. 21. Frank, Andre Gunder (1967) “Sociology of Development and Underdevelopment of Society” CATALYST 3, Summer and Galtung, J. (1971) “A Structural Theory of Imperialism” JOURNAL OF PEACE RESEARCH, no. 2, pg.81-107, and Baran, Paul (1957) THE POLITICAL ECONOMY OF GROWTH, N.Y.: Modem Reader Paperbacks, and Dos Santos, T. (1970) “The Structure of Dependence”, AMERICAN ECONOMIC REVIEW, vol.60, no.2, pg.231-236. 33 Interestingly, the Rostowian camp of development theorists enjoyed a resutgence in the late 1970’s (and 22later). This coincided with the popular school of urban economic thought that emerged to defend World Bank-international monetized development and export orientated industry. The argument states that ideally, offshore and state capital are brought together to develop indigenous entrepreneurial activities, and the ‘tigers of Asia’ are a shining example of this form of development. Notwithstanding, due to complex intricacies of the new international economic order, it can not be considered a replication of the earlier European experience.U Since the mid 1980’s the urban transition model has once again been disputed . This time the whole preconceived separation of rural and urban have been discredited. The United Nations Center for Human Settlements forecast that by the year 2020, 50 per cent of the world’s population will reside in urban places. This prediction adopts a rigid division between two spatial settlement patterns - urban and rural. In the last twenty years, many countries in Asia, while experiencing rapid urban growth, have also developed regions adjacent to the large metropolises, characterized by an intensive mixture of agricultural and non-agricultural activities occurring side by 25side. These regions are neither urban or rural, but possess features of both. 22. Armstrong, W. and T.G. McGee (1985) THEATRES OF ACCUMULATION: STUDIES IN ASIAN AND LATIN AMERICAN URBANIZATION, London: Methuen, Chapter 3. 23. Industrial capitalism with a foreign led export orientation appears to have had success in Singapore, Hong Kong, Taiwan, and S. Korea. A second view, however, argues that environmental degradation and harsh societal inequities have been the costs of this economic growth. See Bello, W. and S. Rosenfeld (1990) DRAGONS IN DISTRESS, San Francisco: Food and Development Policy. 24. The traditional western model of urban transition for Post Colonial socialist countries has also received attention from many scholars. Eliminating the wide contrast between urban and rural has been a classical objective of Marxism. Reducing the rate of urban growth throughthe strict control of migration has been a routine practice in countries such as Tanzania, Vietnam, Cuba, and North Korea. See Slater, D. (1978) Towards a Political Economy of Urbanization in Peripheral Capitalist Societies: Problems of Theory and Method with Illustrations from Latin America, INTERNATIONAL JOURNAL OF URBANAND REGIONAL RESEARCH, vol.2, no. 1, pg.26-52. 25. McGee, T.G. (1988) “Urbanisasi or kotadesasi? Evolving Patterns of Urbanization in Asia’, in F.J. Costa, A.F. Dutt, L.C.J. Ma, and A.G. Noble (eds) URBANIZATION IN ASIA: SPATIAL DIMENSIONS AND POLICY ISSUES, Honolulu: University of Hawaii Press. McGee - In of separation position of intermediate justifies growing important, are are that The urbanization’ infrastructure, to migrants 26. partially 27. Policy”, 28. Desa 29. AND this the population alleviate locating economically Desakota McGee, For Haclcenberg, has splintering model DEVELOPMENT (village) light, has a which emerged the evades a costs discussion from paper of and conceptualized and T.G. need 70 the transportation which was rural at model, in suggests is and further and Eurocentrism, kilometers presented of the constrain urban Robert the (1989) formed part in encouraging to and the desakota administration”.29 Kota of scale position the core where of space-time urban transition urban areas (1980) REVIEW, desakota. “New “agglomeration after the (town). at of of rural such or and the the these metropolitan of addresses. he urban transition so activities McGee more Regions ‘New the UNCRD the communication out-migration regions prevalent argues, city convergence model vol. dispersal regions hinterland from transition Patterns area.27 observed of 6, will These paradigm as needs seminar First “rural economies” Emerging Pg.391. in Bangkok, area. desakota, is much persist of of Due encouraging see the the in “spread to are from Urbanization areas urban on technology, The a Harvey be spatial of model for to more Rural-Urban broader Emerging as the yet the reevaluated. space-time are case are a activity.28 Asia urbanization effects” word development due process region. apt (1989), being is an of dispersal. is too framework, in to urban to Bangkok Rural-Urban agglomeration coined consistent Southeast transportation migrate Mix penetrated create limiting emerging op.cit., Also, convergence, At McGee phenomena in continues. literature by the In Asia: and large (and chapters to Asia: joining sensitive Thailand by with same in Linkages, (1989) the by perhaps assuming Implications Java. many metropolitan and on An Hackenberg’s urban-type and extended time, facilitated Secondly, acting Asia. two 12-18. Assessment” concentration By highlights to for communication other Bangkok, more the using the Indonesian example, that to for areas active Asian accelerating spur important, forms by it non the regions, Nationa’ is two (1980) advances August POPULATION of the spatial western inadequate metropolises) space is industrial of Bahasa the inadequacies concentration no technologies production, and which “diffuse mega-urban 16-19. rural economy prices longer words, in Regional words firms in serve and as its it 34 Moreover, region, regions In as historically choose an non-agricultural and prosper. cities, now approaches 2.2 presents Thailand concerning 30. separation 31. settlement Thailand, the intriguing In The mega-urban Settlement has major later we the which are United the This significant is must status; in five from chapters. the developed to the among capacity destination. light past blur study, are urban Nations most provinces dichotomy question Dichotomy: a labour regions either of migration becoming public of a efforts detailed obstacles productive theory, by rural large to urban rural and sectors industrialize examining adjacent the This policy of directed nearly and number is evidence from areas, crowded or validity the and far for trend urban rural. (manufacturing, industrial perspective BMR, every from interpolate the policy to at will of the is the and It of without Northeast features, rural with countries no satisfactory, country should extended for or any large a makers longer full zones the development. industrial the settlement it RBU be transferring metropolises, description outer collects is most that and for noted service, and in a urban valid, as viable make their as which ring other part planners. a estates that detailed it viable model region as Non-Government has countries, of commerce, of reside urban alternative there peripheral large migrants the this the for and exaggerated statistical alternative. that rural-urban of Current process is EBMR. in transition it numbers housing Bangkok a is modern does when political here, from or to regions, will data thinking the construction).30 not The Organization of the projects. considering models rural that dichotomy be housing is concerning overcrowded ideology focus people migrants rural-urban set offered. traditionally industry regions and to specifically superfluous. In into estates challenge supporting policy (NGO) fact their in industrial settling and now the settlement The cities. separation.31 he and populations targeted planning strictly settlement and overwhelmingly argues consequence the on in rural-urban be Since output state these the traditional employed patterns defined the that extended sanctioned Thailand value. BMA The these is in 35 agriculture definition believe the line, distinctions benchmarks, nature income, independent few.34 tabulated, rural ‘Rural’ rationale (1977) 32. closing 33. study inadequacy MODERN (eds) Galactic 34. CITIES West, Pierce Reiss, see development writers Rutherford on WHY of of Duncan, Expanding that was AND Metropolis, the was mobility prevailing the the Albert Lewis would of LIFE in was American would the associated POOR of based have rural United American the quite SOCIETY, size to O.D. Platt distinction draws Garden J. settlement be schemes of been be and on (1955) disappear. simply this PEOPLE States and the definitions. in and population, (1957) the Northeastern supplanted our frontier urban BEYOND with point, overly City, universal density.”33 Glencoe George inability “An are Census attention do Evidence dichotomy. urbanism and History tied which will “Community agriculture, STAY NY: based was Analysis not Mega-urbanization as Dewey skeptical discovery to not Macinko, Ill: Reiss an to extent THE by Bureau are Doubleday presumed precedent. correlate urbanization, Seaboard, to POOR: on reveals demarcate disappear, “epochal Free industrialization, abounds Moreover, do an uncritically Seventy a (1960) URBAN of (1955) critical of interesting not of Size decided Press. and Urban Minneapolis: is URBAN formal that standard closely not Megalopolis depend and to event”. and In ‘urban’ a writes: years to maintains distinction FRINGE: have but boundary Phenomena creativity this limited and it Co. various show the taken would and event schooling, BIAS will with later, This on Rural-Urban light, universal that presumptions with desakota University and that cities be as in to (see no settlement marked IN LAND between socioeconomic Gottman that, and sacred in American part cities, industry. with developed significantly many longer WORLD in footnote the separation for women (ed) application “empirically and USES the models, the ties form of Continuum” settled their capitalized of that delineate Robert Minnesota variation parcel of first predominance history. the are Eventually, 44 DEVELOPMENT, workers, industrial of OF literacy rural existence. between and in time things stronger reduced criteria invention on Fisher, NONMETROPOLITAN this for of a unsettled at After on and the there in “settlement in Press. chapter). least, the is this (eds) rural housing other size that societies, urban, THE not and as the in was representation of theme Marx Paul land. and of ‘urban’ 1890 are blurred.32 urbanization, hand METROPOLIS an Lewis, Canberra: population frontier”. and type, urban. regarded acknowledgment Hatt in Lewis census had as the would the can has and Pierce to predicted, formulation see amorphous refers tapes be The Along name of AMERICA, emerged ANU Albert as lead Lipton, or rural-urban settlement. (1983) IN Bureau’s ‘urban’ density; to were only Press. us this J. the of M. of Reiss, to in “The an a his 36 In consumption in convergence An are would Inherent emphatically factories controversial West 36. 35. (1938) OF Bangkok 37. scope. fact, example unmistakably SOCIOLOGY, Dewey, Jones, There Population be ‘Urbanism the contradictions Metropolitan and Over useful. are Gavin root Richard of of patterns large housing giving settlements time, the Institute, the of (1983) as Figure rural, vol.66, areas the complexity (1960) countryside a rise acculturation, Area. Way will estates distinction “Structural and and of no.87, 2.1 to no.1, within “The areas. some advantage Developments of The work in intensive circular work... residence a paradoxes could illustrates Life”, poor have distinct July. Honolulu: and late-comers Rural-Urban and iges to the Change is countries be sprung Transport mobility AMERICAN obliterate agriculture, unsuitability For transportation city hierarchy, largely in of rural-based considered than are the the a the through East-West and seminal in up built city. various in in Continuum: most a that transport can Prospects even among developments many subjective the mostly and JOURNAL into commute of discussion transportation up-to-date ‘village’ ‘urbanism’. development technology, further Center, categories the have not small this the paddy, mean for Real settlement require villages categorization hierarchy. been Urbanization towns pg.25. the up OF of but facilitate that in technologies. to Sanitary differences of urbanism’ Also, SOCIOLOGY, the the electronic Relatively process continuous innovations many 50 and settlement of districts framework subject miles the For within farming patterns in people Districts can that Central and instance, Asian Unimportant” media, to between of of in take the its is Minburi is vol.44, several currently even of the becoming Countries explained representations last Plain (SD) and large Thai rural decade, July. and studies the and are AMERICAN urban adhered tracts and Nong increasingly by Papers convergence the Eastern hundreds attempting Jones urban. see most hierarchy. of Chok of to eastern Wirth, Seaboard, the (1983), in JOURNAL within The Thailand East narrow of of Louis to BMA the 37 38 Figure 2.1 SETTLEMENT HIERARCHY IN THAILAND METROPOLIS (Only Bangkok has been designated as metropolis since 1972) NAKHON MUNICIPALITY (Places with Population of at least 50.000 and population density of at least 3,000 per km sq.) MUANG MUNICIPALITY (Places with population of at least 10,000 and population density of at least 3,000 per km sq.) TAMBON MUNICIPALITY (No specific numerical criterion) URBAN SANITARYDISTRICT (SDs with population more than 5,000) RURAL SANITARYDISTRICT (SDs with populationnot more than 5,000) VILLAGE Source: Romm (1972). population grapple Kainmiers 25 (1988), defined level. underbounded, the construed prepared always So, that not more 38. Demographic International 39. 40. into differentiating matches BEITRAGE fact see some towns a need Sanitary Romm, Kammier Kammier, by are is the municipality. discussion areas Romm larger eliminating that considered national but with figure. the for to and margins. of (such op (1986) urban Districts was simple. ZUR regard then Urbanization a their (1986). Behavior (1972) threshold. Detlef, more the cit. more level and on regarded as Chiang BEVOLKERUNGSFOSCHUNG aggregate. BMA Since Many This municipal ambiguity.38 SD’s attempt the the the then the Koppel are applicable of (1986) has and eastern whole urbanization boundaries suggests the However, actual see a SD’s to Mai Survey. 50,000, termed confusing as Events measure ground 1980 conceptualization; to Romm, “Thailand’s standards. There states: and non-urban should revise reaches), extended it urbanization and census is Bangkok’s Hat N.Y.: in it Pra and is the Jeff that between settlement statistics, is Thailand” accurate be levels ‘s rarely Yai. the important Phadeng the There as failure classified Small SD’s Ford (1972) but has mega-urban within urbanization “semi-urban average of a in yielded level primacy rural are case Foundation, are despite Towns: urban-rural the type, underboundedness. PhD URBANIZATION to rural to SD the divided also as north seriously Band of may realize and dissertation, annual that ‘urban’ hierarchy. in a contributing the conceived political Exploring region is ‘true Samut level urban, and 1, areas” are be into most fairly Santhat that Wien. classification, as income but too bounded’ southeast engage rural of as reasons much an Prakarn debilitating planners have dense exaggerated, In Brown Thailand Facts a as Bounding urban Semsri a IN single and fact, total peasant His was the not as THAILAND, is city. and not and urban, University. SD largely 50 province of results middle received in at (1980) and territorial to populated with Figures proved The nearly per refers is least that agriculture shift NOT decision with and BMA underbounded. cent less “Differentials show year, 50 SD’s the to 5 has Beyond more the Working revealing. a million how for per above unit. emphasis municipality, added is a most 5,000 eight classification makers critically ‘village’ population cent well importantly, It the people. amenities the paper cities population SD’s is, the in higher Population His For on conventionally should however, Urban—Rural level, overbounded administrative for and politically had are actual study Phra to of and then the but ‘urban. considerably not it a be mark 165,000 Phadeng, statistics Statistics”, confirmed examined services are calculated better village not as clearly in For area the in 39 blurs It kilometers periphery.42 spatial a 2.3 The perspectives has in demographic An have development, 42. 41. discussed. 43. 44. discussion seems Asia A overriding been Op Beginning Yeung, Chapter discussion the become Region forms cit, is that distinctions a likely from Koppel, tendency Yue-Man 10 on many commonly As of and widely with Based industry, deals feature in Region-Based capitalist the Yeung to economic this the pg.67. of amend central with to (1990) between Urbanization: dispersed. the next chapter of ignore (1990) used and alternative large the production, unconnected urban chapter, this CHANGING core. growth even extended to rural Urbanization.43 has new neglect, metropolitan says, describe conceived Ginsburg It tertiary the revealed terminologies region-based and is processes. “The synergic a and urban to as function urban, CITIES and markets, sector reproduction, the (1991) Asian as inadequacies areas analyze regions everything urban conditions but OF for activities, of urbanization, Landscape compares of which media PACIFIC extended a region Asia multitude is emerging that that procuring and else. also or will traditionally becomes Asian urban certain interplay is ASIA, the deficiencies 41 extends becoming then continue of Asian urban regions. urbanization conditions Hong waves urban the to the settlement the masses; create future associated to formal Kong: an in of functions, — ambit develop urban the urban extended that course Chinese with scale current of systems. are landscape”, with morphology in urbanity what such of of intrinsically urban a University form, ianguageM only metropolitan analysis as If, Gottmann, development as residential the in which which far the to for “inner-city’, Press, geared the as past and not in change leads 100 Pg.xvii. will there only to to be 40 in exurbs, much Richmond, networks densities. for 1961, A the for constructions, shape landscape processes rural has As corridors. acquisition 45. to 46. Kraus Ginsburg, URBANIZED DEVELOPMENT morphological the be many global the suburban Ginsburg, Oshima, created activities. higher a referred of 1 International Asian 950s shopping interspersed an that centuries. B. will market is The Virginia. of an urbanized Harry In along not Koppel, in areas urban Norton weave NORTHEASTERN large largely to dictate urban fact, internationalization the the as spree lesson AND forces (1986) Publications. the of Asian With regions. tracts “megalopolis” lone the T.G. (1991) the with Particularly environment the the associated landscape Northeastern by CULTURAL densities that region operate urban ‘The west. very urban McGee, nature areas of investors, “Extended should land Transition few Nevertheless, together. form. of regions, SEABOARD ever of need with of revealing Honolulu: pushing in low exceptions, of urban Seaboard be the CHANGE, much resulting Metropolitan more Urbanization not the built Gottmann population recognized extended From where The urban form, conform further of freely up to U. OF an comparison of the Southeast Gottmann of in high vol. rice rice and space Agricultural the THE was Hawaii the areas Gottmann Regions and away density, from with 34, growing patterns density cultivation United increasingly rise describing UNITED effectively, economy no. of from Press. conventional Gottmann’s Asia was of in the is 4, and agglomerative States, to the paradigm Asia: can an correlates pg.783-810. the where the urban an Gottmann, STATES effective has the outer and be the concentration Industrial city that A infrastructural efficient from dispersed, been New regions large investors, the conceptualization, city. spatial core form is positively complexity New Jean an one, Spatial Boston, the multi-metropolitan Economy concentrations. with In has interesting are transactive traditional configurations York: (1961) order but linear, are of been Paradigm”, forceful frequently investment Massachusetts, with demographic population participating Twentieth to in of MEGALOPOLIS: linear or East be technological high model is form transportation interspersed intensity. accommodated that op A Asia” much development population and Century catering city-based of cit region in to the densities in subsistence suburbs (eds) build ECONOMIC higher to form a It rapid evolving change Fund, appears THE with to N. upon and these than and are 41 efficiently corridor are linear transcends Almost agglomerated response transactive sectors. out developing Corridors “finger” corridors connected corridor”, 47. 48. 49. (eds), U.S.A., 1990, JSCE 50. “Boom built Blumenfeld, the see An Rimmer, urban London, no.43111V-15, in exemplary McGee Belt extensive thirty Manufacturing and along ECONOMIC metropolis, up to linking, by also a to linking in Asian Mega-corridor”. a linear is form region, Peter North political the years city.47 nature, a Routledge, the T.G. serve Hans linear existing case network is regions J. extensions main for other ago July and America, a (1991) it which nationally (1965) AND His find ribbon major example, of and draws today, G.C. roads Blumenfeld pg.1-17. corridor Asian and prophecy (but is corridors of economic SOCIAL “The See he “The of well type Lin Ginsburg a corridor of and Australia, argued stressed) with development larger corridors, “The exogenous the the Emerging development Modern (1993) documented, of rail DEVELOPMENT countries was city, flexible an regional (1965) Boom decentralization, spatial would (1991) development lines. effective “Footprints infrastructure, accurate Metropolis”, and generate Infrastructural forming Belt” development along predicted technologies, In extent op is be Europe. growth. of particularly U.S.A’s the cit. (1993) a ASEAN. and 1-85, and linear in ‘growth what Bangkok into in Space: practical SCIENTIFIC IN insightful. a It from 50 the fragmentation BUSINESS much lnterstate-85. world- Arena he is PACIFIC city the as Northeastern Riinmer reliance important Durham impulses’ calls well. in Spatial urban connected extended of in Taiwan urban wide the Pacific a Linear There WEEK, ASIA, AMERICAN Restructuring orbit. “Supra-Region”, on (1991) N.C. development It metropolitan form. to and which is communication and urban Asia to are note American development the David to deregulation September, a refers Japan. Atlanta The well fastest Since much ‘urbanize’ that region, Drakakis-Smith vol.213, in role established to the the is the growing Georgia. form, larger Seaboard.49 a laid which Also, of 27, Early it East ‘urbanized in “Southeast and of will no.3, areas corridors pg.98. the out called, concentrated the Asian industrial Gottmann 1970’s” in transportation, It be road, in 1990s September. is alongside. private and turn argued referred a NICS, “stellar’ rays, ribbon-like Asian in Chris are rail, PROC. is region business points the that 1950 Dixon to which and As or as OF in the air it the the 42 43 Although some previous urban theory has identified alternative urban patterns to tight concentrated agglomerations, this dissertation will extend the line of thought by suggesting that RBU is not just an alternative or substitute urban form, but is becoming a dominant pattern. l’his is prevalent in parts of Asia, and particularly in the high density rice bowl delta of Thailand’s lower Central 51Plain. Finally, we must be prepared to embrace a new thinking in urban development, to distinguish between what may be called city-based urbanization’ (CBU) and region-based urbanization’ (RBU). CBU is what we have traditionally known as built up concentrated urban nodes. This is contrasted with RBU, which can be characterized as regions adjacent to large metropolitan cities that take on urban-like infrastructure, are comprised of an urban-like economic base, possess fluid links and interaction with the central city, without becoming urbanized in its customary form. This is precisely the direction of the future course of Asian urbanization; a type of mega-urbanization that can be described as an urban civilization that for the first time is spatially independent from the city. This is not to suggest the ‘city’ core is not part of the larger urban region, but the outer city is much more dispersed and characterized by ‘polynucleation’ - a series of small urban patches in a region of urbanization. This leads to a structural deconcentration of power from the city 52core. As is often the case these developments are recognized in the indigenous language. Thus the almagamation of city and countryside embodied in a single settlement system is captured by the Thai word “chonmuang”. Although it is not used often, and largely unknown as a concept to most people, it is occasionally heard by those attempting to characterize regions away from Bangkok’s pollution and congestion, but near enough to 51. There has been recent writings dealingwith dispersed urban settlement in outer city regions of the United States. See Garreau, Joel (1991) EDGE CITY, New York: Doubleday, and Greenberg, Charles (1992) ‘Angelic Scatter: The Outer Cities of Los Angeles and Bangkok’, Paper presented at the Canadian Association of Geographers annual meeting, Vancouver, May. 52. Althoughdecision-makers, parliaments, corporate headquarters, and other elites are still located in the inner-city, there is an important division of spatial activities over the extended metropolitan region, which has important ramifications for transportation, community, control of land use, distribution of economic and social infrastructure, and regional tax bases. countryside, interact 53. fusion. A DESAKOTA University Casinader “Urban parallel Although The Sprawl regularly term (after of word and the IN British and used Issac, KERALA: term is “muang” with Urban derived in Columbia, is 1986) Japan the not Planning from city. SPACE widely meaning tells is konjuku, Geography ‘gra’ us The used, in AND that city. Japan term (gramam meaning in and POLITICAL Department. Kerala, is “TOWN may the or melting’ not result rural), the PLANNING catch Malayalam ECONOMY of and of on, a housing ‘garam’ merging it is term REVIEW, used IN and (nagaram gragaram SOUTHWEST of by countryside. two planners vol. Thai or is 57, urban). used and words, no.2, INDIA, Hebbert, to adniinistraters. Casinader, pg. describe ‘chonobat’, 141-158. PhD Michael Dissertation, urban-rural Rex (1986) (1992) meaning 44 PRECONDITIONS preconditions, CHAPTER The GEOGRAPHY, to becomes Geographers distinguished transition. permit socially capitalist further, The economic describing THEORY, 2. 1. be Lefebvre, Soja, aim term an THE geographers Edward concretized it important of decidedly “second mode humanly conditions is London: The this H. EXTENDED THREE: apparent contextualize from and (1976) articulation chapter (1989) of nature’ HISTORY made production high physiographic Verso, complex Nature.1 to spatiality OF dictate “Reflections that POSTMODERN analyze is density nature. actually REGION pg.80. to Lefebvre’s BANGKOK a of and a show landscape Soja AND constructs arising landscape need disparate It zone comes revealing exists on features. (1989) the POLITICAL BASED for the of from ‘human GEOGRAPHIES: synergic from in through change. Politics economic METROPOLITAN political is a balance explains conspicuous through characterized The the Cicero, URBANIZATION labor’ CONDITIONS application of conditions its central As with forms Space”, ECONOMY PART production, Lefebvre’ varied the enhanced Harvey embraces “first 1st THE theme landscape on by II translated century social that nature” of the (1978) Lefebvre s REASSERTION periods REGION: purposeful is ‘second within an landscape. interplay OF constructions how IN B.C. ideological which form, by explains: THE THE Bangkok’s of M. the (1976) Roman nature’ rapid is only in HISTORY human Enders, formation CENTRAL Spatial EBMR: the terms OF as philosopher agenda, to natural transformation and as; SPACE “second be labor” contiguous ANTIPODE, of restructuring “...the institutions. THE reconstructed of the environment. AND which PLAIN RBU. IN region’s nature”, and PHYSICAL Taking transformed CRITICAL PRESENT periphery thinker would and vol. under This historical this which when spatial 8, who then pg.30-37. process SOCIAL concept a and came was is 45 46 Capital represents itself in the form of a physical landscape created in its own image, created as use values to enhance the progressive accumulation of capital... Under capitalism, there is then a perpetual struggle in which capital builds a physical landscape appropriate to its own condition at a particular moment in time, only to have to destroy it, usujly in the course of crisis, at a subsequent point of time. The Central Plain of Thailand, as a landscape, has been the target of numerous constructions and reconstructions from various layers of dominant 4capital. This chapter examines the region adjacent to Bangkok, and highlights the transformations of an inaccessible wasteland, to a heavily capitalized, ebullient, extended urban region. First though, it is necessary to give a sketch of the physical geography of the lower Central Plain for this is the distinctive stage upon which urbanization is being played Out. 3.1 Physical Geography: The Central Region, (an officially recognized sub-division of Thailand, which is more of an administrative or political area, then a physical region), is comprised of four subregions: (see Figure 3. l). 1. Bangkok Region, comprising the BMA and the five adjacent provinces of Pathum Thani, Samut Prakran, Samut Sakhon, Nakhon Pathom, and Nonthaburi. 3. Harvey (1978)op.cit, pg.105. 4. This is from Massey’s geologic metaphor. See Massey (1984) op.cit. Also see chapter 10 of this dissertation. 5. National Economic and Social Development Board (1990) “Central Region: Facts of the Present Day”, ECONOMIC AND SOCIAL DIGEST, vol.27, no.3, May-June, (in Thai language). FIGURE 3.1 47 CENTRAL REGION ___‘I I \‘ I ,J1 ‘ jTA1 •1 NORT1ERN FO11,i scJ,q,or,lAI ‘çAK MAE1SOf°, ‘- • z- UPPERI PiIETCI/ABUNAl -‘ /1 Ic-’,! I—’ CENTRAL J’ c PLAINS FJi(.J i-PAGODA PASS C) cIIAINAr c ‘) iáS z’ MEKLONG LOWER I -37\ ) li’ \ I -v MOUNTAINS -z- CE! TRA \ — I$ — KANCII48URL,, P LA I NS - \ f I - —I !tl Gulf of Siam !?ACFILIAP •1 1(1111?!KIMN I, km / - ‘-. 100E I I Source: Donner (1978). Kanchanabuii 2. Angthong, When 4. 3. Chanataburi, EBMR, The subregion synonymous will Since main This Acapulco, the in factor The The The terms lower lower be geographical artery the contrasted stimulating upper west east an and of majority 60 is overview Central Mexico) Singburi, Central transshipment of Central that wholly term kilometers Central and and the the with Trat. for Pratachab growth situation country’s of Plain Region and Region excluded of EBMR Lopburi, Region analysis BMR, Figure the of 100 is and of physical situated the made has made is degrees largest Khirian. and/or goods made 1.4 from in development. geographically Saraburi, delta. provided this up (EBMR) up up at the and environment river, lower of 29’ project Bangkok of the of boundaries Nakorn people Samut and east 6 the southern the Central it provinces is Chainat. is opportunity longitude. Chao positioned is Songkram, via focussed realized Nayok, positioned of Plain. of the reaches the Phraya. of the Gulf Bangkok Chachoengsao, that the on EBMR. within for Suphanburi, of the of Central at the By the the Siam 13 areas the Central the growth region, Chao degrees Plain 1800s larger and immediately Phraya Ratchaburi, Chonburi, Region Indian of which rice 35’ this region. this north bowl, economically River Ocean in region, is adjacent this a The Prachinburi, Petchaburi, latitude larger namely, system, proved discussion west at the territory to Central (same strategic and Ayutthaya, the mouth to Rayong, be BMA, is encloses level than a a of key location the as there the 48 49 The topography of the lower Central Plain is a mostly flat, slightly undulating relief, formed by silting of the Chao Phraya and its tributaries. The subregion is a low lying deltaic plain with an imperceptible 6slope. The average elevation is 1.1 meters above sea level, and much of the subregion is sinking. Silting has pushed the coast further into the Gulf of Siam, and synchronously formed natural levees along the river banks. These levees normally reach above the average flood level, and hence, have developed into locations for agriculture, temple sites, and village settlement. Insofar as the extending coast on the Gulf, Dormer writes; “If the river continues to transport silt down to the gulf- and there is no reason why it should not- Bangkok may lie in another 1500 years as far from the coast as Ayutthaya does 7today.” The most important natural phenomena in the subregion is hydrology. The lower Central Plain is shaped by water; the proximity of the sea, the life giving Chao Phraya, and thousands of kilometers of human made channels. The meandering Chao Phraya is between 150 and 1500 meters in width and nearly encircles Bangkok and the western BMA community of Thonburi. The most dramatic bend is at Phra Phadeng in Samut Prakran, south of Bangkok, where the lower bank comes within 600 meters of the more southern upper course. The development and history of canals in the lower Central Plain is legendary and is dealt with at some length in other parts of this chapter, and has contributed to the various constructions and reconstructions of the space economy (see Figure 3.2). Being part of a monsoon country, the subregion receives periodic heavy rains, particularly in the two wettest months of September and October. During this time of the year flood waters peak, and since the drainage capacity of the Chao Phraya is limited, the region, particularly along the tributaries is inundated. 6. The lower Central Plain slopes at 0.004 per cent which is equivalent to one meter in height for every 25,000 meters horizontally. See Donner, Wolf (1978) THE FIVE FACES OF THAILAND: AN ECONOMIC GEOGRAPHY, London: C. Hurst and Co., pg.763. 7. Ibid. pg.766. Source: j u\ Ion )/ oh&S- Donner (1978) k (I II CANAL FIGURE \. S - (111? EXCAVATION 3.2 1 KAN ‘‘‘V IQfon SOnrong Pta Wet •‘ .. 8 Qt;. 1 c, 0 I; ‘1 I j.J’ IWO 1 —— 50 The annually).8 Two First, pumped increasing serve the has compounds causing phase centimetres highest Aside Temperatures degrees minimum The Prakarn, Subsidence- of 8. 9. 10. Within the Sodarthit second been Donner mean geological problems the there river, out from in seawater centigrade. from for costly. city’s the groundwater annual of April weight concern, (1978) Anuchit is What ibid, per the rainfall, example, region 400 a the and with growing mounting foundation gradual year. pg.773. Prevention with is precipitation to meters. ground. op.cit, from humidity there (1989) Next?, seep the Humidity which climatologically, typically Some a extraction mean buildings subregion’s increase pg.776-777. is need into The concern June, ‘Bangkok Bangkok’s consistently is of areas and are receives land of wells for the soil deviates is 22-23, high 25.6 mitigation of 1,413 household of of lower by of subsidence. pattern up salinity Flood groundwater heavy the year land 1 approximately degrees very higher Bangkok. the 998. to less; millimeters Central EBMR 20 and lower round subsidence. is low construction, costs in precipitation high: water. kilometres therefore Control’ centigrade, the The elevation are Plain Central with are have groundwater September: 200 Bangkok This below (in also remarkably is Paper relatively Water interested comparison, millimeters from values uniformly Plain problem and (sea-level) high. and sea presented region because shortages the at level, 84.5 is on pumped The the simple, fairly hydrologists coast, the is insignificant a a year per government is and directly low Vancouver while layer eastern at of sinking consistent have the cent, and through more vulnerability the end, when of flood workshop land large side related led low: solid January of for below compared deviation. receives rain to of the has damage subsidence throughout amount the January: the granite groundwater and artesian then vowed on sea last to has Chao Bangkok partially about flooding Thonburi due level to three Temperatures of a rock Phraya; mean 72.7 to other of aquifers water to the because absolutely 1500 5-10 decades. at land Land extraction per year. caused regions certainly of which a that Samut depth mm. 20.5 sinking cent.’° which of is is are by 51 the of west of a 52 the country. The soils are classified as alluvial with some variation in chemical composition depending on proximity to the river. The active tidal flats at the lowest coastal reaches of the Chao Phraya, which are naturally covered with mangrove vegetation, are suitable for limited cultivation; coconut palms, aquaculture, and salt pans. In and around the BMA, the more fertile silty clays with former marine and brackish water deposits, are a suitable soil, rich in iron-oxide, for market gardening, orchards, and some rice. The subregion is mostly covered, however, by acid sulfate soils used for growing rice, van der Kevie has identified 20 different soils in the lower Central Plain, of which 14 are suitable for paddy 11cultivation. 3.2 Ayutthaya Period: Before 1850, aside from the small city of Bangkok, the lower, (and younger) southern deltaic plains of the Chao Phraya were mostly vacant or sparsely populated. In fact, Bangkok-Thonburi was only established after the Burmese sacked the old capital of Ayutthaya in 1767.12 A small group of Kha hunters who settled inland from the river, were the only regular inhabitants of the lower Central 13Plain. However, areas surrounding Ayutthaya have been the site of wet rice cultivation since the sixth century, and have been 11. van der Kevie, (1972) DETAiLED RECONNAISSANCE SOIL SURVEY OF SOUTHERNCENTRAL PLAIN AREA, pg.22, after Donner (1978), op.cit, pg.780-1. 12. At that time the capital was shifted southward down the river to its present site. By 1850 Bangkok probably had between 300,000 and 500,000 people, and the whole Kingdom, was less then 6 million. Aside from a concentration of people in the city, the population was sparsely spread in a ribbon-like fashion along the river between the old and new capitals. See Ingram, James C. (1971) ECONOMIC CHANGE IN THAILAND, 1850-1970, Stanford: Stanford University Press. 13. The Kha are the tribal or indigenous people of the region, mostly aniniists, nomadically occupying parts of Thailand, Laos, and Cambodia. 53 occupied by fairly dense rice growing populations since the eleventh century. Only after the eighteenth century did population spread to the site that is currently the 14BMR. Reports of an isolated and secluded Kingdom, absolutely self sufficient and inward-looking are incorrect. The Ayutthaya Kingdom, that emerged in 1350, was known as an established merchant and trading power with world-wide links, that would make proud, even today’s export orientated capitalist leaders. One report on trade in Siam in 1678, refers to Ayutthaya as the granary of neighboring 5countries.’ During the reign of King Narai (1656-1688), the Kingdom was known to be actively trading with Persia, Arabia, Japan, China, England, Netherlands and France. 16 The outward looking character at the time is further demonstrated by 17 the fact that the privileged class were largely made up of, and even favoured to be foreigners. It should be mentioned that, although pre-Bowring Treaty Siam, and more specifically, the Ayutthaya Kingdom, were involved in foreign trade, the typical peasant and village community were largely self-sufficient, producing most of what they consumed, and engaged in only a limited amount of trade with the wider economy. Jacobs (1971) reports that the Ayutthaya Kingdom exacted a tax of no more then 10 per cent of production, to be used for nobility consumption and trade. 18 14. Tanabe, Shigeharu (1978) ‘Land Reclamation in the Chao Phraya Delta in THAILAND: A RICE GROWING SOCIETY, (ed) Ishii Yoneo, trans Peter Hawkes and Stephanie Hawkes, Kyoto: Monograph of the Center for Southeast Asian Studies, Kyoto University pg.41. 15. Anderson, John (1890) ENGLISH INTERCOURSE WITH SIAM IN THE SEVENTEENTH CENTURY, London: Kegan Paul, pg.242. 16. de la Loubere, S. (1969) THE KINGDOM OF SIAM, Kuala Lumpur: Oxford University Press. Kuala Lumpur. 17. Ishii reports that the King of Ayutthaya favoured foreigners in the bureaucratic courts, and a ‘Mohammedan’ was the official in charge of commercial affairs in the late seventeenth century. See, Yoneo Ishii, “History and Rice Growing” in Ishil op.cit. 18. Villagers were also obligated to ‘pay” in military service or labor, for one quarter of each year. See Jacobs, N. (1971) MODERNIZATION WITHOUT DEVELOPMENT: THAILAND AS AN ASIAN CASE STUDY, N.Y.: Praeger. 54 3.3 The 1855 Bowring Treaty and the Integration of the Central Plain into the World Economy: In the mid-nineteenth century, Southeast Asia found itself confronted with a rapidly growing demand for its primary products, especially rice. By the 1600’s, European countries had not only begun to consume large quantities of rice as an inexpensive staple grain, but had started using rice in various other functions and forms (starch in sizing textiles, cattle feed, brewing whiskey and beer). Siok Hwa (1968) describes rice- hungry European consumers looking abroad to satisfy their needs. Much of the supply originally came from the southern United States, but with the outbreak of the American Civil War in 1861, Burma, Vietnam, and Siam became important alternate trading 19targets. Furthermore, Europe had been seeking new (and populous) markets for products developed and mass produced by the industrial revolution, and was on the verge of entering a new phase of capitalist distension and mercantilism. Also as important, all land east of Egypt could be tapped more readily and efficiently by the 1869 opening of the Suez Canal, which cut the distance between London and Singapore by one-third, to about 13,000 kilometers. Thailand was not to be excluded from the European economic invasion. In the same decade that the British captured Rangoon, the French fortified their stance in Judo-china, and the Dutch extended their reign of the Dutch East Indies into Sumatra, the Thai entered into a treaty that was to change the shape of Thailand’s political economy and history. In 1855 King Monkhut (Rama IV) signed the Bowring treaty with Great Britain, in which Thailand allowed free trade in almost all products, and maintained damaging low export duties. It was a remarkable surrender of sovereignty and fiscal authority. The treaty orchestrated by Sir John Bowring was signed voluntarily, in part, to ward off the even greater threat of British colonial rule, and the King earnestly assumed that Thailand’s economic future depended on its relations with the °2west. Bowring himself remarked, “(the treaty) involved a total revolution in all the financial machinery of the 19. Cheng, Siok-Hwa (1968) THE RICE INDUSTRY OF BURMA: 1852-1940, KualaLumpur and Singapore. 20. For the King’s position on the treaty see Ingram op.cit, pg.33. Also, it is worth mentioning that it is not the first treaty Thailand entered with Britain. In 1826, the Burney Treaty was signed mostly involving trade and border issues. 55 government” 21 As pointed out earlier, Thailand was already partially integrated into international trade, but this treaty created dramatic alterations to village production regimes, unparalleled in all preceding dynasties. Ingram claims that Thailand went from exporting no more than five per cent of its total rice production in 1850, to 50 per cent in 1907. By the 1930s the Thai share comprised 30 per cent of the world trade in 22rice. The treaty also gave unprecedented privileges to British subjects in particular, allowing them to trade directly with the Thai. The importance of European trading houses is explained later. The British demanded tin, teak, and later, rubber, but rice was the main focus of the treaty. It presented a situation of extraordinary change for the Thai peasantry who were almost exclusively specialized in subsistence rice cultivation. Thailand, and notably the Central Plain were integrated into the capitalist world economic system; a primitive introduction to what would become one of the most dependent economies in 23Asia. The mostly unoccupied lands surrounding the capital were to become the new granary which would satisfy treaty quotas. Before these areas could be cultivated they had to be well settled. Hence, canals had to be cut through the harsh natural landscape. The canals enabled farmers to invade the frontier and eventually deliver the paddy to market. The excavation project was an important and controversial period of modern Thai history. The extensive network of canals, built in the nineteenth century for defense, irrigation, and to pry open the hinterland, interestingly act as a significant water resource for today’s factories and golf 24courses. 21. As cited in Keyes, Charles (1989) ThAILAND: BUDDHIST KINGDOM AS MODERN NATION STATE, Bangkok: DK Printing House, pg.45. 22. Ingram op.cit. pg.37. 23. The term ‘dependent’ refers to a reliance on foreign capital, investment, management and technology that has characterized the present economy. 24. Another significant use for the canals is aesthetic residential waterways. New housing estates that straddle canals are touted as modern marina property, and fetch a considerable price. This will be discussed at greater length in Chapter 7. The prior straightening Ayutthaya Chao were Vietnamese known Phasi A elephant Siemreap. twentieth constructed 25. substantial agencies substantial twentieth D. canals, According mosquitos. Elephants riverine of 26. University. the the HISTORY and Saen oozing handful corvee, (1975) myriad Corvee 100,000 Translated, landscape nineteenth Saeb constructed to Phraya Charoen pit it as traffic. the and century, infested is century, were RURAL on when Saen to sprung The OF creatures of Describing period. was pg.9. interesting economic feeder Stings treaty, greatly solely be Johnston, the and other the of A also See Saen a Canal, obligated canal, century Saeb citizens back modem RURAL Labor pervasive the meandering corvee “ by periphery, Bang into SOCIETY canal, Ishii for Figure . driven canals .each living Saeb, concerned were excavation an canal, of that the stronghold which the a purposes running was would op.cit. Pa canal a army land day was to COMMUNITY emergence Damnoen able-bodied modern mostly Chinese standard along is away form 3.3 dug the Kong used and Bang ‘100,000 AND on for than was routinely project of Chao state shows the during project from the westward the of living.” for was of corvee day Rivers for up Chan dug coolie a THE indentured greeting young way. decline for trade calvary, Saduak, of passage Phraya the male to more defense. stings, Phra can the almost the of three that ask will RICE the Sharp, deltaic and The IN laborers would Bang and extent be canal, between from Bangkok as Phadeng men, in instrumental time be THAILAND 1870s. canal to River. dumped pain to suggesting built labor. peasants seen Thailand ECONOMY commerce. from discussed For six Lauriston, Chan plains, eastern Bangkok are facilitate Sharp period of building, for of months as to 18-60 example, was From Rice canals 25 you the Kingdom, some canal, upon a facilitate military were and of and The continuation the battles.26 an Palace on were in Ithaca: (was in quickly “where the and of five the to troop The IN estuary Hanks that subsequent canal elephant which harshness the required opening early labor early the in Lucien dyke THAILAND: required also thousand purposes, way, success the in were who Cornell movement the work are Tha lead wrote, took per canals Bangkok garrison Ayutthaya was projects sugar herding, to or you 1830s believed Hanks, up of of carved Chin year to chapters. was be to) returning over. accompanied hired of an University excavation a the going?”, “Every constructed producing trade, industry, be productive Phasi complete. or area port a River, 1880-1930, village of to through cultivating (1978) period registered out perilous Chinese pay By a possible defense. town, infested basket connecting (from and Charoen prior 1880, a (bai Press. was by fee BANG to rice which works by Concerning short-cut the transformed overseeing nai) in the the rice corvee)? threat of in with royal to PhD the with the Thais for battle In the pg.39. eastern lieu clay first same 1767. originated gave CHAN: economy bites, was carried the overseas first one Dissertation, scorpions canal lands, Bangkok from of carried decade recognized sites routes name. By 1860s, the From rise of service.” the all canal These nips, plains, the the the between SOCIAL and the out incoming region’s Ayutthayan such markets. to from wasteland in up of the The government early and and period, unified mill however, a during canals an the from Yale was waters Johnston, as the economy stings a work. the most time the 56 the of on of Source: Tanabe AYUTTI-IAYAN FIGURE (1978). 3.3 CANAL EXCAVATION 57 58 potential economic wealth in the desolate plains of the Chao Phraya River basin. Canal construction took on a new and hurried pace, rushing to open the region and cash in. For the next three decades, canal excavation surged, forming the lattice work of waterways, that opened up one of the most prosperous rice bowls in Southeast Asia (Figure 3.4). Officials, nobility, royal family members, and occasionally commoners claimed large sections of land along the new banks. An unsatisfied appetite for more and more land, led to the privatization of canal excavating corporations, European engineers, and state of the art dredging and excavating machinery. The most ambitious project was the Rangsit system, linking the Chao Phraya and Bang Pa Kon Rivers, north of Saen Saeb. The spine of the system, the Rangsit Canal was to have forty smaller canals to its north and south; over 1700 kilometers in all. Upon completion, in 1905, some 2 million rai were accessible for cultivation through the Rangsit 27system. In the first decade of the new century, a Dutch engineer, Homan Van der Heide, drew up the plans for an immense hydrology project, involving the entire Central Plain, and an extensive expansion of the canal network. It would develop an enormous region, enhance communications and provide agricultural benefits to a whole generation of farmers. The project was debated for several years with high strung emotion and convincing evidence, however, it was ultimately rejected. At the time government funds were being channeled into railway construction, which was a development scheme promising revolutionary changes to transportation and communication. Feeny(1979) cites another reason; The other major reason for the Thai government’s rejection of a proposal in 1902 to irrigate the Central Plains was that the project would have been detrimental to the interests of Bangkok elite absentee landlords, many of whom were important government officials or members of the royal family. Had the project been 27. For a detailedaccountof the project, from start to completion,see Chapter2 of Johnston, op.cit. 1’ — / — Ui Canals of the Central Plain The departed manufactured rice established As grade as sugar Furthermore, An Rangsit income...”if expanding pg.61-68, 28. 29. AND POVERTY Institute, 30. 31. imported rice interesting Feeny, Between Ingram, Zimmerman, milling, whole INDUSTRIAL European cane, production Canal January. Thailand pg.62. David theme land, AND local op.cit. were products 1886 finance tilling goods. lands irrigation observation sugar Carle SOCIAL as (1979) industries pg.2-2. and turned of pg.114. to levels opposed DEVELOPMENT that agricultural techniques investment, resume 1900, Local saturated (1931) pervaded Post formerly into schemes, CHANGE spiraled pursuedhe tenants. to It cloth simply Europe.3 sugar is and sugar to SIAM is World his Bangkok. paddy. that quite improving local handicrafts were local from post underdevelopment imports marine production, produced coöild upwards, throughout RURAL “...could War IN markets. likely Generally, advanced. on IN markets.29 England SOUTHEAST landlords The II jumped not THAILAND, the transportation, Thai techniques ECONOMIC that suffered locally textile compete several island support the Ingram for Agricultural to ten it 31 the at Bangkok The post-Bowring was example, of producing fold. consumed Poorly industries will entire Rangsit grim ASIA tripley with of Bangkok: Java. writes: textile cheaper SURVEY, See and production. be consequences ed the economic Development developed than discussed Suehiro, was its might marine Ozay industry regions products, textile developed to Chulalongicorn present period, from almost ship 1930-31.pg.311. Mehnet, have insurance. Akira regime In centers Chieng later. agricultural of also a population, Policy: totally 1931, from rice ton lost such Thailand in (1985) Ottawa: experienced Notwithstanding, connection of was production their of as University Mai the Zimmerman Continuity phased However, betel, altered. CAPITAL influx methods, University and out, cotton, a with Social have of was or damaging many imported ACCUMULATION as discerned Change Feeny increased export of higher Research cheap Van tobacco, Ottawa long der would decline, growth; in average high that Press, through Heide and 60 the argue, mode and members A advise of patron-client lines, is Na sense, Plain, lands 32. elements LIFE, 33. 34. 35. powerful a land, Luang, Keyes For Sakdina op.cit, income strongly of in rice Saarbrucken: patron-client are they fellow more particularly the cultivation in of (1989), Johnston mills, the or means were landlord secure. the BMR the on centralized relationships, nobility, result royal the current royal and acquired op.cit, control are (1975). Verlag Princes Absentee drew relationships ricelands of in from a family still market that the the pg.136. land form or considerable breitenbach during Those particular power Underlying superiors. each the those controlled Bangkok Rangsit capitalist which power the tenure was landowners are of royal place most Also individual lowr semi-feudalism, higher from common individualizes lands the of were area, system. activities family, see in the elites position successful Publishers, canal by ‘ the profits. down among the that Korff, largely fields. up royal and had practice demanding is Rangsit in excavation in Na the Prince see situated, expect later the in little Rudiger the those family Lwing a landowners king pg.69-70. Johnston, the a areas continuation between hierarchy hierarchy expanded of district.32 motivation Narathip, commoner. tangible below or patronage lineage.35 the (1986), however period still adjacent royal Chapters status the exist them, never seek of his benefits BANGKOK: household was and aristocratic The of to relative temporarily, to Keyes empire quo, is today, validation the invest and offer farmed a 2 Bangkok, the accumulation wealthy and Sakdina, which from in idea describes power. and an into 9, in administered return, themselves. URBAN nobles op.cit. understanding mechanization their that more of of teak rentier, in and from their course, a the of and forests, led than SYSTEM large centuries relationship: who to commoners.33 directly. He half keep the landholdings tramways, of was owned as of entrenchment AND the their the earlier. the known In patrimonial existing huge EVERYDAY positions most the rail In to Central Sakdina tracts by fertile a of 61 62 The result of such tenure patterns led to an increasing land concentration in the hands of few, mostly absentee landlords. Comparing tenure regimes between land-abundant northern villages, and denser land- scarce villages of the Central Plain, Moerman (1968), concludes that commercialization creates labor commodification and land 36concentration. Since the turn of the century, the Central Plain has been characterized by large scale landlessness; a trend that is prevalent today, and acts to facilitate the labor shift to non-agricultural economic sectors. Douglass (1984) confirms this trend, claiming that 94 per cent of landowners lived in their tambon in the northern changwat of Chiang Mai, while in the Central Plain changwat of Ayutthaya, the corresponding figure was 40 per 37cent. In the 1920s Zimmerman observed that tenure contracts were usually for one year periods resulting in the injurious situation where peasants were 38 compelled to move often, incurring large debts to Chinese merchants and their landlord. The high incidence of tenancy, as Zimmerman explains, often leads to indebtedness, a predicament that has characterized Central Plain farming for over a century. Douglass maintains that throughout the post-Bowring era, the Plain has experienced “exceptional” levels of indebtedness, three to five times higher than other regions of the Kingdom. La Nuang, and commercialized tenancy patterns that sprung from it, gave rise to two important systems of exploitation; a decrease in power for clients within Sak.dina,and landrent. 36. Moerman, M. (1968) AGRICULTURAL CHANGE AND PEASANT CHOICE IN A THAI VILLAGE, Berkeley: University of California Press, pg. 113 37. Douglass, Mike (1984) REGIONAL INTEGRATION ON THE CAPITALIST PERIPHERY: THE CENTRAL PLAINS OF THAILAND, The Hague: Institute of Social Studies, Research Report Series No.15. pg.52. A tambonis an administration area two levels below the changwat.It is parallel to a sub-district. 38. Zimmerman explains the problem of short term tenancy with an example, “...a farmer improved a farm by bundmg, thinking that he would make the money back if undisturbed for ten years. In three years the land was sold and the rent raised, so that particular tenant lost and became discouraged. op.cit pg.307. Moreover, conventional wisdom would suggest that cultivators with secure legal ownership, have higher variable inputs and consistently harvest larger yields per land unit. This, of course is partially why the Central Plain faces relatively low yields compared to other Asian ricebowls. In particular see Feder, Gershon, (1988), “Land Ownership Security and Farm Productivity: Evidence From Thailand JOURNAL OF DEVELOPMENT STUDIES, vol.24, pg.16-30. critical lands its A regions Khorat was the Chulalongkorn Pathum Rangsit, Plain rice Buoyant and the from that Tanabe STUDIES, Population now 41. 42. 40. 39. spatial roots largest The Central Ibid, Tanabe As social production, indeed would examine Isan further in cited to labor most of refers Thani the in pg.226-233. foreign a trend collect (Northeast of the vol. practice stratification and (1978), late be an Plain. in early the comprehensive shortage expanded, some Johnston characteristic Northeast to province, insightful 15, most characteristic nineteenth (Rama World’s carried demand this additional years The pg. op.cit, still of Labor unlimited time Thailand), 43-68. was the V) main (1975), of found that migrant Most out (Isan) remark, pg.40. however for was period forms century this migration evident, treatment labor of in were trend rice of Preeminent op.cit, today. believed century, labor a the to the anxious workers way, and was for as the part from suggests that Central foreign EBMR and will a of pg.226. flows directions the As factories the process that of characterized ‘rural nearby to it be was Primate to process workers the from salient is have Plain influenced discussed never in that today the hard first to commercial Southeast of and villages, Bangkok impoverished number said, of at City agriculture. feature transition of disturbed alleviated to is could least early industrial Isan the in ascertain. at the “.. corporate the its of migration ‘several large Asia. . always and industrial that nascent to (this baggage, Bicentenary”, following Isan the from Bangkok by later, When first Isan estates scale migration Cultivators Johnston’s utilizing delicate workers be landscape thousand” period “medieval” created, is were capitalism after found migration chapter. foreshadowed the Stemstein, adjacent migration, JOURNAL balance lands brought of the that 1900, is) at research in and emerging commercialization migrated of cheap railway sold need to became in of to when Larry benefit then of “modern” the Bangkok.39 would to labor their OF of labour Sakdina. similar in the outer shaped stations (1984) trains 75-100 each labor SOUTHEAST accessible Thanyaburi to from labor Plains. later both of city. year.41 state.42 structural would would “The the the Levels prisoners. constitute in years in This was parties. In Saraburi landscape the labor and Growth 1906, often ply district, pattern increased later. We Central of ASIAN settled, injustices glut to 40 inequity will one When go of King or and of 63 has the to of a 64 3.4 Pre-Worid War 11Political Economy: A critical feature of the economy, was the absence of Thai people as significantplayers in commercial and industrial activities after the Bowring Treaty. European and Chinese capital dominated the economic landscape from the second half of the nineteenth century. Transnational corporations (TNC5) became common throughout Bangkok immediately following the treaty. By the turn of the century, several British firms such as the Borneo Company Ltd., the Bombay Burmah Trading Corporation, and the Anglo Siam Corporation were granted exclusive concessions to various resources, such as teak. Overseas Chinese also had important roles in rice, rubber and teak exports, and the importing of manufactured 43goods. The European trading houses were prominent and influential because of their linkages with the United Kingdom, the heart of the world capitalist economy. Another distinguished group of early capitalists were the royal family, nobility, and faithful aristocrats, collectively termed the Privy Purse. Their power stemmed from their vast landholdings, accumulated during the canal excavation period.’ This form of capital consistently seeks protection from foreign competition, acquires special licenses and subsidies, and is largely ignorant of technological aspects, and generally deals in what Yoshihara (1988) refers to as “ersatz capital”, or capital that is ‘unproductive’. Yoshihara highlights various forms of ‘ersatz’ capital in Southeast Asia, particularly crony capital, royal capital, and military bureaucratic capital. These are comprised of rent seekers, bureaucrats, speculators, political leaders, and 43. See “TNCs in Thailand”, (1989) BUSINESS IN THAILAND, pg.34-39, June. A discussionof Chinesebusinessis found later in this section. 44. For more about the three categories of dominant capital; Sino-Thai, European, and Privy Purse, see Suehiro, op.cit, pg.2-9 to 2-14. 65 TNCs. These players are important figures for the capitalist environment, but too often they are after quick profits with short time 45horizons. The manufacturing era began in the 1930s. Suehiro notes that in 1919, there were only seven factories in Bangkok, excluding rice and saw mi11ing.’ When the government began setting up state owned factories in the 1930s, seventeen manufacturing firms existed, of which only two were owned and operated by Thai capital, one of which was the Singha-Boonrawd Brewery. Ten were European, and the remaining five were Sino-Thai. It was this decade that Thailand entered the ‘industrial’ era. Textile factories, paper mills, cotton factories, and imported European machinery were part of the government’s new industrial policy of economic nationalism. The government also entered rice milling and marine transportation, which up to this point was almost exclusively controlled by Chinese capital. As a state industrial policy was formed and promoted, the Sino-Thai were able to improve their position. Companies owned and operated by Sino-Thai adjusted well to the depression, beginning in 1929. They operate with few professional managers, low overhead, and are more flexible then state run firms. At this time, for example, Sino-Thai traders joined the Privy Purse and established national banking 47institutions. Chinese success in the economic theaters of Thailand, according to Yoshihara, is partially due to the leniency and abiding nature of Thai Buddhism, (unlike Islam in Malaysia and Indonesia).’ Ethnic Chinese have in no small way contributed to the nascent development of commercial and industrial interests in areas outside and adjacent to Bangkok. Since the second half of the nineteenth century the Thai 45. Yoshihara, Kumo (1988) THE RISE OF ERSATZ CAPITALISM IN SOUTHEASTASIASingapore;Oxford University Press. 46. These were: a cement factory, leather factory, cigarette plant, three aerated water factories, and a soap plant. See Suehiro, op.cit, pg.2-7. 47. Yoshihara offers three examples; Wanglee Bank, Tan Pen Choon Bank, and Thye San Bank. All were liquidated by the startof World War II. op.cit, pg.47. 48. Ibid, pg.60-61. have economy trade. stereotyped population An resourcefulness contrast, The livelihood able peasantry ‘grimly who 49. of the wealth Cornell 50. Chinese: Bangkok. ecological proverbs Skinner, Ibid. position to were shown Skinner rather fill, university Maithusian pg.92. has the Money with excluded came density as William contributing an reflect than Thai been of explanation languid (1957) inclination Skinner limited and the much can Press, honor.” have characterized a regions Sino-Thai (1957) from industriousness setting”, perilous do summarizes in easier.5° contrasts opportunity pg.91. all Lived to pg.95. economic Sakdina, economic venturesomeness, industriousness, The unwilling steadiness things comparison, economic contented a CHINESE towards for of the dependent attitude in there southeastern this was Chinese development a a by number and relatively the discerning also a emerges found to dealings, economic for which advancement, advancennt, to with SOCIETY broad of “With materialism; contrasts: status. mobility labor were were enhanced purpose, of there their China, over willingness range Thai money sparsely among and and generally characterized for and distinction specialization IN lot, was and centuries and more independence. emergence ambition, by of invariably THAILAND: “Do you mostly innovativeness, conservative, uninterested the a Chinese non-agricultural enterprise populated Sakdina lacunae can not than said population to is long is labor Fujian get as that desire to immediate proverbs along manifested of concentrated the which displaying in be for AN non-agricultural environment, in ethnic long The in commerce, devil and and indolent, more non-agricultural for ethnic a money ANALYTICAL institutionalized survival Thai, pertaining and activities, Kwangtung satisfied himself wealth Chinese needs, than in extreme lines. hard, in or cultural by your trade, agriculture, and to ethic amongst with to had The push from activities own wealth provinces. HISTORY, activities. reflected and and migrated Thai your the share” finance fertile economic finance, and stature while have cart’. within accumulation. and in In from land, to The Ithaca, been Sino-Thai For “Sacrifice such overseas they of and traits. Sino-Thai, high and the the NY: were a outside Thai, Thai In 66 as 67 There were a number of activities the Sino-Thai have been involved with since the nineteenth century which allowed control of areas outside of the capital, and directly contributed to outer city development. As mentioned earlier, rice was an important export commodity after the Bowring Treaty, and the major foreign markets, aside from Europe, were Singapore, Hong Kong, and southern China, giving the Chinese in Siam a vital advantage in trade negotiations and deals. Moreover, the output for export came almost exclusively from Sino-Thai owned rice mills, which by the second decade of the twentieth century were nearly ubiquitous in the lower Central Plain provinces of Pathum Thani, Ayutthaya, Chachoengsao, and Samut Prakarn. The milling, marketing, and trading of rice was made possible by the provision of travel, which was not possible for immobile Thai peasantry. Between 1890 and 1910 highways and railroads radiated from Bangkok, further facilitating itinerant travel by the Sino-Thai, and greatly improving on traditional waterway transport 51methods. Sugar was another important export crop that the Sino-Thai dominated from production to trade. By the end of the 1860s, the largest sugar plantations and refineries were adjacent to Bangkok in the provinces of Chonburi, Chachoengsao, and Naithon Pathom. Although the sugar industry all but collapsed by the end of the century, a post World War I revival, again controlled by the Sino-Thai, was focused in 52Chonburi. Two other outer city activities in Sino-Thai hands were market gardening and salt production. As Bangkok’s population expanded through the twentieth century, the Sino-Thai responded by providing fresh vegetables to the city, grown on farms at the city’s 53fringe. Salt produced along coastal areas of Samut Pralcarn and 51. Ibid. pg.205-220. Duringthe Great Depression (1929-1935), Central Plain rice farmers were severely effected, and hostility and blame were targeted at the Chinese rice merchants, who throughmoney lending activities went unscathed during the difficult years. By the end of the 1930s, a high ranking Thai Minister (Phra Boripan Yuthakit) in cabinet led a zealous anti Chinese campaign to commandeer the rice trade and give it over to Thai interests. In a 1939 radio speech, the Minister said, “So it looks as though the government will have to help from begim g to end to free the growers from these aliens. That is, it must help from the time the rice is planted in the ground until it is put in the stomach of the final buyer.” Landon, Kenneth Perry (1941) THE CHINESE IN THAILAND, NY: Russell and Russell, pg.245. It is worth noting that in the 1990s, rice milling and trading is an enterprise still dominated by ChineseThai. 52. Op.cit (1957), Skinner, pg.112 and 217. In the 1990s sugar remains Chonburi’s most important agricultural product. and Samut destined agricultural economic Since heavily few concentrated reactive kilometres They relatively their many Chinese The Anti-Chinese following new 53. 54. 55. Ithaca. Ibid, Skinner, Op.cit Tobacco urban decade and wealth have Sino-Thai of Sakhon NY: capitalized resiliency, meaning pg.217. for the Promethean activities. small, (1941), World centres a of Cornell activities of William Hong (and smaller penchant Act in Bangkok. policies, were the the activities, their Landon, which War even ‘connections’). outside Kong 1930s University foreign hands were (1958) not In privately beginning player influence for II, expansion)! which the only essentially And and able was pg.225-226. and of insider of LEADERSHIP including whole TNCs entered a Bangkok Malaya. as for Press, momentous reached to in owned few the was in respond. the local dealings Kingdom, Lie the large drove Clan pg. economic broad 1960s, the those alongside industrial In a consumption, had 176-177. late peak ring; based industrial a AND Sino-Thai Although for controversial in concentrations in connected 1950s Chinese at private in scope. the thrust the POWER Chinese least the firms the development with military. capitalists.55 Chinese early the half of salt became but Sino-Thai networks, to throughout the the IN families average move, agriculture, farmers were the part of THE Sarit Thai The operated Sino-Thai full-fledged Chinese of significant of the commercial CHINESE and origins regime, economy size operate Today, into this the Thai government, rely have of plants, century EBMR population bankruptcy.54 capitalism. population Sino-Thai of with heavily Sino-Thai large members eport COMMUNITY shifted traditionally Thailand’s interests and are were no scale in on commodities, have boundaries still large to industrial It resided of largely commercial 1939 guanxi industrial industrial were was Sino-Thai Thai military-orientated done enough been OF introduced at and within abandoned society. (Mandarin little this THAILAND, and firms city estates, non to still particularly interests, owned. time no based, to support 100 was are Today, weaken politics. the that and largely very Salt with their 68 a political military academics, assets with Telephone Authority, essential Thailand’s are elite, nationalization Thai distant capital, the Thanarit, the force. logging 56. largest state war the as and however, no.2, be 57. 1950s there dealt media, military’s all Today hinterland Through his on enterprise a capital).57 pg. royal They are Thailand’s European-influenced operated exporters the regions Free firms has with creating rose and 128-134. in who an now the where U.S.A. Organization and modern and have been capitalists, the anti-Japanese Thai the both economic power entering to rank will board. resulted enormous, of Ports region’s were upscale years control by of a they short economic Also, irregularities Movement in be in well industry and rice. the see experience this 1942. discussed essentially They sensitive own leading Authority, periods file established McKinnon, Bangkok military.56 and structure in It and bureaucrats the future of movement is 210 of a relationship Japanese and also and Chinese resulted, also Thailand, subsequent coalition, narrow the constitutional to of border radio later, in they control the with development resources democratic worth army left significantly were are the presence John War, capital stations called came have domestic joined ironically economic to “compradores” areas core development numbers with mentioning and extensive State consolidated chapters. (1992) develop Thailand to come for was intrinsic never along Japan in has government, and monarchy together power Railways, almost by and market leading beginning “Can 160,000. increased held two nationalism, to logging Alcira a the with was materialized became that competitiveness. number in control of of structures the all Cambodian various in and maintaining reestablished 1957, the Thailand little for the (1985), the based forms Military Thai 1932, Also, concessions, amongst to its military, increasingly overthrew five Bangkok’s of economy, the form owned assistance. primacy, revolutionary forms on was Airways of there op.cit. national when as for crucial closer and business, be Parliamentary another the envisioned, however have and Bangkok a Thailand’s Sidelined?”, are of Burmese 22 Thus, secure and an the to (ie. close industrial televisions power as and International, 32,200 grew coups certainly Incessant the eclectic distinct command absolute including the no ideologues, with Transport sensitive International U.S.A. and only to frontiers. or Central (since since. in due rapidly unprecedented PACIFIC form Japan, supremacy. rigid little not group production. the channels. partially poverty monarchy, access to banking, Notwithstanding, 1932). ruled navy, Their high-tech of the Communications Plain, clasp formation such and Their developing to of investment. Trading VIEWPOINT, the military-bureaucratic for continuously and dissatisfied and successful. For Communications, Field as accumulation and on power Within extent and international dimensions. Pridi 43,100 and a disinvestment most areas sit Marshal Co., fair of the also on replaced economy, Phanomyong of After indigenous by treatment a assets other one in that declaring almost since year The soldiers, the extends vol.33, the Sarit the of and This of are late more air and the the 1932, it War every local 69 and of in will to 70 3.5 Post War Capitalism: Sol Ratchu Khru to the 1980s Boom: Following the War, there was a dramatic rise of the economic role played by bureaucratic military capital. The ‘Soi Ratchu Khru”, a group of officers, some of their relatives, and a police general, carried out the 1947 coup, and ushered in a new era of military dominated 58capitalism. Two additional events after the War, were the communist victory in China, and the partition and decolonization of India, which meant that hundreds of businesses changed their status to Thai, and thousands of business people became Thai citizens. Much of the profits generated by both Indian and Sino-Thai businesses that had previously leaked out of the country now remained in the local economy. A friendlier business environment enhanced capital circulation. There was greater flexibility for expanding and enlarging their business operations, and this in turn opened up new opportunities for real estate holdings. It was a boon to the industrial 59economy. A new national industrial strategy, beginning in the 1950s was launched to build up the manufacturing sector. New investments in irrigation and transportation brought greater wealth and profits from the agricultural sector. Steep tax premiums on rice production also provided a one way rural to urban flow of capital, which conveniently was used to build up the industrial sector. It was a development scheme designed by successive waves of military leaders, the most prominent being Field Marshal Sarit Thanarit, coming to ‘absolute power’ after a 1957 coup. Sarit encouraged private investment, abolished labor unions, and in 58. Soi Ratchu Khru, led by Field Marshal Phibun Songkram, was named for Phibun’s residence, Soi Ratchu Khru, Paholyothin Road. 59. op.cit (1989), Business in Thailand, pg.38. 71 1959 formed the Board of Investment (BOl). It was an industrial strategy augmented by the arrival of the World Bank and the United States as major economic players (stakeholders) leading to a massive capital penetration that was as much of a military operation as a development scheme. One of the most debilitating government programs for the Central Plain, as mentioned above, was the rice premium tax policy, which lowered the domestic rice price to transfer peasant’s income to the urban elite. As tenant cultivators were forced to surrender their output to the government at prices below the market level, Bangkokian consumers enjoyed heavily subsidized rice. Rozental (1970) has shown that in the late 1960s branches of provincial banks in the Plain, collected niral savings and channeled them to the capital; only a quarter of the funds deposited in the provinces were being 60retained. It was an urban bias that, between 1962 and 1972, was estimated to absorb 25 per cent of rural 6income. Furthermore, newly introduced imported fertilizers, pesticides, and herbicides were forced on’ the peasants at prices, up to 70 per cent above international market 62values. There was an undeniable intensification in the process of proletarianisation and pauperisation of the Plain peasantry. Survival strategies were often bent on abandoning agriculture, and migrating to Bangkok. Chiengkal is forthright; “Now they have to send their sons and daughters to be directly exploited in the industrial and services sector. The monopoly capitalists now could take surplus from both 63ends.” With an expanded tax base, an ample supply of labor, and another military leader at the helm, Thailand by 64 the 1960s built up an impressive import substitution industrial program. U.S. influence became even 60. Rozental, A. (1970)FINANCEAND DEVELOPMENTIN THAILAND,New York: Praeger. For more on the rice premium, see Feeny, op.cit and Witayakorn Chiengkal (1983) ‘The Transformation of the Agrarian Structure of Central Thailand, 1960-1980,” JOURNAL OF CONTEMPORARY ASIA, vol.13, pg.340-360. 61. Lam, N.y. (1977) “Incidence of the Rice Export Premiumin Thailand’ JOURNAL OF DEVELOPMENT STUDIES, vol.14, no.1, October, pg.3-13. 62. See Douglass (1984), op.cit, pg.176. 63. Chiengkal (1983), op.cit, pg.349. 64. When Sarit died in 1963, he was succeeded by Field Marshal Thanom Kittikatchorn,ibid. 72 more pervasive, as the Vietnam war began, pumping more than a $1 billion in economic and military aid into the national reserves, not to mention service sector receipts from U.S. soldiers on ‘rest and relaxation leave in Thailand. It was not long after the Free Thai anti-Japanese campaign, when investment from Japan surged into the Thai economy. In the late 1950s, Japanese investment commenced with exceedingly liberal and generous flexibility from the Thai government, including 100 percent ownership, tax exemptions on the import of industrial machinery, and unprecedented five year tax holidays. It was the start of what would become one of the most exploitive economic relationships in Asia. Today, Japanese export orientated industrialization dominates the landscape of the EBMR, and Japan s economic reign has expanded into housing estates, theme parks and golf courses. Also at this time, TNCs started operation in large numbers. Between 1957 and 1972, 92 TNC firms entered Thailand, of which 80 per cent were from the U.S. and Japan. These matters (Japanese investment and TNC5) will be dealt with at length in subsequent chapters. By the early 1970s the investment incentive laws were being amended to offer further enticement to export industries. From this point on, the industrial economy would become increasingly geared to offshore markets. Although foreign investment increased, the 1970s and the first half of the 1980s were onerous times for the Thai economy, with two oil shocks, the withdrawal of U.S. troops from the region, and a pair of civil uprisings. Inflation rose sharpiy, as did the external 65debt. Prosperity was reestablished, and by the mid 1980s there was evidence of a significant sectorial restructuring. The proportion of the labor force in agriculture fell, as did the value of agricultural output. The economy became focused on the manufacturing and service sectors. Thailand’s resource extraction industries became a decreasingly important factor in development. By 1991, Thailand’s traditional resource- 65. 1973 was a particularly difficult year, with the Yom Kippur War driving up the price of oil, and in the same month (October), army tanks rolled throughthe streets of Bangkok killing about 100 unarmeddemonstrators demanding a Constitution. based primary highlighted Since was diversified, the surrender The trading over five inviting furthered development, regime leaving (EOI), region income 66. 67. 68. industrial THE Handley, Feeny becoming provinces Central the exports 1986, at the (1957-1963) houses were the target the last NATION any their their (1979), Plain peasants by and Japanese, Thailand Plain Paul 150 more heartland other of first a adjacent of annual interests and economic tourism large rice, peasantry years. op.cit. (1992) much (1991) has import unequally Chinese time. marked of has industrial sugar, been GDP American, the to has of in Since has October Wired autonomy The enjoyed Bangkok, substitution this a were Central an clearly merchants. growth proven most a tin, distributed the low new economic growth, for park. being 20, etc.. and counterproductive 1855 an Export’, wage been era plain rates to for averaging ‘Quo economic TNCs comprised be taxed industrialization for and Bowring After capitalist extended levels, more ‘playland of then an Vadis, capitalist FAR between 11 in effective to the ever dependent one per to boom, the the EASTERN Bangkok?”, Treaty a expansion, 1932 operate out cent. paltry before, hilt per frustrated for development, 1985 way, of income envied revolution, day. to the (1ST), the the Manufacturing on nearly 16 support and leaving and ECONOMIC various pg.B4, Plain There capital per the first farmer, then by earner 1989, indebtedness dominant cent at deveLoping peasantry by urban very opening are Charles later the forms will. city.67 as over the of and now oppression little well. REVEIEW export output exports.66 development. As Privy of 2000 the Greenberg. capital the over have attention Bangkok levels countries surplus The iron Purse, door, orientated has new 700C) been then continued, EBMR (PEER), will were not The factories for wider focused based then factories impelled throughout peasants only of Plain’s the dangerously By has industrialization Bangkok 30, the then people. dominant soared, 1980 as been opened on January, European in in to rice the ever, industrial the the any wealth almost the capital, military but The bowl high, in area; world, capital other pg.46. has the Sarit 73 and were 3.6 grew absentee The landscape, provinces. Korff the combined pushed factories concentric the From 69. 1960s, 70. form Korff, periphery. Ibid. The historical the rapidly. refers its new boundaries Fringe precise aristocrats, provided of founding, R. with rings for Then, circular factories to (1986) Yet, context a as, modern to population combination radiating when jobs “the the morphologically outward BANGKOK: Bangkok migration.69 were were in Fore: decomposition for bureaucratic space-time which heavily from located former as towards was needed economically a URBAN the region-based destined This integrated in dislocated compression Royal the and the the to of eventually expediently SYSTEM city Plain foreign fringe, the Palace, to fragmented spread into rural be peasants, (Figure urban technologies a on led market AND became dissected sprawling society.” outwards, land turn industrialization landscape 3.5). EVERDAY who as that production, the permanent the by Its set Lands city. Plains was of to landscape. perpendicular earliest up emerged transportation the often The LIFE, housing adjacent into Plain, migration, leading policies underlying spatial owned the Saabrucken: in and spilling the ultimate to canal to were form Bangkok, by and Plain markets dislocation as Sakdina political communication, routes Bangkok’s formed, into adhered Verlag urban is grounded nearby.7° the owned heading lords. economy industrial bretenbach, of nearby beginning to the population a largely pattern The in peasants towards have what in pg.46. by of the 74 in ‘a moo 936 953 4- C 971 FIGURE 3.5 HISTORICAL GROWTH AND EXPANSION OF BANGKOK SOURCE: JICA (1990b) 76 A feature of Bangkok’s incipient morphology that contributed to its outward expansion was that it has been a multi-functional city. McGee has described Bangkok as a “dual city”, where an older indigenous pre industrial city was juxtaposed and coexisting with a newer commercial 71city. The inner city, within the district of the walled Grand Palace, was the quintessential Sjobergian pre-industrial centre, fulfilling the administrative, religious, and cultural wants of the city and 72Kingdom. Bangkok has been described as a city blanketed by more “than a hundred wats, occupying all the best locations. As some of them embrace several acres, they cover no small part of the site of the 73city..” By the turn of the century Bangkok was in transition, as a significant commercial city emerged to accompany the pre-industrial center. However, with the inner city dominated by pre-industrial functions, much of the new commercial growth, and residential expansion was destined for the city’s fringe. Ginsburg describes one such effort: A new city appeared on the Northern outskirts of the old, a planned creation built in (1910-1925)... with broad boulevards and buildings ranging from shocking Victorian variations on Italian Renaissance to more recent battleship modern. The contrast between the facade of modern buildings fronting these boulevards and the stilted bamboo, thatch, and tin-roofed houses behind them is one of the most strikii demonstrations of cultural dualism in Southeast Asia. Second, since the decade of the 1930s an expansive military element in the landscape has covered Bangkok. Within the BMA are the spacious headquarters for the navy and airforce, and the usual spatial paraphernalia catering to this type of land use; military stadiums, airfields, training colleges, barracks, and golf courses. Particularly in the northern reaches of Bangkok, this landscape is extensive. 71. McGee, (1967), op.cit, pg.72-74. 72. Sjoberg, Gideon (1964) THE PRE-INDUSTRIAL CITY, Glencoe, Ill.: Free Press. 73. Stemstein,Larry (1976)THAILAND:THE ENVIRONMENTOF MODERNIZATION,Auckland:McGrawHill, pg.96. It should be noted that these are not Sternsteins words, but are part of a historical anthology he has assembled to analyze Bangkok under the reign of Rama IV. 74. As quoted in London, Bruce (1980) METROPOLIS AND NATION IN THAILAND: THE POLITICAL ECONOMY OF UNEVEN DEVELOPMENT, Boulder: Westview Replica Press, pg.29-30. The the routes became expansion. Rangsit, Into the extension terms BMR, land space 3.6, 75. Capital 76. fringe; Chao Stemstein, Korff fact the as values, economy. of to to of a much early that consumption Nonthaburi, the (1986), summary Phraya the Thailand, over By and hinterland the outer years Larry more the the op.cit, city state river 1960s last pg.32. ring of of complex (1982) elite Phra this sanctioned of towards the decade pg.63. were areas space several had Chapter provide new exceptionally Electrified city; European into PORTRAIT 1894 Phadeng, as always of vested will the century, the in indeed villages when Chonburi, outlying start-up Chapters access surrounding sketches north, be capitals. available. Samut interest tramways horse OF empirically the it were profitable to BANGKOK. grants the towns was tramways Ayutthaya, 6 the most drawn Prakarn, and in other Cheap, integrated clear Sterustein countryside. historical were the had extended parts 7. sketched tramways trams towards ricelands that By become encouragd introduced efficient, Minburi, Bangkok: of Chachoengsao, the into Bangkok still preconditions describes the the in I Samut the 980s, larger outside rapidly reached served zone the well Published and city in the following was Prakarn a of Bangkok one Prakhanong. nodes patronized city many time-space and the expanding urban Out extending and which of to city, to the to of the Commemorate in Saraburi sprawl chapter, industrialization, economic in legs the earlier insured acted and convergence, The along began southeast. to (see and (and tidal that extend influence; “two their the Figure characterized process ‘efficient) a 76 series Bicentennial legs”; own beyond cheaper Bangkoks I..ater, 1.3). Bang outward of of one urban travel tins links the Figure rural in Khen, along of 77 the to FIGURE 3.6 Historica’ Forces Operating to Extend Bangkok’s Space Economy (on time continuum) 1750 1800 1850 1900 1950 2000 Canal Excavation Ayutthaya Period Bangkok Dynasty Expansive Pre-Industrial Inner City Bowring Treaty and t0ommerciahizatbor of Central Plal Economic and Spatial Mobility of Chinese Sakdina and Na Luang Land Tenure Steep Rice Premium Tax Policy Field Marshal Sarit TNC Space Economy Migration from Peripheral Regions of Kingdom * Field Marshal SariVs Liberalization of Economy and Formation of BOI examination Any since Thailand’s manifested is negative recession-ladened The transformed (see (5-8) CHAPTER DIMENSIONS 1. 1992. Note: Source: (%) RATE GDP TABLE the Since aim Table society the give nature Based 1990, of economic Adapted GROWTH end a 4.1), economic in this qualitative 4.1 subject the of FOUR: of on of quarterly many 3.5 a change chapter World EBMR while OF 1972 range from western growth. to ways. CHANGE: success Prices. several GDP rapid that War FEER of description is into 4.9 RATE indices to world. This is for 1 II, one and show focused the (1991), European Canada particularly chapter of THE extensive central GDP that 9.5 aggregate of the on the 18 indicate has AMPLITUDE premier growth will countries the July, theme rapid fluctuated economic in 13.2 describe EBMR and the a pg.31. rates transition industrial of rapidly quantifiable and 1980s, this between is have growth, the 12.0 OF Canada the chapter. restructured change and documented export had envy TRANSITION -1 experiences changes most per consecutive during 10.0 In of of regions cent this not notably the space the and in only in light space the in this same 9.0 consequent 1 years IN economy. in ASEAN Asia. per the EBMR. economy chapter. THE the period cent chapter of This early double growth. EBMR: neighbors, The Unprecedented levels have transformation in 1990s will three following digit witnessed Statistics of be has change, significant an but increment empirical also Chapters Canada, change is and the 79 it directives referred Figure to - here namely, as 4.1 a population, ‘tripartition Contours Bangkok economic, of of change’ Change Metropolitan and (see space-time Figure Within 4. 1). the collapse Region: Space - a Tripartition reductionist Economy approach of of the Change which Extended will be 80 The occupational economy evolves land declines, change. 4.1 examined and innovations This exporters since ‘economic first cases 2. This industrialists, 3. Thailand . . Economic constructions. .unless transformation trend use component is of the all technical to If as and turn would of through in transformation’ a it rapidly Thailand (1990) constructed in non-agricultural food, were structure. the industry of the transportation, Transformation: remain and of EBMR the Statistical tourist not changing the and Finally, the encouraged rests managerial century for changes concentrates, for tripartition Secondly, through static is on industry, successive many that essentially Yearbook, it a as has base. can and tripartition information, immigration in farmland labour. agriculture new been years, trip be the immobile.2 represents and Migration causing reasonably patterns waves NSO. changing and a dictates golf the fertile in of traffic or is the world’s and of course factors, the contract giving of a from migrants the rice Moreover, EBMR new features diffusion argued the structure flows economy bowl development other premier built thrust which way labour is in that from of allowing being environment, to regions technologies. the of as in ‘population’ together from and other the rice landscape the the the region. lost process spatial other are exporter.3 population economic labour of types Thailand to constitute the combining countries, other and employment layout of ‘Space-time country of are glutted land change development settlement to salient uses. density of have the which use. to periphery, becomes the Real base create is factors, been compression’ The increases, opportunities, largely landscape. is to estate of occurring of take land an one a change. the as critical the irreversible facilitated of speculators, on of the EBMR agriculture country. It the the new only economy will reflects Firstly, measure and few EBMR, forms in space be by the trend, net The 81 of the in causing from for shows SP NP (411) BMA (770) K (701) PT 851) HONB NONTH CHAfl (483) PATT (998) AYUT (516)(S) PHRAE 629 TABLE PER Notes: Source: the the south, Table (N) (1) EBMR that non-EBMR people 1. CENT Thailand Thailand NESDB between ::: 3. 2. . 338 among 52.3 AGRL 306 379 14 1970 135 4.2: Brackets Blank GPP 4.2 ..: experienced to . :: ask is 3A’T9 selected •:: (1986) :1983 310 .<:.•• 47 8.8 changwats, 28.6 60 234 34)6 1.S 1983 123 465 284 in cells Government DISTRIBUTION in :. indicate in if . Figures liii 100,000’s . the :: mean and I!!IIIIIIIIIIII •1989 changwats significant I 33 3.9 5.2 68 22.5 34 271 : 179 102 141 176 1990s .•: 1989 population (1991, data . .::::.: the .:.:.: I .n:i (1990), of will there decline 47.1 283 22.4 49.6 is 1970 MANLJF. 17.5 15.1 Baht 1992, unavailable. declines of ...J. bring was Population in similar at 1 ______was thousands. current 34.7 300 48.8 71.2 69.7 1983 87 43.7 1993) 18.5 19.0 essentially about BY in marginal population, overall :4. I I ______the market 315 278 28.3 69.8 37.5 53.1 72.0 and 59.2 1989 SECTOR 13.8 total no Housing at percentage ______decrease. price. best, . .:• •:. demise 369 397 OTHER 191 70.3 30.2 543 1970 for . .: liii .: the and .:.. Census, II! ii :. OF of nnnInnnIIIIIY ..::: years 45.2 676 4I 241 329 2L5 440 664 59.5 II 60# 686 46.3 1983 of in Several i IlIlIllUhl agriculture 11111 Gross one GPP; NSO 1970, I III 11111 selected 43.0 25.0 666 24.7 68.6 5.3.8 1989 57.5 557 30.6 75.2 54.0 69.8 other Provincial I 1983, 1970,1983,1989 in I observations I GPP changwat the 1970 and region. Product 1989, ______309 37.4 32.5 7.2 7.9 4.3 19.8 1983 13.1 107 10.3 7.5 4.6 (Pattani) can Table (GPP). agriculture 1.19S9: ______be 37.2 24.4 29.2 44.8 628 99.9 20.1 73.3 70 15.6 7.7 12.7 4.2 made in Yet, 82 83 (i) In all three non-EBMR changwats (Pattani, Chaiyapum, and Phrae) in 1989, at least 20 percent of GPP is still obtained from agriculture, (ii) the EBMR has a strong manufacturing component in its economy, contrasted to the mostly service and agriculturally driven economies of the rest of the country. (iii) Total GPP is considerably larger in all EBMR changwats then in non-EBMR (particularly in Samut Pralcarn and Chonburi). (iv) In the EBMR, manufacturing growth is lowest in the BMA, suggesting that the focus of industrial growth is away from the city. (v) in the three key industrial changwats of Chonburi, Samut Prakarn, and Pathum Thani, manufacturing is beginning to level off, as the service sector accelerates. All three changwats are seen to be several decades away from becoming fully developed post-industrial economies. Table 4.3 shows per capita gross regional product for EBMR changwats. A striking fact is that all changwats in the period 1981-1989 have outperformed the BMA. This again is an indication of economic vitality in the outer city. Also of note are the actual growth rates. All provinces more then doubled their per capita GPP. Pathum Thani, Nonthaburi and Chachoengsao in particular had very high increases. The previous five post World War II national censuses; 1990, 1980, 1970, 1960, and 1947, provide data on occupation of all economically active population 11 years of age and older (see Appendix III). Tables 4.4 and 4.5, for Pathum Thani and Samut 4Prakarn respectively, document the evolving demise of agriculture, concurrent with a rapid expansion of all types of off-farm employment, primarily manufacturing 4. These two changwatshave been selectedbecausethey have experiencedthe most rapid change of all provinces in the EBMR, and are emphasizedin the analysisof Chapters 5-8. They are also the most industrializedand ‘urbanized’. TABLE PATHUM PER NONTHABURI SELECTED SAMUT SAMUT BMA AYUTTHAYA NAKHON BMR CIIONBURJ CHACIIOENGSAO Source: CAPITA Thailand: PRAKRAN SAKHON THANI PATHOM 4.3 Statistical EBMR GROSS 46,891 56,893 29,046 39,633 26,452 12,353 10,989 14,356 14,027 Yearbook CHANGWATS REGIONAL 85,525 59,003 47809 31,505 42,743 60,363 18,911 19,373 14,474 (1985, 119,309 1986, 100,293 99,557 58,783 69,036 55,603 87,781 31,631 24,062 PROVINCIAL FOR 1990). 245 376 112 110 287 161 121 126 119 1981, 1985, PRODUCT 1989 (IN BAHT) OF 84 TABLE PATHUM YEARS CENSUS Note: engineers, peddlars, officials, workers, spinners, Source: 1. 2. 3. 4. 5. - 6. PROFESSIONAL Thailand directors. 4.4 factory ADMiNISTRATORS, vendors. CLERICAL LABOR AGRICULTURE dyers, SERVICE Percentages accountants, OF PERIODS TIIANI: knitters, workers. AGE UNSKILLED Government SECTOR 1947 SALES are surveyors, AN]) machinists, rounded TECHNICAL consists ECONOMICALLY consists consists (1947, MANAGERS consists OLDER, technical off. of: metal 1960 of: Totals fishers, 1960, of: of: consists shop police, and workers, transportation 1970, may consists aquaculturalists, assistants., BY woodworkers, guards, of: not 1980, OCCUPATION, teachers, doctors, equal of: 1970 cleaners, 1990), ACTIVE executives, wholesale workers, 100. nurses, painters, midwives, miners, Population barbers. drivers, and vets, business food foresters. POPULATION, 1980 actors, retail paraprofessionals, and processors, boatmen, OVER owners, workers, Housing musicians. conductors, government construction hawkers, 5 Census. 1990 judges, 11 85 SURE .11AL ‘I’ABLE SA’IUT CINSUS TECH. YIARS 3.CLERJC 2.ADMIN., 4. 6.SER’vIcE AL I. MGR. SE(OR I. engineers, officials, Note: peddlars, spinners, workers, Source: JNSIKILLET) PROF. AGRI- LABOR, SALES 1. 4. 2. 3. 5. 6. - Thailand PROFESSIONAL directors. factory vendors. LABOR ADMINISTRATORS, AGRICULTURE CLERICAL dyers, SERVICE Percentages accountants, 4.5 OF PRAKARN: PERIODS .m POP% 50,752 14.413 75,980 knitters, . workers. 8948 798 725 AGE Government UNSKILLED SECTOR ... 1947 SALES are surveyors, machinists, 100 67 19 12 AM) 1 1 TECHNICAL consists rounded consists consists (1947, ECONOMICALLY 108,690 7h,182 13,248 MANAGERS 13,699 consists 3750 1634 OLDER, technical 177 P. of: off. metal 1960 of: 1960, fishers, of: % of: Totals consists 100 70 13 12 0 2 shop 3 police, and workers, transportation 1970, consists aquaculturalists, assistants., woodworkers, BY pp may 130,767 50,244 17,4&3 48,535 guards, of: 33 1758 1980, doctors, teachers, OCCUPATION, not 1970 of: cleaners, 1990), equal % executives, 100 wholesale 38 13 37 workers, 3 3 6 nurses, ACTWE painters, midwives, miners, Population 100. POP. 220,382 107,591 42,394 39,322 13,078 barbers. 9701 8296 drivers, and vets, business food foresters. 1980 retail actors, paraprofessionals, %: 100 and 49 18 19 POPULATION, 4 4 processors, 6 boatmen, OVER owners, workers, Housing musicians. POP. 222,414 1 411,044) 21,889 90,161 48,441 18,288 984 conductors, government construction hawkers, Census. 1990 5 100 2 judges, 54 12 5 2 11 86 based agricultural indicative utilizing change agriculture. short Samut Although doubled (1) and evident increasing one Considering (2) the comprised (3) 5. For The On The previous would technical period labour.5 notes Prakarn the occurred by professional clerical in largely this of rapidly. basis over data expect population on labour The of the an census labour is Thai The and time; showing urban and one-fifth unslcilled of content a in 1980s a modest force the This Samut Pathum census current slightly period. sales and force as population through data however, late of would (that (category technical of category level data, female Prakarn are production economic presented maui. higher as the aside expatriates, each 1980 and suggest it total were workers. than has category in 5) also The a level from census nearly description labour the structure surpassed undergone in rural, output the that census is Tables for 1960s. 1947-1960 rising many landmark The period. half the is force category and (a now data of production of Central 4.4 agriculture. the trend steadily, There of a the both the in steady 5 also whom labour and decade in transition 1990. per Thai one. towards changwats, are Samut Plain 4.5, indicates cent and rise, census, are However, force several process This for Interestingly, industrial is of combined based Prakarn), doubling high that Pathum still is the in see that observations up particularly is Pathum is technological total outside a Appendix a becoming occurring considerably labour source high sector Thani. with in that labour that size Thain proportion the labour inputs of the GPP III. same For Samut every from country increasingly cheap has force service and was has in the been remain sector landmark the both 10 Prakarn, electrical in labour, engaged been first of (see sector years both census over the (category changwats high time levelling labour footnote professional changwats. and a sectorial since in (category is appliances), data: relatively and the more this intensive, 1970. 5) are non off 2). from is 87 in 6), (4) attributed agriculture patterns. extinct. ampoe.6 Another agriculture. and difference (1) provide Muang provinces (2) unparalleled different. Marshal Samut 6. percent 7. Ka Although Despite An The Both underwent 5 per ampoe Prakarn is In decrease. importance a view Tables changwats Sarit mostly cent 2 surface As remain remaining the in is per There is agriculture, anywhere the still the a on following Thanarit’s in an 52 decreased cent, 4.6 proportion the to Thanyaburi. data significant. administrative largely level per are of agri-business ties and experienced descent and cent indicate, three breaking of in to 4.7 chapter as World dependent Bang to analysis the agriculture, decline pertinent a in examine 21 of Thus, Kingdom. percentage In agriculture region Po Samut agriculture percent changwats Bank there a Samut and in only. rapid, is agriculturally in on 27. most observations the between aquaculture. will supported Prakarn Samut agriculture.7 from Prakarn, Ampoe Some of number This almost in of be in down total these Pathum 55. Prakarn, the changwat a suggests areas underwent discussion Muang dependent abrupt campaign labor into Samut during and same ampoes from Agriculture, (ampoes Thani percentage smaller levels and there two that dropped decline Prakarn these the are ‘revolutionary’ population. on tambon. of changwats, changwat (1990) same was changing is Nong agriculture industrial administrative tables. in declining, particularly from was of an year, agriculture, It is population Sua, increase is the Bang considerable; rapidly. level 40 similar would there and Lam first and to changes the Plee, data, in 10 foreign units between is its Between important to actual Luk however, be Pathum percent, that also over a restructured such to district. between for Ka) 57 are investment. disaggregate a the population analysis 1980 1960 wide as per Thani, of entirely same while target the Tables inner cent and and 1960 range. timing period cropping the is for is 1980 in dependant ring 1990, in A far and obvious; 4.4 data total Nong Field Ampur similar, was had from Lam EBMR and 1970, by for a Sua 88 Luk 59 4.5, the on all TOTATI PLEE BANG BANG P0 PHRA PHADRNG AMpo: MUANG I KA LAM LAT BURl THANYA KLONG LUANG Source: TABLE SAMUT Source: PATIJUM TABLE data but L1JM LTJK ______ not indicate Thailand Thailand ..S3022.: as . 48028 48777 pop. 84878 4.7 expeditious 4.6 PRAKARN: that .:• THAM: .. Government 4O139 Government Pathum 27474 26913 POP AGRJ 33619 ‘revolution’ .. maui 55 76 57 55 40 AGRI % AGRICULTURE (1970, jr.,’ (1970, AGRICULTURE is ‘ now n”” 57149 47911 87Z40 i’OP TOTAL occurred 1371•4 25252 26235 37141 23500 38358 37271 1980, 1980, industrializing 1990), POP 28030 11972 ACRE 14477 14074 1970 19127 ______ 11073 23696 18154 7762 2 1990), 1970 in the Population Population following 21 49 25 ACRE % 17 10 76 42 64 77 20 40 58 ______ IN and POPULATION POPULATION 44I9 ‘de-agrarianizing’ :227390 69294 44706 143239 POP TOTAL :::::::: and decade and ii. Housing Housing .4766 4 9654 20439 POP ACRE 1126.3 .1 in .1 11.1.1.11....:’: Pathum Census, Census, 29 ia very ACRE 3 25 7 % Thani. iN . NSO. rapidly, NSO. 1 7ø 36347 132271 ISISS6 POP TOTAL 33353 30751 75604 30084 86375 76219 The indeed, 1980 22641 21206 4270 POP AGRI 5327 1990 7206 18938 15785 14724 3868 ______ 12510 1990 and for 1990 the 8 2 27 2 17 ACRE % 23 57 21 49 15 ______ 89 5 9 iN per Phadeng, problems. first coming agriculture Thanyaburi, Luang, industry chapter), informal (3) changwat EBMR fourfold. amount Over of rice. time. THE highway perpendicular different 9. 8. worker Residents National all Finally annum time, The The URBAN time, cultivated has provinces. part decade. of modes (Northern in modes more factory Its and EBMR, based at Pathum Economic land travelled since the decline. the as of of position, Phra a road, ENVIRONMENT, Bang an Nong faster two of Pathum then 1970’s and public of land. worker 1987.8 increasing transportation. Phadeng, Corridor). as a maul Nong transportation, Tables from Plee The labour Sua doubled privately and pace a One strung when classic transport. Thani’s travels now Many importance village Social are Sua is then when yardstick invested losing and From number very routinely the its owned along and Asian on Development observers Samut to For Northern Area population road ampoe accompanied the densely factory. Bang This there agricultural such example the pickup in of and rice back #7, which work was Prakarn. agriculture contributed a transportation main Po as; Muang 1991, transit assortment bowl, see See Corridor of developed widened. truck in in motorcycle between Board, a can the super-highway, Pathum factories motorcycle Appendix particular pg.90. with land bus Several motorcycle (Samut was with be decreases. National used is in (which Figures quicker Between traditionally of seats 1970 with taken Thani along no and II non-agricultural taxis, areas Pralcarn) benefitted taxi to small (April (a industry and proximity until to will measure Urban the private becoming 4.2 then shows the of brought If 1980 small 1990, Northern way 22, the be one and Samut place are any dominated Development up the end from bus 1991). and creating trucks an to crop 4.3 evidence to and other at of a subject the opening of company) expected Prakarn, Bangkok 1990 the Corridor wealth opportunities this employment. offer the cut is EBMR with village changwat, affected numerous by road, development.9 there its of a of Policy of up rice benches, spatial agricultural takes or by particularly a this are each at new industrial peripheral case was anticipated travelling making which more Framework, key In spatial the become environmental averaging morning investment dimension a less study worker rapid and determining than time then up heartland trend. with labour Muang, privately areas in accessible, economic at along proliferation others, to one the to IMPROVING a 3 10 to 95 and the prearranged or of Kiong level hour next per the percent Phra 4 all main factors. in it owned cent the is the the 90 of 16 ‘i1 0 0-I CM P1 e 0 i. TABLE NUMBER CIIANGWATS Patbum Kanchanabzri Chamat Samut Source: growing Pathum non-agricultural when naturally ‘revolution’, decline In between non-EBMR Plain of economic 11. 10. 12. the Pathum 1 These This 1 hectare space rat it EBMR, Prakarn Thailand Tham in Thani reached should changwats, rice = tied transition. four the 4.8 Thani economy. 1600 = changwat is cultivation into and peripheral and 2.47 changwals not OF to its activities square and Statistical Samut 731 IIM 195 gauge higher Samut be acres highest Chainat two RATS confused Samut of (TIME metres Prakarn display a and = EBMR EBMR, Chainat. yields Prakarn was region’s level 6.25 89.1 448 142 Yearbook, is Prakarn, emerging PLANTED with non beginning. a and rat. per before changwat PERIOD wide one were EBMR, From yield proportion , Pathum rai,1° 198 50 400 410 peripheral the range various industrial beginning decline, productivity, the plateau Table but but (Kanchanaburi), Tham of data OF part industrial of years. as 688 234 408 770 BY for 4.8 EBMR, make enterprise.12 in Tables land was PLATEAU of to land these which provides the exhibit YEAR reached under up development Central i968. 648 4.4 273 737 -. under and the two normally and a paddy. - core one data figures, 4.7 reduction 25-30 Plain. rice IN shows SHADED), of non-EBMR, indicate, 999 Z3 575 showing, 174 is is and the As SELECTED years Kanchanaburi increased quite there no outer early are of indication ago, .::19.I9::::: land spatially the 851 varied.11 fl 562 113 exists among city as during the emerging in while allotment the EBMR. is an time l000s diverse four late at of the 1ø inverse 398 192 it the period slow is 1940s nascent selected encroachment northwest to just of within rice. down relationship rai and of beginning 806 239 328 79 years the rice plateau, This 1950s, in periphery Central of the was of 820 204 320 3) 93 to or The transition. TABLE YEARS growth Minburi, (1984—1988) percent Moreover, Figure % INCREASE % FIGURE Source: 21-30 Source: OVER TABLE MINBURI, BMA; URBAN industry, 11-20 13. INCREASE INCREASE There eastern Nong (19744984) 4.4). and per 30 Adapted Adapted and Bang are Table the 4.10 annum development areas 4.9 Chok golf IN IN still LAND 4.9 most Khen, 4 10 4.9 courses. YEARS considerable from from of and THONBURI, IN in sensational the presents the Minburi Ladkrabeng PADCO PADCO URBAN BMA, I USE, is See outer 126.150 44,394 27,781 the Appendix tracts data in which areas outer changes particular. (1990), (1990), BMA showing of etc.. LAND (30 city. land have BANGKHEN II, I have occurred 221.913 pg.25. kilometers pg.25. (December OUTER that 84,619 79,106 Urban only that Table experienced are USE the begun land largely furthest 4.10 outer 9, from I use 269,088 162,781 128,675 AREAS OVER 1992). to under reveals refers eastern develop city a from KM rapid non-urban center to the growth non-agricultural areas 10 and in I!j (IN city the and AND profound of center, rates land last RAI): further), the uses decade of BMA, 4 suggesting change urban built YEARS, in NONG between the are such environment, land outer in also as land the use, 1984 reaches Nong zones CHOK, FROM emphasis use, of and ie. Chok, under over of (see housing, 1988. the 25 of o 5miles I I I I I I I I I Ui Figure 4.4: Eastern Districts of BMA 0 5 kilometers change. Achieving growth leads landscape Bank A year Kong, diversity, subject Foreign substitution investment. government investment year. year Thai particular, BOl 14. 15. 16. comment Douglass The Daniere, has was Economy, the to (IBRD) Taiwan, to and BOI rolling authority Direct number marked deeply and a the conversion in the steady on industries The Ainrita offers agency (1984) BOl during Thailand, are Bangkok: the Investment increasingly farms Singapore, large to increased influenced with permits mainly a climb. role (1991) op.cit. exempt wide founded the into rates Japanese new were international Thailand approved early range import orientated Review Since factories income to (FDI), and levels of gradually open by in 550, this years of international the presence, 1959, duty 1985, Development investment of taxes and as 230 of scale and West, at the of to reductions capital seen openness’ chaired an dismantled. free Thailand foreign and overseas the Recent from suggests unprecedented has and in economy General royalties services, plays Figure 1988 capitalism Research insured by Economic a on and as consistent, markets. has constant, the imported 14 in to previous indigenous for Prem 4.5, outperformed start is inducing Prime 1990, that up Institue. the and Boom pace! up 15 except leadership. to technologies the foundation intensive reliable the Minister, grants, regulations 5 Thailand’s foreign years. and industrial change The See investment BOl during the all data and next group led was construction, Through Accelerated ASEAN and is of and tax for a Board of industrialization. chapter apposite base averaging strident global breaks responsible of raw firms Figure tariffs investors has of materials. the nations focuses oil-based in to “Internationalization” Investment 4.5 advice at designed increased 1980s, and its 1986. over this in approved for in from development, Appendix entirely time. In offered 1000 securing 16 Export each encouraging recession, some to in Korea, (B The induce The approvals size projects. successive 01), instances, by on IV. orientated following Japanese EBMR and the land Hong a has import of which World the In use a been the 96 is a Figure 4.5 FOREIGN DIRECT INVESTMENT (Millions of Baht) 50000 - 40000 30000 20000 10000 0. I I I I I I 0 cc 0 cc 0 cc cc I, Source: Ichikawa (1990), Pg. 16. Business in Thailand (1989) June, Pg. 39. 98 Between December 1989, and August 1991, I conducted a survey of 682 BOl approved projects. Of that total, 455, or 67 per cent of all projects located in one of the 13 EBMR changwats, or Bangkok. Approximately 75 per cent had at least some foreign 17ownership. Table 4.11 ranks in order of frequency, the location of the 455 BOI approved projects (also see Figure 4.6). The three provinces of Chonburi, Samut Prakarn, and Pathum Thani, aggregately account for nearly one- third of all approvals. Chonburi’s Eastern Seaboard development project explains the 72 BOl firms located there. Three Central Plain outer ring changwats combined, Chachoengsao, Saraburi, and Ayutthaya, attracted 13 per cent of the national total of this survey. Up until very recently, these three changwats in particular, were known as outstanding contributors to rice bowl production only. Their rapid surge in non agricultural development epitomizes the region based industrial and urban development that is central to this 8project.’ These figures show that foreign investment was an important force behind EBMR social and economic transformation. 17. One venture, Namchao Co. Ltd., destinedfor Ratchaburi,was approvedto produce for export 120 million packages of instant noodles per year. The Baht 268.3 million investment is 99.99999 percent Taiwanese, and 0.000001 percent Thai holding. The following countries, from the survey were represented as foreign investors; Sweden, Australia, Taiwan, China, Canada, USA, Liberia, Korea, Japan, Demnark, Italy, Singapore, Malaysia, HK, India, Belgium, Luxembourg, Panama, Norway, Holland, England, Portugal, and France. The range of services and products that were to be offered and produced were diverse; garments, transistors, tourism- hotels, resorts, packing boxes, automobile tires and headlights, moulds of electronic equipment, electron guns, baseball gloves, imitation crab, hair dryers, stronium ferrite, footwear, CD’s, several hospitals, golf clubs, granite blocks, ring gears, precious stones, acid dye, skateboards, mosaic tiles, thermal relays, canned fruits and vegetables, electronic toys, elastic bands, chopsticks, washing machines, cartoon films, floppy disc drives, plastic sacks, leather clothing, greeting cards, ice hockey gloves (a Canadian led joint venture), binoculars, chili sauce, children’s books, kidney cleaning tubes, and synthetic eggs. See BOl statistical reports, 1989, 1990, 1991. 18. In the mid 1980s Chachoengsao’s economy was nearly all agriculture. By 1991, there were approximately 600 factories, mostly producing electronic parts and components. There were also two industrial estates, Gateway City, and Well Grow, combined, on 9000 rai of land. Chachoengsao is also the site of a handful of new golf course projects. All the new opportunities, in this changwat of just over a half million people, are creating a labour shortage . Tens of thousand of workers are being imported from neighboring Samut Prakarn, and the Northeast. State Governor Tavee Padungrat has established, what may be the first ‘labour bank’ in the Kingdom. The bank’s labour reserves, which are known villages in the Northeast with ‘labour prosperity’, assures investors an ample labour supply. Krissana Parnsoonthorn (1991) , THE NATION (1991) May 10, “Chachoengsao in Transition” pg.Fl. TABLE RANKED LOCATION BETWEEN AYUTTHAYA SAMUT NONTHABURI NAKIION PATHUM CHONBURI SARABURI BANGKOK RATCHABURI SAMUT KANCHANABURI CHACHOENGSAO ALL SAMUT SUPHANBURI 4.11 IN OTHER ORDER DECEMBER PRAKARN SAKIION SONGKRAM (EBMR) THANI PATHOM CIIANGWATS OF OF 13 EBMR SELECTED 1989 37 36 42 59 72 71 227 11 13 94 NUMBER 5 4 8 2 1 AND CI[ANGWATS AUGUST BOI %OF APPROVED 14 11 11 33 6 9 2 5 5 - — 2 1 1 1 AND 1991 TOTAL BANGKOK (TOTAL PROJECTS (BMA) 682) 99 .‘.‘r1 b’. fl—t S CDb 4 CCD 0 + .3 4311 4* CD 4 nQ 4 CD ni ti) 0 \33 I) 3 ,.1 ...e.,_ — ‘S ¼ C. — __t w’__’_ - --9 w — . WI ——I a Ca o- -o IL1.aQia I a 3 001 ______ 101 Approximately 50 per cent of approved factories were located in the BMR. Table 4.12 shows change in distribution of all (BOl and non-BOl) manufacturing establishments in the BMR. for the period 1985-1989. Although this data does not indicate size of firm, most factories located in the BMA and Nonthaburi are small operations, often with less then 10 workers. Nevertheless the data (Table 4.12) reveals that over the four year period, in the five provinces alone, 2,136 new establishments were created, an average of more then one new factory a day. Presently, industry occupies approximately 33,000 rai, or 0.7 per cent of total BMR land area. If current trends continue, by the year 2011, 233,700 rai, or 5 per cent of the land will be required for industrial ,,• 19 If this is true it translates into a serious need for new sources of labour over the next few decades. The labour vacuum will be filled, not by an increased birthrate, or by the in-situ population, but by interregional migration, which is the focus of the next section. TABLE 4.12 CHANGE IN DISTRIBUTION OF MANUFACTURING ESTABLISHMENTS BY CHANGWAT IN THE BMR NUMBER AVERAGE ANNUAL OF_FACTORIES GROWTH RATE 198S 1987 i98fi89 1987 1988 1989 Z1C 1Z14A’ 213 6.98 7.58 ::::::::fr\: 11.20 7.52 13.41 8.61 10.47 7.70 35$ p4% 1446 13.65 18.76 sur 10.50 11.62 10.87 PRAKARN SAMUT :i 992 10.44 11.85 SAKH ON 3.84 7.86 8.52 Source: Ministiy of Industry (1990). 19. NESDB, Area #7, op.cit, pg.84. 4.2 population The region’s labour been number, the outer demographic peasants For traffic social 95 the Bangkok.21 Sternstein in 20. ‘rural’ pg.404, 21. Programmes the per Population century, new Sternstein, National over second the rim. problems, congestion. 195 force cent to pg.401-419. rapid destinations, source and from a EBMR 5-1960 (1976) growth. century, component of Economic for Bangkok, that Similarly, diverse restructuring Larry, development. predominantly national the Change: of exceeds such flow, migration notes migrants, The Sixth Migration Thailand’s (1976) in and offering as is of net destination. and situation the that Plan, urban rapidly the Social the in interregional Institute “Migration changwats in survey, The are prevailing the Bangkok. ‘rural ‘tripartition from wage the dominant housing Development presently is becoming density region, 1960s currently the For of Pathum labour locations and Population such peripheral supply, shortages, example, migration.2° of but migration “droves Development of migrant known opportunities, industrial as Board change’, Thani changing, it moving Pathum is resulting a of several changwats Studies as destinations. (1986) overcrowding, migration was pattern migrants” a enterprises in This in to point Thani, as the the Thailand, Bangkok. Recommended in changwats the and at major remained seventh significant spatial Chulalongkorn of in that new a Saraburi, left origin. The particular wider in flow is under THE migration Samut revolution As highest several building traditional in very selection of late workforce Development Not GEOGRAPHICAL the Chachoengsao, and in-migration Prakarn steady; forms as EBMR province pockets only University unemployment, pattern urban 1980, occurring destination of a is it shifts, to cornerstone urban which migration of districts Strategies was Bangkok is in work the fueled predominantly terms (1974) and simply in both amenities. REVIEW, have EBMR, in since the in Ayutthaya crime, and the causing of numerous was large habitually of reported the EBMR a out- the factories Investment the case receiving region’s requires vol. in and turn a of is are 66. that 102 of of a migration, by reduced traditionally (1965), fact The country. of contributed year provinces. (Isan), migrants Table the many! BMA. than 22. 23. for 24. Armidale, 25. a high the BMR THE Thailand Chapman, Ibid. the migrant sending from Bangkok; 4.13 NESDB, This By with whole using out-migration.24 stream POPULATION Every than and NSW, the the with It reveals to is a Government, some catchment region, shows E.C. the population outer Northeast year Bangkok. Central consistent the this pg.100. from changwat 60.8 ANZAAS, term capitals of and the 2000, can ring that but areas out-migrants the Plain A.C.B. gradual “social of OF be alone, because by This changwats.25 largest Population with of it had Bangkok of Hobart compared THAILAND growth. is 1990, over contributed high data, Alien contributed data predicted fluviology” change arrived rice the 20 Meeting, for per paddy that and affirms (1965) was Between million yields destination with the 1000 of in Housing show (1974), the not to production, net first Bangkok. INTERNAL to the August. to the per the inner population, only (1990), Bangkok’s in-migration 1975 refer through situation time, growth Institute shift rai Census, regions restricted ring pg.12. to and in This of the on migration the was the MIGRATION provinces and of demographic 1980, only (various a growth. five at were country, Population trend largely 1980s, not in development a to two time provinces the an being the always is years). streams, average BMR, The decades will the sterile declining when Central was, Studies, IN extended and BMR’ most be true. THAILAND. aggregately as the_national from rocky of receiving noted economic of previous, Plain, noted notable Bangkok. s Chulalongkorn however, more 3.3 Bangkok Pathum outwards plateau, that but above, per then 70 region, emphasis began when the University mean included cent Chapman not per Thani, 25,000 to has expected (from largely population because they the cent University, receiving was the consistently away with five the of Bangkok) migrants more received Northeast 37522 and characterized New trend whole inner Isan from more Allen migrants prepared growth England. of is In half per ring to the less 103 a as The of Table certainly Pathum population 26. decline POPULATION, GLOBAL reconcentration from accelerating noteworthy Economioc rate the 1970s, Source: 1995-2000 1980-85 1985-90 1990-95 Table 1975-80 FIVE Pathum l000s) National century, was decentralization peripheral 4.14 migrants in Thani, not a AND growth population.U NESDB and full Thani, 4.13 shows YEAR Ecoconomic be is rate, for the Social the two NATIONAL EMPLOYMENT and of regions, the began for shows increasingly first Nonthaburi, the industry per 7th over first at Development of 4FOVINE:fr increase Asian 195 REGIONAL 181 151 122 least cent Five 96 leaving and the a time one-quarter such high point ISSUES 10 Social in higher Year mega-city, since years. as a of significant and Bangkok correlation DISTRIBUTION decentralized the of migrants Board, Plan Development then Sainut IN inception origin The upper of to ThAILAND’S (1992). the the (1991) have Calcutta for role NET Prakarn. for into with Central total BMA’s. adjacent at reached fashion. net Board of National 149 124 115 184 190 selected least growth AND in urban Isan MIGRATION, interregional Plain, Chachoengsao It Taking (1991), URBAN one areas a SETTLEMENT was migrants, region, Stemstein, point Urban in EBMR source Isan, an non-agricultural that National this of DEVELOPMENT, expected however Development population offered and migration changwats, comprising discussion speculated, influenced in the Urban the PATTERNS, continues response urban North 1975-2000 reduction. 1985-1990 is Policy Development employment one over almost not the by employment. began Area to step to BMA a the Framework, three grow. Area new Calcutta the 20 census work #1, further, targeting may early per survey trend. #2. Policy Also pg.16. (population opportunities. of cent has experience period. Also stages URBAN see by the Since Framework, periods. the had Bangcok of the National Department migrants clzangwats the no of the turn a total a The Also, would of in 104 in 105 TABLE 4.14 MIGRATION OF POPULATION iNTO SELECTED EBMR CITANGWATS PATHUM TIIANI 17,071 32,570 58,455 (1349) (3993) (10,978) SAMUT 49,395 61,992 NO DATA PRAKARN (4171) (10,891) AYUTTIIAYA 11,289 19,248 21,764 (930) (2304) * (2707) CRONBURL 19,683 53,122 NO DATA (8492) (10,829) CRACHOENGSAO 5247 16,787 28,504 (908) (4,018) (7473) Note: Valuesin bracketare for Isan only. * Based on 11 of 17 Isan Changwatsonly. Source: Thailand Government (1970, 1980, 1990), Population and Housing Census, NSO. of Town and Country Planning (DTCP), and perhaps slightly influenced by Gottrnann’s 1961 Megalopolis thesis, devised the “Bangkok Mini-Megalopolis”. Figure 4.7 is Sternsteins creation, which is strikingly comparable to the EBMR. The Mini-Megalopolis is divided into “outermost”, “intermediate”, and “innermost” parts, not unlike the inner and outer rings of the EBMR. The model was based on infrastructural availability, transportationaccess, and was proposed as a grand plan to deflect demographic pressure from Bangkok. It was an insightful representation of future development of the region, which, as Sternstein emphasized, was largely influenced spatially by transportation corridors. He concludes one of his published articles, with the following astute statement, “within a comparatively short time, certainly by the year 2000, a wide ribbon of land bordering the Bight of Bangkok will be built up and will house a 106 FIGURE 4.7 Source: Sternstein (1971) 107 population of at least 15 27million.” This form of ‘regional urbanization’ is creating a non-agricultural landscape, without large cities. An example of the effects of population growth in the EBMR through migration is revealed in Table 4.15. The forecasted data suggests, the emergence of a large region, anywhere from 50 to almost 100 per cent urbanized, in a spatially scattered fashion. By the end of the first decade in the next century according to the table, Nonthaburi will be almost fully urbanized. Chonburi, Samut Prakarn, and Pathum Thani will all be over four-fifths urbanized. In fact it is probable the whole EBMR will take on a ‘new landscape; the urbanization of the rice bowl. Table 4.15 offers two important lessons which are crucial to this dissertation. Firstly, there is a serious shortcoming in the traditional administrative definition of ‘urban’, and secondly, the EBMR is under an urban ‘assault’, without cities. The above analysis has implications for the desakota literature. McGee (as discussed in Chapter 2) maintains that high demographic densities are necessary preconditions for the emergence of desakota. Table 4.16 shows densities for the BMR and BMA. The BMR has the highest population densities in the Kingdom. The highest densities in Samut Prakarn and Nonthaburi reflect large areas that are built up and are ‘suburban sprawl’ of Bangkok. This is not the case for the other inner ring changwats. The point here is that in situ labour of the higher population density areas of the BMR was not sufficient to match the high demand for labour brought about by rapid industrialization in the BMR in the 1980s. When we consider the empirical evidence of the Samut Prakarn and Pathum Thani cases, it appears that some of the surplus labour that was 27. Stemstein, (1976) op.cit, pg.419. For an editedtranslation(originalin Thai) of the Departmentof Town and Country Planning, Minister of the Interior, 1971 report, entitled, Report on the First Revision of the Plan for the Metropolitan Area’, see Stemstein, L., (1971) ‘Planning and Developing Primate City: Bangkok 2000, Occasional Paper 9, Dept. of Geography, School of General Studies, ANU, Canberra, pg. 17-91. 28. The two definitions are as follows: 1.Administrative- Municipal areas designated by the Ministry of the Interior. It is old, and never updated, resulting in a considerable underestimation. 2.Geographical- Much more ‘actual’ and accurate then the administrative definition, taking into account land use and density. It contributes to solve the problem of underbounding. See Chapter 2 for more discussion of the rural-urban dichotomy. The data for figure 4.15 was collected by field workers for the TDRI. See NESDB, National Urban Development Policy Framework, URBAN POPULATION, EMPLOYMENT DISTRIBUTiON AND SETTLEMENT PATTERNS, Area #2, 1991,pg.33. ______ TABLE DEFINITION USING PATRUMTHANI NONTRABURI URBAMZATION SAMUTflAKARN RATCHABURI SAMUTSAKRON AYUTTUAYA CHACHOENGSAO SARABURI Source: BANGKOK SAMUTAKARN PATHUMTHANI NONTHABURI SAMUTSAKHON NAKHONPATEOM KM.) TABLE AVERAGE Source: TRANSITIONAL SATIJRATED adapted Thailand NESDB (BMA) 4.15 ADMINISTRATWE 4.16 URBAN from URBAN (1986) Government BMR f ADMIN 67 45 38 32 31 56 39 20 48 (FOR NESDB 33,654 1980 LEVEL POPULATION 3,285 (1991), THE 218 965 315 560 585 252 (1990), GEOG 81 36 53 41 36 67 22 43 62 Area YEARS Population (%) DEFINITION #2, I86 32,261 OF 3,680 1,234 pg.33. 266 723 697 362 285 ADThN. 84 37 69 38 66 43 42 58 56 and 1990 DENSiTIES SELECTED Housing AND Census, GROG. AND 82 87 95 82 56 46 54 50 65 3,754 1990 no no 2010) 767 270 924 290 368 data data (PERSONS EBMR NSO. GEOGRAPhICAL CIIANGWATS PER SQ. 108 already demands. assertion industrial Along 4.3 The Williams EBMR of measured communication stands the city. successful 29. convergence DEVELOPMENT, 30. the recent Bnmn, McGee, Space-Time primary McGee ‘urbanized’ with as and recruited of the (1983) labour Current by literature S.D., process migration T.G., have a are focus and travel final, high used are and Compression: define force enhanced to Lin and high NY: geo-economic population of of but time of Bangkok on J. interchangeably, C. (1993) this ‘time-space’ from Williams central has Harper most urban population Lin, time-space’ and chapter largely the other influential (1993), communication suggest in restructuring importance; and density spread (1983), the landscape. parts Row, has been compression’ densities 1960s, op.cit. despite convergence’ that effects. being been CITIES of pg.468. recruited and the the they returned and slight the compelling are Within a time.”29 relative Kingdom, Amid precondition OF spatial In are transformation, based •30 semantic from this THE as processes this to the prosperity dissertation “the on dimension It WORLD: other the component framework approach, population is differences. recent rate outer a to regions concept that desakota at particularly migration WORLD of city space-time which of have the the of considered densities change, of through that the role Asian facilitated the is places REGIONAL has not ‘tripartition flows compression, of Kingdom the and increased Tigers the taken valid transportation are here, rise into the 1980s spatial moving in up of is resulting space-time to the URBAN the of due a the quickly. and and fill central restructuring change’. region. BMR. extended closer in consequent space-time early and part constructions position McGee’s compression The together 1990s. to Brunn outer a in labour in the and 109 Contributing are time-space through representation - communication. peripheral - - - - new U.S.A. This - extent visitors.”32 endeavor, landscape vol. 31. Reorganization: DYNAMICS GEOGRAPHY, 32. New This Population The It Growing mutually is Dicken, Gottmann 59. thresholds model infrastructural a leads industrial upon circular megalopolis, several being but spatial economy, compression P., acts to the OF is reinforcing, to Within (1961), of provides new and A increased, NY: are the stages quality cycle, US as produced activity the Model economy. P. a largely understanding construction URBAN Harper op.cit, base historical the spiralling and Lloyd wrote, as which, of the and and EBMR, (and follows: particularly subsequent is economy the (for and products pg.631. (1990) most a extended INDUSTRIAL cumulative “the Concept’, local transportation as record, Row, better transactive activity, cost highways it future LOCATION of proceeds demand) becomes of pg.248. this forward or efficient at and and public ANNALS causation. times worse) course phenomena, and broadened GROWTH, linkages future and The creates stimulates services spatially and roads of IN amenities, form of freeways can model rapid SPACE: OF direction backward Megapolitan Despite that not and of space THE to the Cambridge: concentrated Pred is growth transportation innovation ease survive are highways. based are region THEORETICAL creating ASSOCIATION through its for expanding (Figure aggregation linkages, the western on and EBMR development without will essential MIT the the phases in development. Gottinan, and 4.8), work be system transportation Press compression create bias, in development. centralized. able highways and the OF has transportation PERSPECTIVES of of: and the to time-space a AMERICAN appears EBMR.31 at interaction, Pred, linked referring new Janelle, offer present. construct Generally, and A. of “regional and two The its to (1966) time-space. automobiles. D.G. to depend The inhabitants compression. The system. separate forming linkages GEOGRAPHERS, is the IN a (1969) THE two the type ECONOMIC threshold”. northeastern fairly to model It processes SPATIAL models; of a a to “Spatial is and relevant The large create a costly moves 110 ______ 111 Figure 4.8 Spiralling Transactive Linkages 7. Peripheral space 6. Infrastructure I baseis extended 2. New transpor- I taton and I I j communica- I tion technology j [New indushy and demand_j 1.5.New regional 3. Time -Space I demand J convergence 4. Increased Source:AdaptedfromPred(1966) opened never spatial the and must development The along delinearization rail rapid Access traffic with (1992) routes Purposes, 33. further Irvine. at Ayutthaya. another 34. Bangkok. Asian National 183 Rangsit, Daniere, Some 1950s. line transportation kilometer EBMR, the be transit occurred, major Engineering being congestion economy a urgently to, development. up overcome to Economic Northeast, number These of Unpublished a the This Rail and the the major Amrita routes. system and held throughout highway region Eastern projects mobility and highway projects needed networks if is notably of Consultants idle commuting expected and not planning before already (1993) scattering eliminating ongoing Little has over is manuscript, The Social for by highway Seaboard undertaken are being is been within the the and speculators. Transportation additional a of has present one expected overly in good decades Economic particular Kingdom, hub highway Ltd., inner built finally of river the been century between the the the (ESB) in Graduate network by next dependent linking pattern (1992) ring Pathum changwats transportation to done need space ago. development the (1992) significance, be Board, construction Partial few ago. Pattaya has aimed have Planning Department completed SEVENTH the of to The is Program of economy, Thani, years.34 been develop traversing given They characterized industrial on Bangkok. recently regional blame outer primarily of and vehicle and laid, the a and as were were federal Chonburi, in between 150 projects of PLAN city Implementation is the it EBMR their Urban estates experienced Highways all-weather including prosperity skirts, already due kilometer the efficient arteries, distribution at sprawl, level by effectiveness URBAN improving to 1992 nascent and in of and the will large the the congested Ayutthaya Regional consent to expected and a a road and and which takes be lack highways 62 curb new EBMR, growing AND portions in transportation 1994. decisive of practical extended kilometer opening Bangkok: connections of congestion route root. secondary is to were Planning, REGIONAL to route access Bangkok. See largely commence all the traffic. of For linking that more in curtailed. Haicrow through strategically for road industrial Northern Economic land determining roads example, problems were University a the road systems of and joining Hurdles reflection There close Laem TRANSPORT Saraburi time, construction. highly discouraging Fox access constructed networks.33 city Until Growth growth to Samut are are; and that a aimed Chabang of but of of congested main proposed the to the of to currently Nakhon California, Associates several this initially with the Prakarn and success Bangkok poor would at 1980s, arterial (SPURT), nature starting Northeast, A Fractured easing (ESB) the projects Sawan, urban new mass have and of and road 112 the in a development changwat demand development ultimately and The interstitial cellular-phone-toting cost as transportation village roads has across trucks session’ regular fluidity traffic 35. Straits BANGKOK 36. same the Op. One at accessibility internationalization efficient, source jams. in congested Time. least with a level, cit bus in estimation is is canal, the linkages.35 just linked, road NESDB, the in one The POST benches), contends service EBMR. between will both gains informal changwats challenges. as is networks bus typical areas are conducive prevalent further (1990), is and directions.36 1986. to have that connection that determining The executives main privately various motorist extend a modes GDP necessary of 36 been August integrate Department to of There the million in arterial pry to the could up the made areas of spends economy alleviating daily owned EBMR. open 15 in Secondly, are to factors transportation. villages Baht element the be the “High highways. 50 of to two to 44 10 new of nearby Bangkok. kilometers office minibuses, enhance per nearby days per has Highways Also, for issues Cost of seclusion areas, day of there cent villagers created the a towers the changwats of The (13 year small market of circulation higher Bangicoks Central is As and Privately larger concentrically inquiry; billion and Sixth a have in and mentioned a of capital requirement eliminate who these demand minivans in towns, Silom picture, economic begun Baht Plain, NESDB with the are Traffic owned and first, ‘linear projects, BMR annually) Road. the and employed for mobility. the to earlier, as are this outward there parking Development Jams”, to conurbation, address without minibuses increased the the isolation impenetrable instrumental continue Although dissertation such central towns is of motorcycle excerpts a in fuel lots’.. Nearly the from this need as EBMR (see travel are appalling service is areas erecting encouraging concern. .enormous both the and wasted Plan for case all every ‘super of is in and CBD, of an taxis, factories, concerned provide more connected escalating economic a called studies). traffic Bangkok. article by a wide village communication. blocks’. It short opportunity vehicles inter-changwat songtaews and is and for concentric for congestion. from an as the span with in population with ‘players’ At developing improving urgent greater well Travel Such idling the the ‘jam the bridge outer fluid loss. (pickup Singapore region as inter- matter, in range The inter time The are city 113 the around BMA), trip extended There network. passing network, transport Bangkok.37 Figure Thailand, However, construction greatest the freight Finally, 37. 40. 38. 39. major The Ibid. Ibid. NESDB, demand are 4.10 the tonnage between Asian per increase Figure region. trucks Notably, indicating several mode at by capital, day indicates increases Area The some materials, weight, Highway increased 4.11 is of travelling the is stretch #1 ways the point areas shipping often predicted a years (1991), portrays large 1989 53 heaviest in stretches to such in of in the up per an measure 1989 to the the the traffic increase op.cit.pg.18 to materials core as average cent the to the 40 trip, used super eastern from gravel, and be many of of forecasted kilometers. volumes the in pass 2006. highway Singapore the in total highway of the and increasing BMA, person cement, factories EBMR 12.5 through outer tonnage goods An on changes per between Even to Nonthaburi, apparent trips immediately the areas wood (Nonthaburi, Vientiane. that throughout cent the transactivity Asian (41.4 per the line extended of in per etc.. Singapore day, Transit observation the vehicle million Highway the annum.W and north region, but the road, Pathum Trucking of metropolitan Pathum Authority ownership. tons) the Kingdom. and of the leading and particularly is inflated Bangkok Almost region. Vientiene.38 Thani, shipped not also Thani has run just north Between As shipping region. recently and all Figure Samut with regular will by the the goods in and expanded truck thickening the rise Much illustration 82,700 Prakarn, 4.9 1982 southwest surpassed produce routes adjacent that the in shows of and 1988, vehicles most. are breadth the deep of Samut from shows, hauled 1988 inner rail, the out traffic the was into of forecasted of the recorded spider truck becoming Sakhon, ring in the the the is North. 114 115 FIGURE 4.9 TRIP DEMAND INCREASE IlhI.n5 1.1.1.1 1909 2QQ Peih.. th*fll I4.i.l.p t.th.1. lb.nl *. •.ah P. Li. u.k p. rakPret Pet I,.% Iinq IJk-?I.ng —eltl,eputt Peep bu1 TIloIlq - qo tb.h ti let Pbe.. Let $1r.a EZ) Isnpk,p Ii ‘Sepi 1mph. II. mnqk N. Senpk.k V.1 •.njk.k it Th..l ch.v..p n...t filet. Prath. •,, en Purl en Purl imp Thu. This, Thin Thl.n Pit PliltIli ‘ Set Purina 40 - IIIIIIP!I( iIi.S (I iae,,,u iS Source:JICA(1990b). 116 FIGURE 4.10 TRAFFIC VöLUME:ASIAN HGI-IWAY (Numbers In boxes Indicate 1.000sjer day) N /‘ 20.2 / / AlT Cainpu Ran?sit 23.1 Astan HIhwav Source:AsianHighwayRoute Map.5th Edition, 1988 117 FIGURE 4.11 FIGURE INCREASING DEMAND FOR ROAD SPACE TUE EXPLOSION IN CAR I MOTORCVCL.E 400 OWNERShIP (thousands of vehIcles) 260 1989I 1991 2001 INNER BANGKOK (exci. Central Area) I 390 ccQQ..4 270 190 1989L_1991 2001 :. 4’. OOOCXX) OUTER BANGKOK OOOO (exci. Inner Bangkok) II1989 1997 2001 CENTRAL AREA 8888884 340 1989L11997 2001 3ANGKOK REGION (excl. Bangkok) 460 370 TIlE INCREASE IN TRAFFIC IN GREATER BANGKOK 220 MORNING TRIPS PEAK hOUR PERDAY TRAFFIC (miflions) (thousand PCUs) 1989 1997 2001 1989 1997 2001 Source: NESDB 7th Plan (1991) jams changwats, annum. This coming apparent this This restructuring. larger use Chapter supplanted change ‘measure is chapter become. node precisely decade. 2 than by by and where of has providing of in Data industry influence describes However, success’ the the shown in clearly EBMR. area the and that the and 12 where is the a point service critical. empirical year paradox the The production. forms an EBMR, to period, environmental explosion sector an and People of evidence ‘urbanized’ success functions and the This activities. in forecasted particularly of the chapter of is wage consequences a region found the pattern RBU. The labor ‘motorization’ complements growth on region will the of The the in BMR, development not are the following will landscape. (EBMR) give severe, industrial be have the of up 196 theoretical society, undergone chapter has their and where per sector usurped the cars cent, and agriculture sketches pollution perspectives is no change nowhere or expected the matter 16 city the per generated and is is how process (BMA) cent to rapidly reviewed this occur severe per more as of from being in a land 118 in the the LAND process CHAPTER This and EBMR more Growing how from interpretation unmistakable of linked. 1. revolution’ Gottmann the its chapter society former then two spatial USE constitute This of far land three for (1961), FIVE: this is moves AND urban-rural beyond chapter revolution and distribution Chapter organized, use decades dissertation REVOLUTION revolutionary comprehension LAND metamorphose op.cit. beyond the will 10 city ago, in orthodox examine pg.216. how PRICES: (New and land the limits, addresses, Gottmann variance land accessible change use Models: of the thinldng. in IN is the resulting what terms second THE occupied, and are new is wrote: Theoretical and twofold; urbanization also of a OUTER Referring forms consequent of from factors quantifiable “The central the and PART of the first, two how major Refinement of FRINGE land to symbiosis and to change ifi ‘revolutions’ as necessity the the this use data urban mentioned ‘revolution’ Megalopolis various chapter. and on LANDSCAPE: and of of regions changes to socio-economic land rural Settlement shed professions (land above, takes values. and are. in old in use), the place the urban. it Second, ideas and is 1986-1991 Northeastern Land leaving actually EBMR. a reorganization in Urban and revolution The our pricing there perceptions the two It function.”1 understanding Geographies). examines is more U.S. are mechanisms an in irrefutably theoretical in theoretical seaboard, acquired the the The 119 of 120 Thailand’s rapidly changing society, uprooted by the unbinding power of technology is altering its landscape socially, economically, and spatially. Bangkok and its extended environs have exploded into a boundless urban region of contiguous settlement invariably characterized by a rich mix of land use. It is this ‘land use’ which will be the focus of Chapters 6 and 7. 5.1 Land Prices: The rising cost of land in Bangkok city is a major contribution to the growth of non-agricultural activity on the periphery of the EBMR. A recent world wide survey of the cost of inner city office rents in major urban centers revealed that Bangkok’s office space ranks as the 23rd most expensive. Within the Asia-Pacific region, it is in the seventh 2position. The steep prices cause finance and commercial enterprises, which are mostly comprised of offices, to conglomerate in skyscrapers in the overpriced city center, forcing spatially expansive, less capital intensive tertiary sector activities, manufcturing, and housing to the outer city. The prohibitive costs of central city ‘space’, combined with the economic boom, according to Chulalongkorn urban planner Khwa.nsuang Atibodhi, are precisely the causes of dispersed urbanization that “has already eaten into much of the surrounding 3provinces.” Inner city office rents are only a small part of the bigger picture. The fact is that land prices in Thailand have generally soared. In Bangkok’s metro district for example, from 1977 until the mid 1980s land prices 2. The survey conducted by Colliers International with cooperation and assistance from Coffiers Jardine Thailand Ltd. established Bangkok’s office space cost at Baht65O (US$26) per square foot. Tokyo’s exorbitant US$216 per square foot was (again) ranked first. The cheapest city to rent office space from was Memphis (US$12 per square foot). The survey results were reported in The Nation, August 30, 1991. 3. For more of Acharn Khwansuang’s precepts of Bangkok’s growth, see THE BANGKOK POST (1991), September 16, A Life Worth Living? Examining the State of ModernBangkok”, Pongpet Mekloy. increased in A kinds prices Bangkok’s according the 1987, Land extended Pathum continue expensive prices reacting 4. DEVELOPMENT kilometres per during DEVELOPMENT, per 5. MARKET, Office (PADCO) recent 1990. The For 1990 capita, cent price of land have a for to those ‘difference’ Thani, discussion respectively urban to study pattern to increase urban 50 Asia, Rising (1990) to from residential reflecting land costs A the increases leaped rise. years. per the report land compared government’s the Bangkok. and areas. price Washington cent authors accounted of The land COORDINATION between further. on ESCAP The city significantly, prepared residential users a of Samut will rising per much development, nature values prices GDP A pace center. handful annum, (PADCO, Bangkok continue to 593. 1986 Prakarn land higher for per of D.C. for the of far combined recent In change land and approximately capita the and costs the outer exceed Bangkok, bypassing of and and land NESDB through residential demand NESDB, will 1990 prices BETWEEN again large financial 1990) see will would Land between city. to with those further United is GDP be a infrastructure pointing in an Institute are (1991) be similarly even the seems Royal discussed transportation Bangkok important and in ratio. one-quarter land required “startling”. 1987 Nations BANGKOK 1990s bolster the the National Thai investment to Foundation prices to See positioned other and rapid indicate later. escalating creating to is Government, (1990) one, a Planning developments purchase demand 1990 far to Urban two of GDP The The AND and as those different total CASE an (LIF-Bangkok) liberalization piece the Asian the an study study communication and per Development prices. emphasis ITS real for active one increase building in and of Development STUDIES capita found SUBURBS, metropolises, Karachi land, notes, estate square than land in Regional Furthermore, and the that on would growth that making was landscape policies costs, BANGKOK that meter volatile eastern Policy and large IN in found conveniences in NESDB, Housing Collaborative Jakarta since amount METROPOLITAN Jakarta. and of the rate. it but industrial Framework, forcing residential BMA, land changed likely in order foreign rose the the LAND and The to and TDRI. 1986. market mid 29 Not differences, to that Karachi, Eastern land of Urban study dramatically percent International projects, have nearly investors AND land 1980s 3.75 only Vol.1 prices demand in reports, Development driven FRINGE 10 Seaboard, the do HOUSING 9 times. one of and land and will and GDP are half 2, and 121 all 13 In “.. Baht22,000 government A To divided EBMR 2. 4. Distances 3. Nonthaburi) 5. and yet 1. inverse land residential different from 6. POST. sure la off roadside off roadside Although provide for unilinear. values - the road road 5. indication (1990) were all into correlation id). centre. function of four or agriculture non-agriculture further agriculture non-agriculture million, these at collected four obtained the to The July recreation varying Actual of only sites An amounts groups: of price 21 the rises. empirical between soaring • or important Baht2,000 BahtS500 ranged “Increase land graphs, from distance a ranges Moreover, land 300 are value a land land for evidence from survey use. per which are in message from per million the curves values price Land cent The broad; 10-125 whole rai. theoretically conducted are the increase of Prices chaotic and from here The shown is aggregate centre these Kingdom, from kilometres the distance differences to is land rapid tapestry general in Continue in BahtlO that by of we only Appendix transaction Bangkok Japan groupings, three-quarters as from increase would from land three trends, million of for between International the land Bangkok 3 values expact reflect V years. in Years” city fees. the land are per development the or roadside centre. average rise erratic that, rai the more 6 The number values city Cooperation at development the estimated as of Baan centre The and and land incentive for time it of leads is emergence variable, land 180 off-road Kiong in price passes, (which the earnings to different transfers. Agency. of to EBMR. an curves Ta nodes shift are and are but erratic Chain of in quite shown still infrastructure locations nodes the are See They of In 1990 distance (in point land fairly industry, BANGKOK 1987 pronounced, of in were were to uneven Figures in to the smooth a decay the an 122 is Average Land Prices Agricultural area - road side Average Land Price in Baht (000s) 1,200 - .1,000 - 800- 600- a 400- 200 S I I I 0- I I 0-20 21-40 41-60 61-80 81-100 101-120 121-140 Distance from BMA (kms.,) t’J w Figure Sib Average Land Prices Agricultural area - off road Average Land Price in Baht (000s) 350 300 250 200 150 100 I 50 0 II p 0-20 21-40 41-60 61-80 81-100 101-120 121-140 Distance from BMA (kms.) H Figure 5.lc Average Land Prices Non-agricultural area - road side Average Land Price in Baht (000s) 4,000 3,500 3,000 2,500 2,000 1,500 1,000 500 0 0-20 21-40 41-60 61-80 81-100 101-120 121-140 Distance from BMA (kms.) 1 Average Land Prices Non-agricultural area - off road Average Land Price in Baht (000s) 1,400 1,200 1,000 800 600 400 200 0 0-20 21-40 41-60 61-80 87-100 101-120 121-140 Distance from BMA (kms.) H OVERALL 21-30 11-20 OVER extended land Another the fringe in year 1990 TABLE PRICE PRICES 1988,1989, values 7. 6-10 8. Source: the Appendix outer One use period prices, urban 30 (over (as wah metamorphose salient to PADCO city. TRENDS opposed the 5.1 increased (DART 30 = core 32,209 V 23,34 14,633 demonstrates 9,553 4,081 This four shows 1990 outer kilometres characteristic increased to (1990), square differentiation average) city, the in BY PER FOR escalates. value land 21,566 37,201 metres; 17,465 13,083 an that 5,464 from DISTANCE pg.74. in SQUARE value of increasing and SERVICED value over the the the 400 distance All holds data compound 36 core) EBMR by wah raw per 21,684 43,898 4,I2 for 15,356 8.2 7,582 proportion true from WAR) than = data each FROM cent. per land 1 for AND increase rat BMA-CBD. in in of cent.8 The market both the which the of 20.9 21.7 36.3 26.8 16.7 CITY UNSERVICED differential four center. serviced At of the is the the land situations, The land the analysis CENTRE, Between urban values considerably data and becomes costs 15,712 4,898 5,146 3,123 1,553 was unserviced accompanied fringe is is 1988 between based obtained nearly roadside-non-agricultural, RESIDENTIAL a IN and higher wa/i is CONSTANT four piots. 17,038 city from 6,634 5,823 4,235 2,103 reported with 1990, of increase times land and JICA graphs Table a outer serviced over in higher (1990b). depicting 5.1, of 20,393 Appendix 9,419 3,342 5,920 the city PLOTS, land 1990 in in wa/i same is constant values and the actual a of critical V.7 urban two the land 31.9 377 13.9 46.7 127 31.0 land in point. potentially ampoe even Au value. at ecstatically cases, greater cartographer example, that the A causing Pralcarn, Baht62,500,000 decade 9. pg.327-339. per an rai.1° per value (1989) 10. BahtlOO,000 landowning See earlier same annum cent the These land factory of PADCO and This Newspapers “Bangkok: and past, thta then per a land vicinity. Chonburi, time, adjacent one figures scramble at district be even claimed trend annum. and Bahtl is a workers land in woman realized distance suggesting more (1990), farmer-village per the figures tambon were for A is along to officials The million. It Profile are of Pathum rai typical that important and his the also all never working op.cit, buying of from precise full in are 50 the the estate the have has a 20 suggests of 1987; trend are of rai. of verified, kilometres He Thani highway not urban land ESB, pg.72. an undergone than headman, and most anecdotal a location has at bewildered also Efficiently able A that story in along a that market selling. resident in land use increased Dowall, hobby 1991, rural is but claimed to was 1992 to extra from not triggers depict office is the it dramatic along reports tell value areas is unprecedented. Performing Baht the secret, farm An nowhere and along the road participating road apparent concerning that in price maintained the industrial CBD. a assigned under 40,000 frustrated the value along infrastructure of canal is a Bangna-Trad for land dynamic now hefty new foreign of along a At Housing if an to few Ram the in value per by in disclosed, 10 road worth a Between Balit urban jump estate off-road by the that values same parcel governmental kilometres, the rai. land nature Intra increases. runaway contributes from PADCO Market”, 4million road the no in manager assault. Highway With land grabbing were Road of 1977 value.9 less Pathum property land of Bangkok is land with the the land study embellished. the and land URBAN then near prices (in authorities The Landowners, to in which skyrocketing recent in land and values no a 1986 Thani 1991) Bang showed prices Bahtl6 on rise Samut higher Safari to additional would near-ludicrous less which STUDIES, the land has development in increased Plee, boasted from or In in land World similar Prakran Northeast then million income astronomically prices market land the shoot peasants, his land value. Samut Baht45O,000 infrastructure Bahtl outer sales, office he vol. land only in increased up mechanisms. per that recalled prices. has the Dowall, of was land Pralcarn 26, pricing at city. 300 million perception rai. tenants, sits will Samut eastern been a pg.336, planned rate inflation per Each 4.3 risen A For was that in David data offered reported was of per cent per 1984. and BMA valued only in of 1.8 for 128 in cent the a 129 The next section will address and describe the process of land change from agriculture to non-agriculture uses. At this point though, it is worth mentioning that competition between urban land uses and agricultural interests have contributed significantly to the soaring land prices. As illustrated, prices of Bahtl-5 million per rai are routine, yet even a conservatively high estimate of the actual value of agricultural land is no greater then Baht6O-70,000 per 1rai. From a landowner’ s point of view, selling is much more economically attractive and viable then renting out or cultivating by himlherself. For tenant farmers, the incentive for abandoning agriculture is even more pronounced. Not only is there an absence of a social attachment to the land, but tenant farmers can earn nearly twice as much from industrial or service sector work than from 12farming. The aberrant and inflated land values in the outer city has caused a precarious speculative bubble. The rise in investment real estate’ and the numerous tracts of idle land suggests developers are earning considerable profits from land transfers. Korff (1986) is one of many observers who has argued that low and middle class 13 consumers are invariably squeezed out of the housing market due to land speculation. Land hoarding has been prevalent in this region. This is problematic due to: i) as agricultural villages are engulfed by industrial development, the people are forced to opt for alternative occupations and housing, leading to a changing lifestyle and altered social patterns, ii) as agricultural land is replaced by scattered settlements, golf courses, and factories, some landless people have been forced to encroach on forests causing environmental problems, and iii) there are numerous reports of smaitholders who have sold their land for millions of Baht, only to Notwithstanding, it is a very controversial subject. As stated in the PADCO report, “In Bangkok the topic of land prices is likethe weather: everyone talks about it.” op.cit pg.59. See Appendix II (April8, May 22, 1991). 11. Actual value refers to profit bearing productivity, negating land as speculative investment. 12. Appendix II (May 22, 23, August 17, 1991). 13. Korif (1986), ibid, pg.51., Also see Angel, Shlomo and Sureeporn Chuated (1990), “The Down-Market Trend in Housing Production in Bangkok, 1980-87”, THIRD WORLD PLANNING REVIEW, vol.12, no.11, pg.5, pg.1-20. 130 squander it quickly and irresponsibly, culminating in poverty, landlessness and 14unemploymenL This section has shown how rising land prices have reduced the incentives for rice cultivation. Land speculation is a growing trend in the EBMR contributing to land use change and the decentralization of non-agricultural activities. 5.2 Land Use Metamorphose: Geographers have long been concerned with spatial restructuring of the forms and functions on the landscape; perhaps none is more evident than the expansion of metropolitan regions. The nature and extent of urban growth has been the subject of much writing and research. One helpful essay, written by Gottmann, 21 years after he published “Megalopolis”, is worth 15examining. Writing theoretically, and universally (as opposed to dealing strictly with highly developed societies), Gottmann contends that “the deep metamorphosis of the metropolis” is explained by two agents; human and geographical. The “human problem” reflects an interplay of various factors. Technology has given choices never before imagined to many people in both urban and rural areas. People have been unlocked from their limited space, leading to expanded circulation and migration. A proliferating urban population, escalating freedom, and broadened forms of commerce demanded additional city space, opening up adjacent urban peripheral lands. 14. This sad and unfortunateexperienceis occurringregularly, with no recourseto prevent it being repeated. The District Officer of Ainpoe Lam Luk Ka in Pathum Thani described this event as one of the three main problems effecting people in his district. As a related side note one of the other problems he mentioned was the increasing proportion of unused (speculative) land hoarding. See Appendix II (interview on April 22, 1991). 15. Gottmann, Jean (1982), ‘The Metamorphosis of the Modern Metropolis” EKISTICS, Jan-Feb. This is a particularly useful piece to examine because much of the theoretical foundation of the current dissertation is adopted from Gottmans seminal study, ‘Megalopolis”. This later article follows a similar theoretical line. The greater previous any increases The geographical credible vigorous agricultural As the making to and An bias regime concurrent urban the in and subsidize communist Irrigation 16. a the noted Feeny Kingdom. even For more, railways local flourishing stressful “geographical in Bangkok. agricultural expansive favour never an that for more chapter). process in expenditure earlier, development article urban and interesting outposts. with flows lands. Thailand, were has and land invested In of important understandably variety is and surrounded heavy Over this metropolitan the the since political sprawl. how requirements of Contemporary problem” The sector. For discussion for industrial favoured manufacturing traffic sense, but the equitably investments agricultural schemes the adjacent a of example, thorough factor This decades the non-agricultural forces. early and it development that infrastructural process is residence of Bangkok land negligence provoking of migration. were areas years in hardly proven Thai Gottmaun transportation treatment to the since agriculture, export uses.’6 sector increase orientated have has metamorphosis of under’development surprising as was the and this expenditures. been an taxes. a acted manifested investments of activities, Place always describes war, gradual, agricultural developed commerce effective century. Thailand’s enhanced and and principally to In of there that been keep sum, particularly work communication but investment increasing is is in as Furthermore, were land productivity on scatter. development Since characterized largely the the policy it high persistent and net and was an towards use cost focus no capital precipitated alluvial the rates residence more see connected Land respectable change to after the of Bowring of increase Feeny occurred of land food policy apt propensity insurgency transfers technologies the this the speculation by coastal protection to in are seasonal use (1979), low end the section. support by prior the to yields Treaty increases only not shift, highest space an of and plain flowed outer to for confined problems. op.cit. World interplay when occurred for manufacturing nature has WWII have in Gottman’s of is time land surrounded city no population industrial the in from 1855, contributed the Of led War small real see metamorphosis. collapse of was political to elite only particular of There to rural paddy his the close per II, distinctive a contention substantial way were seldom. continuous (unpublished) activity by and aid administrative densities capita rice (see has decision to proximity contributed to fertile to relevance infiltrate funding an lands been benefit. Roads income even is 131 in and a to in 132 Figure 3.5 illustrates the expansive and rapid spatial swell of Bangkok since the turn of the century. Specifically, note the rapid growth that occurred since 1971. The agricultural lands were overrun by extending urbanization, the corridors were lengthened and thickened, development increased significantly away from the Chao Phraya River, Pathum Thani to the north and Samut Prakarn to the south became mostly urbanized, and undeveloped ‘blocks’ emerged as conspicuous barren blotches on the urban landscape. Despite the dramatic visual impact of Figure 3.5, the average annual conversion rate in the BMR since 1971 17 (until 1990) has been a very modest one per cent. However, when considering the previous few years, these moderate conversion rates have dissipated, and replaced by considerably higher figures for the changwatsof Pathum Thani, Samut Prakarn, and Nonthaburi. The steep increases correspond with rapid population growth and recent increases in the growth rate of the economy. It is not only relevant to note conversion rates of agricultural land to non-agricultural uses in the BMR, but it is equally important to examine land use change within the agricultural sector. A cropping pattern has appeared suggesting a radical break from the traditional Central Plain rice bowl landscape where 90 per cent or more of land cover had been paddy. Figure 5.2 highlights these dramatic changes and will be discussed later in this chapter. As seen in Table 5.2, between 1981 and 1988, paddy land decreased almost 18 per cent, representing (in 1988) only 37 per cent of total land and 55 per cent of total agricultural land. Substantial increases for land cover in vegetables and flowers (29 per cent), grasslands (211,051 per cent), and idle lands (1,360 per cent) are apparent. These agcul’ land uses are in fact more akin to an ‘urban’ landscape then rural. This region traditionally was based largely on a monoculture cropping system of Phd dissertation: Feeny, David (1976) TECHNICAL AND INSTITUTIONAL CHANGE IN THAI AGRICULTURE, 1880-1940, University of Wisconsm @ Madison. For more information on the injurious and adverse rural taxing premiums in Thailand see Lam, N. (1977), op.cit. 17. It should be noted that one of the five BMR provinces, Nonthaburi, has experienced a higher conversion rate then the others over the same time period (1.57 per cent). 133 FIGURE 5.2 BMR LAND CONVERSION RATES: 1974-1984 Convecson SQ Km o to .2 .2to .7 .7 to 1.0 1.8 to 9.5 No Oatm • SCALE a---- 20KM Source Dowall (1989). 3pg.33 TABLE AGRICULTURAL YEARS TOTAL TOTAL LAND AVG. AGRI. SIZE PADDY NUMBER AREA HOUSING LAND OF Note: FIELD TREE VEGS. FRUiT FLOWERS CROPS Source: LAND Statistics, LAND OThER GRASS IFIED UNCLASS FARMS All FARM LAND CROP LAND & Adapted & land 1989. 5.2 values I I 12,163,463 I 1 j 11,844,620 I from 3,004,221 4,848,841 300,394 296,165 100,367 125,518 59,188 82,807 in 23.93 Barasopit 200 rai. LAN]) Mekivachai I 1 I f f 111,969,873 12,878,968 I 12,048,228 I I I 302,515 303,250 119,517 84,536 74,979 44,199 USE 3,934 24.09 et IN al (1990), I 1 I THE 112,035,462 12,813,379 I 11,899,669 I I 409775 119,224 .8,841 90,940 51,093 96,144 3,385 pg.44, 23.60 BMR after FOR I 1 I lE 13,267,544 I I F I 1 Agricultural I 4,848,841 1,779,513 1,581,297 122,168 478,136 184,726 211,805 422,301 90,635 76,523 26.75 SELECTED Economics I I I I I I I I [ 211,050.50 111.03 -17.75 -37.63 -59.17 -14.28 11.75 Office -2.67 29.29 9.45 •‘‘ J of 7 - I I I I I 134 135 paddy. The changes within the agricultural sector are consistent with the central theme of this chapter, land use conversion. Disaggregating the data from the BMR (Table 5.2) into the individual changwats reveals some dramatic trends. To the west of Bangkok, Nakhon Pathom has undergone a substantial restructuring of its cropping pattern. In 1981, 56 per cent of total agricultural land cover was taken up by paddy, and seven years later, this figure had dropped to 39 per cent. The main point is that the area consumed by fruit and orchard crops, grass lands, and idle lands under speculation, together add up to slightly more land cover (40 per cent) than paddy in 1988. In 1981, the three combined represented less then 1 per cent of the total agricultural land. Although Nakhon Pathom has not been recognized for high land conversion rates or industrial development, its agricultural land cover has undergone significant changes suggesting a commercialization process with a reduced role from traditional paddy. Pathum Thani, formally, a steadfast rice bowl province, and recently an important industrial locus of the EBMR, offers another vital example of land use change within the agricultural sector. Between 1981 and 1988, paddy land has decreased by 25 per cent while orchard crops have increased by 239 per cent. In 1981 orchards covered one-sixteenth of the land area that rice did; by 1988, the ratio was one-third. Grass and idle lands have seen remarkable increases as well, again endorsing the trend towards the speculative capitalization 18 of the landscape. Land conversion from agricultural land use to non-agricultural in many ways is much more noticeable than cropping pattern changes, and certainly more talked about in the EBMR. The causes of conversion to industrial or residential land use from agricultural are not altogether distinct from factors that motivate cropping pattern changes. Land owners, in a free market economy, when offered choices respond to 18. Data for the NalthonPathomand PathumTham examplesare fromthe Departmentof AgricultureStatisticalReport, (1990) Office of Agricultural Economics, and Barasopit Mekvichai et al (1990), URBANIZATION AND THE ENVIRONMENT: MANAGING THE CONFLICT, Bangkok: TDRI Research Report #6 (1990 Year end conference). economic uses. highest Although to brackish farmland omnipresent protection. agricultural agricultural acts (and among Another not bubble reported also States pg.5 20. lead, 21. 19. be Studies Ibid. Ibid. fiscally primarily harmed. 1. fishers) cadmium, Despite considered. confirm the encasing potential pg.52. factor toxic by and economic incentives, indicate lowest As discouraged land lands Barasopit The factories throughout a reducing the as waste and one that strong exact the return, that a assertion. Throughout in in that mercury subsidy report ‘subsidizes’ incentives region.21 the water Southeast and has have level Mekvichai spiritual carbon potential fertile are from the been this stated, Data from are of to damaging finding region derived impact urban often tying the present are converted low Asia, attachment from non-agricultural productivity. aquaculture “...it et world, the lying complain means up al, that and is the pollution but effects in overriding not is large only Food food industrial selling according to obvious and drainage known, converting to other half parcels marketed (especially on Control vociferously the not certainly Emissions is grain land only of land, cause however uses that the divides. uses to the of Division affects crops use obvious in land the failure due many Thailand land of and assessed prawn the from an Land is land about to to There BMR. as such the unproductively, the increasing land of to various alternative recourse. a a farming) conversion, health the Institute low require penalty growing is taxes insufficient as is See owners no Thai rice, no property forms of Barasopit exception, are number specific Ministry reasonable humans to and Foundation crops, fruit number when collected. agricultural a of golf and contributing number tax of trees, ‘urban’ Melcvichai estimate or but seeking of studies ineffective pollution rates. courses of entirely Health environmental also and Hence, automobiles (LIF) of pollution, uses.” mostly animals. Not options related of livestock.19 et show contaminate to different of is the al only landowners environmental the harming Thailand, (1990), 20 in harmful amount Vegetation factors speculative for the are and but controls the United land rates op.cit, farmers Also, levels of need as are 136 is of 137 Although, mentioned earlier in this chapter, it is worth reiterating that the unprecedented growth of the Thai economy is a key factor in the land conversion process. Few countries have been able to save its most fertile agricultural land during expansive industrial 22development. As inner city land and property prices become prohibitive, horizontal suburbanization is the obvious response. The land grab for industrial and residential development has gone beyond the BMR, and outer ring changwats such as Chachoengsao, Saraburi, and Ayutthaya are experiencing land conversion rates similar to BMR provinces in the mid 1980s. Landowners are faced with powerful incentives to sell, as the market price is at least 50 times higher then expected revenue from agricultural production. A contentious issue in the EBMR is distinguishing between urban and rural. As the landscape becomes homogenized, and city and countryside bond, the differences are blurred. So it is difficult to identify precise boundaries of the ‘urbanized’ area in the Bangkok region. For instance, does a modern housing or industrial estate that comes to dominate a small ampoe cause a shift of the area to ‘urban’? Is a small village in Pathum Thani where all economically active population work in non-agricultural activities considered ‘urban’? And how does one account for ribbon development?; how far off the main corridor are the adjacent lands considered ‘urban’? Notwithstanding, the National Housing Authority (NHA) and Asian Development Bank (ADB), in conjunction with PADCO, in a report entitled, “The Bangkok Land Management Study” attempted to track the “urbanized” area of the BMR, and its changing scope, based on land use. The study contends that between 1974 and 1984, on average 32 square kilometres of land were converted to urban use each year in the BMR, bringing total urban land area up to 1304 square kilometres from 984. The total area of the BMR is slightly greater then 7600 square kilometres. The study projected that by the year 2000, the total urban area of the BMR would rise to 1816 square kilometres, nearly twice the 1974 figure. 22. Japan has enacted legislation to preserve farming land, but in the process has spuriously driven land prices up at exorbitant inflationarylevels. Barasopit Mekvichai reports that this inflation has also driven the price of Japanese rice up to seven times the world market level. See Barasopit Mekvichai, pg.53. 23. Japan International Cooperation Agency (1990) UPPER CENTRAL REGION STUDY, Sector Report, vol.1: Spatial Framework and Network for Development 24. PADCO (1987) BANGKOK LAND MANAGEMENT STUDY, Vol.1, Final Report, in conjunction with ADBand NHA. accounted BMR In rings chapter. Pathum kilometres) the essence It rural Study and settlement Although One the ‘conversion’ per 25. frequent the agricultural already changwals is the Chao Ibid, total cent outer should difficult of and the between offers 10 becoming the of Thani of pg. Since land informal BMA, Phraya years urban. city formal of for total processes. this uses. significant not has 18. an Pathum center to conversion 46 frequently and 1984, 1974 region, conversion Since between be accounted effective distinguish Suggesting 11 Studies River noticeable per large housing considered Samut to of Thani and the cent there 20 findings gravity from scale is Bangkok 1974 dealing 1984. demarcate attempt kilometres was particularly would Prakran. of and for in are activities that between a housing the outer and as directly more Samut settlement at sufficient conversion The of be total instruments with Land least at the 1984, ring a The pulling areas then their Prakarn fairly are from ‘urban’ estate converted Bangkok noticeable. rural-urban Management attributable 10 changwats. change just 42 reasons half perspective land kilometres with of safe the urban development per lands have and as for of central into presumption. noticeably along Land responsible cent land. the explaining to converted further This non-urban’ and differences to Study, numerous believe total outward.25 of residential Management business should the Figure rural area the then devours converted rapid “Northern high enormous Furthermore, total conversion for will apart and only 20 5.2 small in are district. industrial rates the kilometres defining this development, be land illustrates useful (for sizable be Study land the plots land Corridor” of tracts region. seen conversion quantitative The in subject land and as conversion only in and settlement tracts was the through from of already the areas residential land use The land rent to ‘outer’ that both of of the BMR, of gauge change conversion occurred from Bangkok beyond a mentioned Pathum or land, roughly the CBD convenience), case process. formal systems sell zone expansion agricultural blurring shifting land represents are smaller, study their 20 Thani, (beyond in Land 3340 and the use land Landowners rates as kilometres a land later the thin coalescence opposed eastern informal. in conversion, conversion Management more but to just per more the for 20 to zone in non the cent the east newly this BMA, then to that true in 138 of of is of 50 139 arrived migrants, or families from Bangkok who have been evicted from a slum settlement, or have moved outwards for employment. The plots often lack proper drainage, water supply, electricity, and surely evade government’s residential development standards. Angel and Pornchokchai believe that 10-15 thousand informally established plots are sold each 26year. Many are informally subdivided and are akin to slum settlements. Housing will be dealt with specifically in Chapter 7. An example of an informal land use shift elucidates the conversion process. Gaed Pairoh, in Samut Prakarn, is a typical fringe industrial zone, and former fish pond area that was subject to land use change. In 1980, the landowner began renting out his land, probably because it was spoiled by an aquaculture waste product. Although the land was undeveloped, with poor accessibility, within three months there were 112 individual plots covering the 20 rai. The landowner provided electricity and water, but not drainage. There was a Baht5500 entry fee, and monthly rents were approximately 27BahtlSO. Small scale residential projects such as this, are common throughout the area, enhancing the land conversion process, and at the same time gradually filling the gap in the low income housing market. Furthermore, the individual plots eventually become fully serviced, and often shift from tenancy to ownership situations. Considering the highly capitalized speculative bubble surrounding residential development, the smaller informal route may be a viable alternative when the formal sector is not preempting the stock of accessible land. Figure 5.3 demonstrates the pressures operating simultaneously to induce outer city land use metamorphose. It not only stands as a summary of this chapter, but illustrates the linkages between the various factors acting on the outer city landscape. For example, the low tax rate leads to land speculation, which in turn, contributes to a decline in rice farming. Yet, at the same time, both the low tax rate and land speculation, 26. Angel,Shlomoand SoponPornchokchai(1987) “TheInformalLand SubdivisionMarketin Bangkok”in BANGKOK LAND MANAGEMENT STUDY, PADCO in conjunction with NHA & ADB. 27. Informal developers such as this one in Gaed Pairoh make use of a loophole in the land subdivision regulations which stipulates that 10 or more plots in a single subdivision are subject to official standards. By subdividing the land into parcels of nine plots at a time, developers simply sidestep the regulations. For additional case studies of informal residential land subdivisions see Economic and Social Commission for Asia and the Pacific (ESCAP) (1990) CASE STUDIES ON METROPOLITAN FRINGE DEVELOPMENT, WITH FOCUS ON INFORMAL SETI’LEMENTS. 140 independently lead to a decrease in land under paddy. Finally, it is useful to view this Figure jointly with Figures 3.6 and 4.8 showing the historical preconditions to appreciate the synergic conditions of outer city change. Figure 5.3 Factors Operating in Outer City Land Use Metamorphose CHAPTER and This that 6.1 THE Throughout Country), validation 6.1.1 recently development?) been ‘mixing ‘model’ 1. THE even both INDUSTRY chapter concentrated NEW Land NATION pot’ for commended ownership. industry or of Third LANDSCAPE use: SIX: Asia is depicts the ‘the divided is (1991) archaic and fueled next and World almost the Thailand By abroad, agriculture tiger’. into October by NEW combining linear development.1 exclusively an I: two The Thailand INDUSTRY industrial for landscape stages-of-growth 12, parts; have International its “World this open in (i) separately has chapter the growth Neo-classical of industry, Bank and been AND the EBMR. free EBMR. Makes Monetrary with process. model. recognized AGRICULTURE undergone (ii) export housing the economists agriculture. As The Poorer orientated Fund the as a and growth metamorphose an accolades Become (IMF) recreation ‘emerging point The economy, of and purpose Poorer”. to the pour Thailand the industrial (Chapter NIC’ in in, World and terms of this (Newly the hinted as 7) sector achievement Bank of a chapter the modern production, Industrializing that (IBRD) resulting in is Thailand Thailand day to (and show have labour, is has 141 a 142 The increase of industrialization in the EBMR and in Thailand is revealed best through the restructuring of merchandise exports. In 1960, a full 98 per cent of all exported products were traditional primary sector commodities (rice, minerals, rubber, etc..), yet in 1987, this sector accounted for only 26 percent of all exports, and in 1991, a mere 16 percent. This data is also reflected in the changing distribution of GDP since 1960 (see Table 6.1). FIGURE 6.1 PER CENTAGE DISTRIBUTION OF GROSS DOMESTIC PRODUCT IN THAILAND (1980-1990) :• : MANUFACTURING 21.7 20.7 23.0 24.2 25.0 AGRICULTURE 20.6 20.0 17.0 15.9 14.9 Source: Bank of Thailand (1990) Monthly Reports, March , after Daniere (1991). Even in recent years there has been a dramatic rise in industrial activity as reflected in the number and growth rate of registered factories. Between 1987 and 1989, in eight EBMR provinces, the number of factories rose from 6,312 to 7,867, nearly a 25 per cent increase (see Table 6.2). This translates into more than two new factories per day in these 8 provinces. Also evident is the decreasing’ growth of BMA’s industrial role; between 1987 and 1989 it only increased at a rate parallel to the whole Kingdom. In a few of the EBMR provinces, the total number of employees per factory is very high. For instance, in Pathum Thani (1989), nearly a third of the 645 factories have more than 50 employees, and 34 have over 500. Similarly, in Samut Prakarn, 77 factories have more then 500 workers, and one quarter of the total have more the 50. In Bangkok however, this certainly is not the case; of nearly 19,000 factories in 1989, 95 143 TABLE 6.2 NUMBER OF FACTORIES IN 8 EBMR CIIANGWATS (1987 and 1989) I NAKHON 619 761 22.9 FATHOM NONTH- 588 704 19.7 ABIiRI PATRUM 456 645 41.1 TRAM SAMUT 2348 2955 26.8 PRAKARN SAMUT 698 886 25.8 SAKHON AYUTTRAYA 272 344 26.5 CHACH- 298 383 28.5 OENGSAO CHONBURI 1033 1189 15.1 ::Z:*t;6 BANGKOK 16316 18977 16.3 (DMA) Source: YOngUthChaIamwong (1990), pg.52. per decade A the data, employment (Table Nonthaburi, policies administration, of Minister It (see several beginning Other 2. Seaboard Industry Samut 4. Korea, 3. FEER, scale imported Although is study The Krabi’s the Rapid BMR, cent worth Plate steel it EBMR.3 industries Prakarn largest 6.4). based May of is industries, by (in ushering had economic from of in Thailand’s hardly dynamic foundry 1990 6.1). 1989.2 of noting Thai the TDRI Industry, 30, Almost fewer will Samut on factories Thai South alone. mid (cover to unprecedented 1988 Further, language). were surprising increase in projects growth projected that year employment industry such then 1990s. consumption Pralcarn, Korea new Much all data), are initiated story). deshackled during 2000, of 50 as industrial in levels textile are The and by of this projected concrete employees Thailand responding that total this Pathum being a in Japan. projection the growth an policy growth nominal producers. of is the the data employment short overhauling moderate from flexibility promoted protectionist demand provinces and has country, It comes is Thani, changes and is will associated reign to regulations methodology led steel, 12 believed In the 64 in to per occur from will including 1989, Krabi, and (1991-1992) relative at unprecedented per opening by the with of were cent, nearly 35 policies the that with the ease region in cent Minister there per and the Thailand Chonburi, instituted. is the terms mostly local bureaucratic a the double of based had of massive cent, highest were the manufacturing to were entry expected investment supplies of (60 9 the announced impediments consumption in on Department is or 53 between Prime kg dismantled for Dr. agribusiness. and US$800 year in a rate textile less. several per the are growth and both Sippanondha Chachoengsao; of Minister 2000. head, Table opportunities 1990 now five factories administrative total an million and local of step of of and easing imperative. to inner and steel, compared Industrial The 6.3 service employment start process; encourage By development and Anand Thai- 2000. with highest illustrates a ring disaggregating up of Ketudat, product offshore over in except sectors. Italian controls Works to See bureaucracy. see Panyarachun’s provinces As system. Russia 500 rate fiercer 500 a “Steel NEDB growth that of joint result factory appointed kg. Krabi; private (1990) of the employees, Agricultural and is and He is per growth venture. competition. (1991) almost Southern of several the Hot” are restrictions.4 Ministry presented Eastern head all This size the investors regional caretaker in as are (1991) Area entirely EBMR data for large in 21 was order: part South in of 144 the #2. for the In TABLE FACTORY BANGKOK NAKEION (BMA) PATHOM ABURI NONTH- TABLE PATRUM PROJECTION TRAM NORTH CENTRAL 5 SAMUT NORTHEAST BM.A SOUTH PRAKARN SAMLJT SAKUON Source: Source: PROVINCES Adapted Dept. 6.3 6.4 of 9Ofl)4 Industrial SIZE from LESS 63.69 46.11 35.11 65.58 46.07 39.98 NESDB OF IN IWO 12061 6805 5526 Works 3184 3910 1533 TOTAL 30.99 36.30 35.70 26.92 32.18 39.98 BMR, (1991) (DIW) OOO Area 13580 2063 6407 7546 3771 4866 BY 15.37 24.06 20.85 (1990). 22.44 4.96 EMPLOYMENT 6.85 #2 TOTAL %GROWTh 34.6 25.5 16.0 10.9 12.6 18.4 0.36 2.22 0.65 5.13 0.91 2.60 EMPLOYEES pj 100 100 100 100 100 100 BY REGION (%), (000s) 1989 145 I . jl ; t , E - ‘%. I PLATE 6.1 Flexible Production Along the Northern Corridor momentum. sector, Europe. industrial Despite year Research 234,000 The 400 land needed 6. groupings 5. A units rat. factory The Industrial LAND BMR (EXPECTED) TOTAL % TABLE ESTIMATE Normally, Source: per second period, requirements, that OF difference land for new cent.6 At rat are TOTAL Institute with USE according land BMR industry the area assessment requirements Adapted by The total not liberalization the 10-50 use 6.5 same 2011 registered was between contribution maximum allocation (TDRI) requirements to but 4,848,841 employees (Table calculated time from (see labour 32,535 OF again, carried TDRI with for Table there 07 indicate policies Barasopit size 6.6). levels. of ]fThTAT expansion these using is even the and land out for was 6.5). up in Between MOl the DLD A that for to the by 4,848,841 in policies the for an Mekivachai small 2 •“‘“I Although, 4 2011 the industry, (Ministry BMR. MGI effort rat, nearly the categories values in Department 1988 factory 1 the 50-500 whole less made (Ministry 48 to The can 72,000 BMR of and then ‘ride and this et with is to BMR be employees Industry).’ more L 4,848,841 al used 2011, are the land 233,711.1 attributed amounts of 10 the rai (1990), less of Industry) conservative will proliferation quite per to Land wave use will then 4.82 the prevent TDRI cent is still change pg.83-84. moderate. to to be growth 9 less Development of workers classification the greater of be needed draws underestimation. then industrialization number the under 618 in estimates and rate 6 region’s the their would then Two rat, by rapid is 5 of EBMR 1996, per information which and projected (DLD) 600 factories, studies have by growth land cent 500 per the and parcels was a in (IAE) reveals or maximum area in have cent Thailand Thailand; approximately to mostly more of monumental. from 2011. be factories is the increase projected drastically expected workers in MOI BYTDRI small industrial area the Development stay data into order household in of is with 0.5 the to tapes. 4 over higher be of 147 rat. 23 the 6 expect of in how then (3) (2) (1) Present Five production decades. ______ There Source: TOTAL Land There % (EXPECTED) ESTIMATE TABLE to 600 important [i8,203 OF TABLE INDUSTRIAL Source: that concentrate trends TOTAL per availability is is BMR land Adapted Table no no cent over Adapted suggest 6.6 inferences indication indication LAND use 6.7 while 6.7 the industrial will from is indicates OF two there not from TDRIs 4,848,841 become Barasopit to that can decades the 97,000 INDUSTRIAL is GDP believe Barasopit activity be demand an real that projection 2.0 more made urgent 605,5i’ issue, will Mekivachai the that (in in prudent for from Mekivachai increase require areas an need Baht) however. new for increased the 4,848,841 150,000 140,000- where to land and land an et of projections: 2.8-3.1 control al LAM) equivalent industrial efficient et use Based for their (1990), efficiency al requirement industry (1990), industrial impact on 1 as pg.83-84. 587 GDP USE current increase land pg.8 3 - 86 . of will on pollution over 4,848.841 480,000 470,000- land prices is the IN industrial slacken in 618 9.7-9.9 use the environment land. BMR, inevitably per 23 will and off. cent. year However, location, occur waste (RAI) time Therefore, rise. can over disposal. 4... 395 period the it be is the moderated. BY real reasonable next any will problem DLD increase couple be less 148 to is 149 (4) The projections do not, nor are they able to indicate the extent to which future development will be directed to the numerous industrial estates throughout the region. Well located industrial parks are viable solutions to scattered industrial development, as infrastructure costs and provisions can be reduced substantially. Also, industrial pollution can be better monitored and 7confined. (5) Finally, it would be prudent to keep in mind that the data in Table 6.5 and 6.6 (5-10 per cent of the total BMR is projected to be under industrial land cover in 2011) do not reflect possible spin off land use. For instance, residential development associated with workers’ housing should be factored into the sum. Expansion of the transportation network and consequent land required for other infrastructure and services can also be expected, and thus, is functionally tied to industrial growth. 6.1.2 Multinational Corporations: As seen in Chapter three, from the late 1950s, multinational corporations(MNCs), began to play a critical role in the region s industrial landscape. This has continued until the present, and contributes to Thailand’s emerging-NIC’ status. Approximately 20 to 30 years ago Fordist industrialization arrived from western economies in new environments, where labour regulations and environmental standards were weak or nonexistent. Particularly in Latin America and Southeast Asia, industrialization was coming to suppress customary economic 7. In August 1991, IndustryMinisterSippanondhaissueda directiveto relocateapproximately500 factories out of Samut Prakarn province. The factories effected are responsible for excessive discharge and emission of pollutants, and are unable to meet accepted standards. The plan included a relocation scheme to industrial estates throughout the EBMR, where central waste treatment systems are in operation. As expected the plan has come against stringent opposition from the Samut Prakarn Chamber of Commerce. See BANGKOK POST, (1991) August 7, “Worry Over Relocation Plan”. job production labour. quantitative colonial In from The (New on deficiencies there industrial traditionally From This received giants in 1980. URBANIZATION R.Yin-Wang 8. N.Y., Cohen, 1989 1991, the a For trial, creation politically MNC emphasis many alone, will Pacific Industrial Chapter pg.287-315. There an the such R.B. In world but the insightful community. be number this production and western as labour of and potential, (1981) 30 to Asian largest the are an AT&T, 4, regard, MNC saw liberal offer remove shifted new evaluative Division Brenda largest three it AND discussion of Countries: “The systems a can economies, share. electrical a steady foreign production environment process important short Thailand the The Hana in URBAN Kit-Ying agriculture be proportion New of the imperialistic seen In case EBMR and automation overview Labour), of A Electronics, International semiconductor last the appliance is Research NIDL that PLANNING and Au, study cultural was observations expansionary in last decade may from of such Thailand.8 (1986) particularly FDI an and few multinational review FDI of tendencies accommodating, be Agenda”, of processes. factories as its MNCs MNC (Foreign to Division and years, “The production the was Thailand, commercial the IN factories of Sony to quintessential as CAPITALIST The for operation industrial there Information three Japan. electrical note HABITAT it of were Direct have oil At Semiconductor. transforms purpose corporations Labour, are by MNCs more MNCs processes, the and erected been pedestal two disaggregating complying Investment) in sector, same appliance gas Industry; than INTERNATIONAL, Multinational Thailand, pieces of SOCIETY, landscape have operating appreciated exploration, space in this time doubled of take where culminating the wielded in discussion sectorial Multinational Also and investment manufacturing particular rapidly five data advantage and eds: to in textiles the preferred Corporations from included inner examine and the shows the immense with M. total dominance. and study in that revered however, EBMR 6 Dear vol.10, and ring has of the Corporations to little investment. irrevocably. a are destination under the prevailing sharp 13, region. electrical throughout increased and growing power provinces. and recommended: impact in by no.1/2, benefits including A.J. is particular. electrical Within Urban increase the not on Scott, and use state on First, appliances pg.115-131. for With sharply. qualitative the to and Hierarchy”, In the the the Urbanization of put global MNCs since landscape. and Metheun, appliances 1990- post its Kwok, unskilled Also, NIDL EBMR. MNCs large In about have and 150 and in 151 are micro chip producers such as Toshiba and Sanyo who both set up large plants outside of Bangkok in 1992. Large appliance manufacturers in the EBMR are producing a large supply of products such as microwave ovens, refrigerators, air conditioners, televisions, and stereo equipment. This sector (large appliances) grew 31 per cent from 1990 to 1991. Disk drive production is also proliferating, mainly due to Seagate Technologies of California, which has opened two factories, making Thailand its largest production base. Seagate plants, located in both Pathum maui and Samut Prakarn have 16,000 9employees. The garment industry has become a giant magnet for MNC investment. Once a major import commodity for Thailand, textile products, especially ready-made garments, have become the country’s prime export. Between 1975 and 1992 the total value of Thai ready-made garments for export rose from Bahtl million to almost Baht8l million, and is currently, by value, the largest export product, ahead of rice, precious stones and electrical 0appliances.’ The growth rate of this sector in the last decade has spatially concentrated its operations in the EBMR. Areas of Pathmn Thani and Samut Prakarn have obtained reputations as regional textile industrial centers. In particular there are many American and British textile firms along the Northern Corridor in Pathum 11Thani. Despite the unprecedented success of the garment industry, it is worth noting that investors, particularly from South Korea, Hong Kong, and Japan have recently been opting for China, Vietnam, and Pakistan as production bases. Wages in all three countries are presently about half the Thai rate. Also, Thailand currently has the highest tax rates in the world for imported dyeing chemicals; for example, six times higher 9. Seagate Technologies produce 22 per cent of the world wide hard-drive market share. BUSINESS WEEK, (1993) May 10, pg.28. 10. Board of Investment (1993) Key Investment Indicators, Office of the Prime Minister. 11. Large textile factories in Pathum Thani employ I 000s of women workers for relatively low wages with harsh working conditions (see Figure 8.2, km. 34). There are no published reports detailing the severe working environment in outer city garment factories, however a handful of Master theses are worth mentioning. In particular see Amphan Yosamorusuntarn (1986) WAGES AND WORKING CONDITIONS IN THE GARMENT INDUSTRY, Economics, MA, Thammasat University, and Kultap, Praneet (1983) A STUDY OF INDUSTRIAL INJURY: A CASE OF THE TEXTILE INDUSTRY, Economics, MA Thamassat University. Both reports highlight the frequent evasion of labour laws in the factories, especially when the benefits from noncompliance exceed the costs. than has Notwithstanding, A investors.12 than sector Although 37 had Thailand, securities. at located foreign largest Mister Finally, markets, employees soda, 14. 12. 13. second least of The Obviously experienced “Clothed opened Indonesia. 50 hydrochiorine such is advertising Donut impacting) in largest firms.14 employees, service shops, heavily observation the MNC on the The factories 10 in the not majority inner (20 Shell Glory” restaurants, shops multinational Domestic industries significant petroleum site represented all MNC local BMR acid, and the petrol are and ring opened (see with (1990) is outer are public Thai MNCs fast enamel three outlets). that Figure provinces; service production oil/lube locating and over companies declines food up BUSINESSWEEK, city. garment chemical by tertiary in but relations finance and in 8.2, 1000 MNCs each station operations approximately Within garages, the emulsion in km. Kentucky since sector manufacturing of employees. five Pathuni Bangkok, and are proportionally in firm from 39). these this the the provinces, and also petroleum paints however, are in world other grouping, mid Thani chemicals shanty Fried December, reaping the one-quarter also there Other etc... 1970s, country. Asian is Chicken and growing, town. is located bringing products receive is is expeditiously exorbitant larger booming. an it is Samut pg.38-51. countries, due are. is On monopolistic, increasing With in worth (15 the April the and foreign the This Pathum are Prakarn BMR largest the maturation profits, total also by For 24, sector noting particularly replacing proliferation the Thani, number run 1991, instance, attracting outlets), to have share produces end doing as 547, fast that with I the of more of estimated of of food FDI the of indigenous Taiwan A&W, nothing market Ogilvy 1992 35 large such foreign which aluminum of relocating than for restaurants pumps, motor McThai firms shares 1000 financial Shakey’s is and 500 and to 118 investment. dominated accompanying banks hydroxide, vehicles ease customers Mather setting India. employees. have offshore of (Mcdonalds) are FDI. institutions the Pizza, and greater already In up is cost. in by and This 1989, caustic the in and 13 152 (or 153 Case Studies: Three brief case studies will help underscore the prevailing trend of MNC influence in the EBMR. All are offshore-controlled, and are utilizing the outer city industrial infrastructure and labour reserve. The first study is of a new firm to the EBMR, while the other two are well established in Thailand. They represent a cross-section of production styles and ownership patterns, being Indian, Japanese and European respectively. (i) BV Diamond Polishing Works Ltd., which in August of 1991 set up a Bahtl25 million diamond polishing and setting plant at the Nava Nakorn Industrial Estate in Pathum Thani, 60 kilometers north of Bangkok is an Indian based company with current or proposed trading and production plants in Antwerp, Bombay, New York, Tel Aviv, Hong Kong, Paris and Melbourne. They were able to secure a generous package of BOl initiation privileges, and are operating in a 40,000 square foot plant, employing 300 workers. The initial production capacity is 2200 pieces of cut diamond per day with plans to raise production to over 10,000 pieces by early 1993. At that time the labour force will have expanded to over 1000, with housing provided for at least 500. BV Diamond chairman selected the Bangkok outer city for its Southeast Asia manufacturing base because of Thailand’s competitiveness in both work force and production costs. Government support (BOl privileges) and cheap reliable labour were also cited. For a production process of this nature, the labour force is the primary consideration. Referring to its supposed ‘docile’ female labour force, a BV Diamond publication that appeared as a Bangkok Post insert in July, 1991 contains the following sardonic and patronizing passage: Relatively inexpensive and easily trainable, Thai workers are like gems in the rough waiting to be polished to bring out their inherent value. Since they possess a heritage of excellent craftsman-ship, they are adept at learning new skills and displaying strictest attention to intricate details with thorough training manufacturing intra-Asia in successful most Asian (ii) lower Bahtl8.39 to logical Ayuttahaya, diversified stepping WOMEN year), From 1 appearing Through literature This AND 15. 960s Changing Europe sites The This dissertation profitable MEN these and plant it and next of large is began Flexible although, works The contribute fans IN over cheap and NIDL reminiscent upper run, Role billion floppy Thai IN factories was major THE and manual Japanese and a THE the bases a fast of first will and decade built production Labour”, labour. Central global Lopburi. process. GLOBAL South disc is spindle in United to move. with INTERNATIONAL not diversified decentralizing extensive. dexterity capital to the Minebea of in drives ago: conglomerate, develop Thailand, extreme East conquest a Singapore. efficiency As Plain WORLD controversial In motors States. Established provided six FACTORY, investment industrial base Asian 1992 of (4.2 to Three is with a manufacturing the care.. eight formal the building include An (48 avoiding Women’ of Minebea million DEVELOPMENT Oriental to by This over recommended a world’s important who, Karuizawa million Minebea bench in and months. operations DIVISION the Boston: discussion was Tokyo was computer 16,000 (colonial) up units therefore, cominy, (1979) female the celebrated poured assembly largest a its the base. South over-valued juncture year), is a in international employees in OF became SEA start on pieces is year). a 1951, keyboards, excerpt the typical famous into vol. producer the could Within LABOUR, End production they magnetic CHRONICLE, of its Japanese role are: for Other its 17 a Press,; the increasingly tenth be easily from the massive success no. Thai Yen, Minebea of Fruenettes, in the better company of: network world women products factories 7, axial anniversary Albany line heads a EBMR, Standing, northeast become operations, and pg. Malaysian ball qualified story restructuring than over. 1077-1095; fans, Issue was high in bearings for labour NY: found with Annette MNC manufactured the throughout Minebea of skilled Guy floppy Her no. 1972 electronic for labour by SUNY government Japanese in Oriental offices now itself intensive, 66, production hands (1989) nature less the and (696 Nash, when in disc pg.8. operation has the costs. Press. Kingdom. costly Barbara on and girl? Pathum are million and circuits, “Global firms corporation’s June the drives spatially an from investment small, manufacturing Thailand processes. It inheritance, immediate labour, first (1983) epitomizes Ehrenreich relocating to their Thani, Feminization pieces (25.2 In and die shift Southeast focused the WOMEN and brochure casts, enormously she was The million a operations ten largest, to year), (1985) by their the the bases years, in the 154 the per Kingdom.’6 electronic The labour Minebea exported Pratchya bases operations. (iii) Thailand”, Estate, political 74 meaning Mmebea factories Plain. rough Japanese Bangkok economic Tasker, and 16. on II IN of 17. (May all the Baht THAI Although (1991) 90 The Lopburi FDI approximately Presumably, (and role percent force Samut per 29, Rodney instability that an backed and final in would to DEVELOPMENT: Hemsuchi, relationship came circuits, , of liberal) day, overwhelmingly reaffirming 1991). THE In Thailand, Japan, net Pathum is 1990 Japanese site Its MNC were Pralcarn a industrious, from (1990) sales factory and certainly Nation NATION largest in such calculation figures Although production with cut export with Thani. Japan. 1990 case between are running every investment as all “Japan orchid said the opened newspaper a 26 approximately factory coups are located agree study generated orientated. small (1991) dominant The In it times ten commitment SPECIAL that flexible indicates not did is Thailand in 1987 the flowers, or in beyond years, rational Asia” with is available, proportion not if in in greater September Thailand. most in democracy Swiss for 30 Thailand. labour interview, miss player the Baht3.63 and It that the FEER, FOCUS and per the example, 6500 was the for automated, and EBMR, then a to cheap. food reasons Minebea-Lopburi Lopburi CEO Japan, cent scope the beat force on projected Of remain 10, employees, tissue going demonstrations Between May labour the upper ON all giant billion the during of of “Minebea stated, of Although size two and provincial the BV 3. production JAPANESE 630 had cultured directly Chairman this state-of-the-art in costs!! Central manufacturer, that recently standout: is a 1985 Diamond Black Baht a foreign the paper, sixth of “It at total on Finds whom EBMR. Bang In pays and seems the to economic typically average, in baby Plain May GPP published is 1990 an of venture is wholesalers INVESTMENT, Ichikawa, net corporation 1990, Home out scheduled chose Pa-in, 80-90 for equally the (1992). location plants. in to sales minimum no 17 plant Nestle. 1987 export have every Board us anywhere stage. investment in more per the literature Ayutthaya that or as Thailand’, Nobuko These is of of no cent third EBMR to substantial 56 in and Minimum clear. has there then just Currently wage the the impact open Europe per are Background from day a dealing CEO products over next five, projects, Bahtl4O (1990) Minebea was are history cent still as Thanong with in on from one-quarter Baht9 dissertation wage the country incentive at suggested and 1993. 16 operations likely there FOREIGN with of nearly Bang million 1991 Baht Japan location of are its also The Report (1990) billion, Khanthong; the at shifting are Factory total almost per after to Poo this recognizes accounted United to privileges 9000 in unequal’ five that could 1994 in day in more 1-3, INVESTMENT for making wages wage for Industrial the Thailand Lopburi production entirely the Nestle Manager workers. higher a its TDRI, be the Central States. then Appendix new level, Thai a for written that and year, a in was 155 199, and is any re half a 156 pricing breaks on machine purchases if the location is outside of Bangkok. The Bang Poo plant is currently exporting 35-40 percent of production. The coffee creamer plant was set up at Bang Poo Industrial Estate because of the accessible infrastructure already developed at sight; roads, sewage disposal, telephones, and water. Moreover, there is a business association of factories within the estate. For example, Nestle purchases vegetable oils from a neighboring factory. Of the approximately 2700 Nestle employees in Thailand, 113 are located at Bang Poo, representing more then 100 percent growth since first starting up at this site in 1984. Labour is rotated around four shifts: 7AM-3PM, 3PM-1 1PM, 11PM-7AM, and the office staff are on an 8AM-5PM schedule. Roughly half the staff commute daily on Nestle’s small fleet of contracted out mini-buses, from Bangkok and Thonburi. The other half reside near the estate and arrive each day by bus, automobile or on foot. Less then one-quarter of the labour force are from Thailand’s Northeastern provinces, and most are from the Central Plain or eastern region. The gender ratio, unlike BV Diamond and Minebea is 2.5:1 in favour of men. In the initial year of production (1984) it was 6:1. When asked to explain the skewed gender ratio, the Manager pointed out that 50 per cent of the current staff are from an original (now closed) Nestle plant in Thonburi, that operated when women were infrequently in off-farm work. He expects and hopes the ratio will be leveled off in a few years as the men retire. Most of the new workers are women, who are not encumbered by military conscription. As for production, there has been a commendable 25 per cent growth rate per year since 1984 due largely to automation. Production grows quicker than the labour force. By 1994, he expects to double production with only 40 more staff. 157 The new plant when opened in 1993 will assume the export production of coffee creamer for ASEAN, while the Bang Poo factory would supply the domestic market. In late 1991, Nestle announced a massive Baht2.5 billion investment plan for factories in all five ASEAN countries. Through production restructuring, bolstering intra-ASEAN trade, and eliminating regional redundancies, ASEAN will be self sufficient in Nestle products in a unique corporate strategy aiming to reach almost all of the region’s 300 million people with a new and diverse product 8range.’ The overriding theme of these three case studies is that multinational capital pursues cheap malleable labour. This is consistent with NIDL theories which point to labour as the most significant factor of location. A second theme that emerges from the studies is that state-sanctioned privileges such as tax breaks and start up grants are, as expected, a powerful incentive for multinationals to establish production facilities away from Bangkok. 6.1.3 Industrial Estates: A number of techniques to hasten and improve industrialization have been instituted in Thailand in the last three decades; credit arrangements, development banks, appropriate technology, government intervention and advisory services. None has been more pervasive and prominent though, than industrial estates. Bredo offers a definition: “An Industrial estate is a tract of land which is subdivided and developed according to a comprehensive plan for the use of a community of industrial 19enterprises.” Normally, industrial estates provide an infrastructure of roads, utilities, and often the support for erection of factory buildings. Zoning 18. AppendixII (May 19, 1991). 19. Bredo, William (1960) INDUSTRIAL ESTATES: TOOL FOR INDUSTRIALIZATION, Glencoc, illinois: The Free Press. pg.l. 158 and tax packages are also the responsibility of the estate management. Economies of scale permit several other services to industrial occupants; fire and police protection, landscaping, banking, medical services, and post. After World War II, post colonial countries witnessed a surge in the construction of industrial estates. The relatively passive nature of industrial policy and land use regulation that nurtured earlier growth were no longer adequate. The practical spatial response was to begin building large suburban and exurban industrial estates, a practice in use since the turn of the century in the United States and 20Europe. The earliest known discussion of proposing an industrial estate in Thailand was in 1960 when the Ministries of Industry and Interior met with NESDB officials to voice their concerns over environmental deterioration and disorderly distribution of factories in Bangkok city. At that time a number of sites were identified as potential locations for an industrial estate. Not until a decade later did the cabinet give the Industry Ministry permission to begin construction on what was to be the Kingdom’s first ‘showpiece’ industrial estate in Minburi, at the eastern reaches of the BMA. The estate was named Bang Chan, as it was a few hundred meters from Bang Chan village (see Figure 8.7). At the time a state enterprise, named the Industrial Estate Authority of Thailand (TEAT), was created to oversee the operation of Bang Chan and expansion of new 21estates. 20. The famous Trafford Park Estate in Manchester, England is regarded as the pioneer project, built in 1896. Three years later, the Clearing Industrial District in Chicago was erected as the first in the USA. The earliest industrial estates in the post colonial world were found in the late 1940s- 1950s in Puerto Rico, Mexico, Brazil, India, and Pakistan. Two significant books examining the development of industrial estates in its nascent stage, throughout the world are Bredo (above), and Gloeckner, Peter (1966) INDUSTRIAL ESTATES: AN INSTRUMENT FOR INDUSTRIAL DEVELOPMENT AND PROMOTION, Lahore: Ferozsons Ltd. 21. By the time Bang Chan was operating, industrial estates in other countries in the region were already well established, making Thailand a relative late starter. South Korea, for example, in 1972, had nearly as much land (50,000 rai) under industrial estate usage as Thailand had in 1991. An American consulting fu-m, in 1963 wrote an interesting, albeit humorous, report attempting to entice Thai leader Field Marshall Sant Thanarat to invest in industrial estates, “industry is as necessary to every community’s well being as homes..”, and responding to industrial construction on Thailand’s arduous deltaic plain, the report suggests that estates have been erected in similarly difficult terrain, “Rarely is physical landscape an impediment... from the marshlands of New Jersey, and Mississippi river delta near New Orleans to the mountainous arid regions of Denver Colorado.” “International Development and Engineering Association” (1963) AN INDUSTRIAL ESTATE FOR THAiLAND, prepared by C.H. Leavell and Company, and Adrian Wilson and Associates. Much of the language was 159 Since then, the industrial estate situation in Thailand has expanded in number, and administrative complexity. By 1991, TEAT, on its own had established five estates, while TEATand the private sector have in a collaborative partnership set up another 13. There are also 20 estates, informally established through BOTpromotional privileges. Altogether there are 38 industrial estates in Thailand on a total of 81,898 22rai. See Plate 6.2 for sample of a promotional advert for Hi-Tech Industrial Estate in Ayutthaya. Hi-Tech can be located on Figure 6.1. Understanding the time frame of emergence of industrial estates in Thailand since 1972, gives an appreciation and recognition of the frenzied land use change and economic growth since the late 1980s. Of the 38 industrial estates in 1991, 32 have been built since 1987. Tn 1986, Thailand was home to only 6 estates on a total of less then 10,000 rai of 23land. The rapid pace of industrial estate construction in the 1987-1991 period reflects several tendencies in the Thai space economy. First, as discussed earlier, offshore investors were hastily relocating their production bases to sites of cheaper labour and regulatory flexibility. Thailand’s industrial estate construction boom was timed to correspond with this. Second, a growing awareness to air, water and solid waste pollution from industry created a vital demand for industrial concentration and pollution management practices. Third, the Central Plain, and Eastern Seaboard were developing an infrastructural network that was able to absorb industrial growth. At the same time, Bangkok’s industrial capacity was becoming saturated. Fourth, land prices rose astronomically, giving way to a rise in speculative real estate, and industrial estate space was a ruggedand virile, emphasizingthe permanence,importanceand stabilityof industrialestates. This undoubtedlywas the styleakin to Sarit, rooted in the belief that success reflected the merit of the ruler. His team of western-trained economists were probably also swayed and impressed by the report. Keyes (1989) op.cit. after Thak describes Sarit as, “..the kind of person who represented one central model of Thai masculinity” (pg. 81). Ironically Sarit died the year the consulting report was released. 22. Industrial Estate Authority of Thailand (1991). 23. Currently (1992-3) there are many industrial estates under study’, and construction, including two dozen in the South (of Thailand), and eight in the North and Northeast. Naturally, many are also ‘under study’ in the EBMR as well. _j the Docks southern road development ,nill North 0 00du... fl.Way I. in Situated and Province. how By Espress also only that we H and Road. you transportation ho as bound on will 41 IT Next just Hi.Tcch Nerth.East well Way linked cn’lv1.sv\ transport over ample electricity Excellent kilometres zone by.ptsss A n3 at rnoterwayu. E as PLATE main network. we H-Tech 060 to kilomctrns as up C being lndurtnai well acres. the your H with Bangkok and arterial north supply offer altertmtlves near as liangkel’s rho Ban 0 kok. raw Railway adjacenl From to south, Location... Estate the of to lnghway Eastern tire to material, flangkok your join [Ir.Toch, you new of offers to the 000o labour bdstdall 6.2 to Snaboar,J op linkiop water outer Station the 41 Asia and choose. with in too .sD.tI Ann more by Tory __ Ayudhya Kmo. 64 force. flog finished Iliglrway the using a the 4.t, Htyhuay. Hi-Tech choice and Hi4ech 4-.-- to than Invest Bangkok ..vy’,. Estate ‘i,.’y’r4’t just ______ specially Solid capacity through Chae Abundant Toleconurnunloonion and ocinnrotnen. capabilities plus Electricity Authority Wide constructed Other area and commnniuations facilities recruitment oi Within residential ecnttemical from Industrial for a. Estate, or lead for 3. Praya 30 airltetghting Muane 2. basic services as By Banpkok’s rmcrpnnc:. By pout Ininutnu By outbound onward for ;c5’:r Praya sfF”’° Waste or Roads the access features a the Rail. designed water River Riser. where Plane. social sttglt unload Interoatiotwil utter, minimum of outlying macor during like areas. Eslate supply to River Industrial and transportalion away. journey, Thailand’r rio tural Disposal An to facilities. poor as bang that troatment and international journeYs. arid containers Potts. generators a By hotwoon a a training crates supermarket centre, Includes irratmrnt Business and supply, aoy you worldwide bank delays in are courier along iroon Bangkok barte recreational impressive 20, Pa-In 9’ lines...os network listuel to from evtottded welt Airport wilt of icr spccifictt:ionu. and plant. as 2-. 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With plnn Enpineers. local Ltd.: yowerhusuc joint the by Deneluped and being each lbs Precousing Estate any The dykes located Flood 4111 ThaI i’huoo: And Japanese Tel English Postcodez the Coutttry 32 Ci industrial pioneer’ Address YES! of P 1 e45e Estate utilities ‘j mode eventual rho esponti,e oporatioo flood and taking and allocated floor. wilteloss and this investment 36 the send preventIon Gonornment. Layout. at by Industrial Nations 211t”tJn.7. SUATEC Estate speed This intn is strategic I prevention drainage cersiun Zone Government., the Sinthom Kms. fur services. up that by New send have to: divided estato. aboortoal Rood. front ‘ an between 315 to project Estate Sinapores a up and devnloprd Integrating avpirattoos team ecottomtc Residential. privileges htdustrIl mae a,.,’,. plans acres, Cit., martufacturint points rho in Estate cltasoels Ruilding. Fan: Sangkuk to Fttrthertnere. into -. scheme lie 10 rarsiud I-li.Teeh is .. Thai I flood. —‘—“- the of Don (6421234.4139 Ltd., General help the 3 Tlsni Board with detailed arouttd lo’lnnscin areas-the experts, “Juroug’ Jurong CorporatIon industrial reality, to the Next Industrial tg)3a. strtsing culntinatton with c—. iv out redure acting Commercial. iplease the business C Erstoti’. Muang Industrial Justgoed ntentiuuod of Frocnsuiog through the there puttrping attd rcmaiotog Town Thailand. tusesrtnettl ‘1:;.. brochure to Eaport odminvstrativc and as lot genesis. tick into Estate’s Mandarin dvscritoetttatios Estate ann investors I: Project the greater to ‘Thailand. of Carporatiott Estate supported Ltd.. 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BUSINESS REVIEW, a know estate comparison, executives.25 The For in world half benefits cleared. a this place. factory, literature industrial 2. of that The are most interest wide preference. August, edict sound the to Land are REVIEW, of neighbor of subject your Furthermore, receive following of sites Obtaining All their worth estates recession operating is 4. on outside Department- industrial estate speculative groups, pg.505-19, phases nullified. neighbors are Ministry industrial property”. to seeing: only April-May, are that occupied; speculative Thai typical has the clear operate in furnished (farmers, may in estates in left ‘Industrial estate, Also, an of laws estates and investment.24 an are apply a title There Industry- anive a sequence industrial Appendix private industrial pg. good “Thai large market at requiring was by to in private 10-31. speculators, with different for are the the setting Estates later. amount citizens Industrial a land permission may stimulus Bangkok of recreational apply also II land estate estate. land (May a hurdles As Fifth, purchase, Programme have up minimum levels, of a takes who one for handful Estates purchases are industrial in and 19, Moreover, region, for exceeded state an production for abundant. foreign share and a 1991). and crown), development. facilities estate, long - the land, policy of of permits So for a coordination estate your for pair 51 actual tax profitable time. Many investor Thailand’ aside 3. a leading per industry For concessions of permission, and of company concerns space Ministry is Building Advantages plot informative liberalizing cent example, from often higher said, venture. sitting to (1974) may among indigenous can the the about obstructive; is of priced, “It’s at have empty. that not be 5. possibility BANGKOK Interior- basic articles Await companies A an the Ampoe- the a the combination badgered like foreign laborious industrial been bureaucracy departments infrastructure In but ownership, Foreign environment with buying some apply owned 1. higher final that companies BANK which BOl- a by estates, richly and estate Firms” of a title for location a by house- quality the potential promotional but and time is MONTHLY build permission local and has that several becomes essential, 1991 only (1989) within are consuming not the you outside is housing one-third Gulf been like the an 162 War but to 163 However, the only drawback of locating in an industrial estate is the likely distance from Bangkok. This, however is declining in significance as residential population, and so the workforce itself are decentralizing. Most estates have accompanying residential zones, and a fleet of commuting buses to bring city workers to and from the industrial estate (in 1-2 hours). Professional and executive city-based staff with private vehicles would prefer commuting outwards than within 26Bangkok. Predictably, the positioning of the 38 estates reveal a spatial aggregation in the provinces of the EBMR. In fact, including Bangkok, 31 of the 38 estates are located in 11 provinces of the EBMR. As for area, 84 per cent of total industrial estate area is again located in the EBMR (see Figure 6.1 and Table 6.8).27 The estates in the Eastern Seaboard are the largest, suggesting the future potential growth in that area of the EBMR. The average size of an estate in the Eastern provinces of Chonburi, Rayong, and Chachoengsao is 5490 rai, more then twice the size of the national average. Case Studies: Two case studies will illustrate the geography of industrial estates in the EBMR. Both estates are large operations with adjacent residential and recreational zones, and are situated in eastern areas of the EBMR with rapid rates of population and economic growth. The first is an established estate set up in 1978, while the second was set up only in 1991. (i) Bang Plee Industrial Estate and Newtown, bestowed as King Kong Island’ is located in Samut Prakarn, 40 kilometers east of Bangkok on Bangna-Trad Road, tambon Bang Sar Tong, ampoe Bang Plee (see Figure 6.2). It was established in 1978 as a unique joint venture between the IEAT and the National Housing 26. AppendixII (March 12, 1991). 27. The map and the table do not perfectlycorrespondbecausethe industrial estates in Rayong are not on the map, and only three of the five estates in the BMA are indicated on the map. :i Z I’ H 0 just Authority construction Bang the factories and call. equipped between The An region. The each without friction traffic nearly infrastructure”, National lived accorded largest interesting over waste objectives skyrocketing Also, year, Plee in congestion, 32,000 In between long the CBD in Housing 1000 with subsidized (NHA), water. is and estates 1984 the 1985, residential loans ‘semi-clean’, distance Bangkok people. waste advantage BMTA rai. through and with a the Factories price in rai and Authority came with and When mandate estate the housing water occupational of charges. in (Bangkok An zone lessen each of a and country. land from 1991 to (the 1995 land innovative referring and treatment that the Bang of of expansionary (NHA) which was the the third was the Outside King the target in are Bang Metropolitan pressure Asian marketed Plee the and city. estate, operating ‘unclean’ phase will to and Kong systems, Plee aspect Bang of residential factories New the Development vary 130 size is) for estate phase. on Island estate Plee for Town. of industrial complete, with have and an Bangkok’s by and Transport the Baht45O,000, which Estate aggregate is level in are In quality facilities 99 an adhere residential that These ampoe 1991 not factories, opportunity Bank of produce units is 1000 it infrastructure, Authority) only subsidy varies comparable will to Baht4 are Newtown on Bang and and estate telephone and important area site. to cover relatively approximately according USAID. million a create Plee and has to population is sanctioned In run locate an that population to income increased toll 1991, lines employment area but apertures general per two It housing limited charges to in officially also rai of 60 connect city income. level. Bang of emission 10,000 4,469 per consistently was land of to 130,000. amounts bus for is are 5205 cent Plee, For organized the opportunities, create to value opened routes reducing rai, Households collected employees levels. Bangkok standard of example, households provided making of The workers increases a (#132 and air with new by the initial for pollution significantly value. directly on the urban a are four it and spatial they the relieve (6000) one an or in same 133) area the are of 165 166 household with a monthly income of Baht7000 is offered a range of choices; a one story row house can be purchased for BahtlOO,000 with long-term payments, or Baht53,500 cash, or the household may opt for a semi-detached two story row house with a steeper set of purchasing options. Moreover, the NHA has left the majority of the houses unfinished, leaving options for buyers, “We’ve provided houses with a toilet and electricity but left it up to the owners to paint and landscape. We’ve also provided enough land so that they can build additions to the basic house when they have the money”. Aside from the standard fire department, police station, health center, and refuse disposal system, there are four kindergartens, one each of a primary and secondary school, sports center with gymnasium, football ground, two tennis courts, two badminton courts, two basketball courts, and an Olympic sized swimming pool. There is also a large commercial area with restaurants, markets, and petrol stations. It is truly a self contained city in a traditionally very rural region. The 30 foot statue of King Kong off Bangna Trad Road, at the main approach to Bang Plee is a befitting representation for this mammoth island of urbanization?’ (ii) The second industrial estate case study is a much more recent and contemporary project, still in its nascent stage. Gateway City in Chachoengsao province, ampoePlangyao (see Figure 6.2), is 82 kilometers east of Bangkok, and in an advantageous position to service the rapidly developing Eastern Seaboard. It has quick road links to the three deep- sea ports (Klong Toey, Laem Chabang, and Map Ta Phut), the two international airports (Don Muang and U Ta Phao), and the proposed third international airport at Nong Ngu Hao. It also is selling itself as an industrial “Gateway” to Cambodia and Vietnam. With nearly 7,000 rai, and a 45 kilometer internal road system, it is the largest industrial estate in the Kingdom, and 62 per cent of total space is designated for industrial use. The large size ensures all forms of industry can be accommodated. In the summer of 1992, Toyota opened an enormous 625 rai, Bahtl billion factory on site. 28. The information obtained for the Bang Plee case study is from personal observation and interviews, Appendix II (April 11, 1991). Also, TEAT(1990) “BangPlee IndustrialEstate: Historyand Development”,(in Thai). NHA, (1990) “BangPlee NewTown Project”. — —‘ FL 0 0 —a 168 It is one of the few estates with positive geotechnic features: excellent soil stability conditions significantly lowering foundation costs, at 20-50 meters above sea-level, it is not subject to seasonal flooding, and is adjacent to a 10 million cubic meter 900 rai reservoir reducing water fees. Despite these advantages, it is still almost two hours from Bangkok’s CBD. As a result land values in the estate are lower then at Bang Plee (Baht 1.4 million per rai). Its location will also benefit from the supply of Northeastern labour that has begun invading the Eastern provinces for employment. The work force is not only abundantly available, but is at a considerably lower rate of pay then other EBMR industrial estates. Neighboring Prachinburi province is currently setting up a series of vocational schools (with Japanese fimding), again potentially favoring Gateway City. Similar to Bang Plee, Gateway City has a subsidized residential zone with a small amount of low cost housing. As the estate expands its operations over the next decade the NHA will be providing additional stock. The 40 rai commercial zone consists of a bank, post office, telecommunication services, modern supermarket, restaurants, and petrol stations. There is a new golf course on site as 29well. The two case studies point to a particular type of outer city settlement within the region. A characteristic of the morphology of RBU is that it has no consistent pattern. The industrial estate landscape is an ‘archipelago of industrialization’, as small concentrations of industry and residential population are dispersed throughout the outer city. It evokes a sense of a scattered series of islands in a large sea. This landscape should of course be contrasted with the tight concentrated high density geography of city based urbanization. 29. ‘Gateway City” (1991) Information Brochure; Appendix II (September 10-11, 1991). 169 6.2 AGRICULTURE There are two dominant processes occurring concurrently: first, agriculture is in retreat as its lands are the main source of land for emerging housing estates, industry, and recreational areas. Second, there is a conspicuous cropping pattern shift underscored by a decrease in the traditional dominance of paddy cultivation. As in Gottmann’s megalopolis in the 1950s, there has recently been a significant national level restructuring of costs and prices which has created a situation where all agricultural commodities grown in the EBMR could be produced elsewhere in the country at a lower °3cost. Moreover, the abandonment of agriculture occurs at a very uneven rate. Non-agricultural activities encroach through tentacle like extensions, often corresponding with roads or canals. Frequently farms are caught in a network of industrial or residential development forcing upon them a non-agricultural value; an incontestable stimulus for land use transition. Rapid urban encroachment leads to speculation in the ownership of EBMR land. Prices have risen so rapidly and steeply that new farmers can rarely finance ownership, and those with land can not justify producing under-valued produce on over-priced land. In this circumstance land owners commonly rent out their fields to landless farmers for little more then the tax rate. This is an increasingly common form of tenancy. In Pathum Thani for example,traditionally with some of the highest tenancy rates in the Kingdom, there has been a recent escalation of various low rent leasing arrangements. Landowners rarely cultivate themselves, holding on to the land for an anticipated further value ’3increase. 30. Gottmann,(1961) op.cit, pg. 259. 31. One case study concerns a middle aged couple owning 10 rai of land near Rangsit, Pathum Thani who both have jobs off the farm (one at a school nearby, and the other as a clerk in a Bangkok bank). For five consecutive years they have leased their land to landless cultivators from the adjacent ampoe for a nominal rate, Appendix II (February 20, and May 5, 1991). This is quite a ubiquitous tenancy arrangement in the outer city, certainly enhanced by speculation and uneven urban intrusion. Interestingly, Gottmann reports similar tenancy contracts in the Megalopolis, during transition periods. The agricultural by the A profitable is important economically grass entitled, In 32. section. swayed further the the EBMR, TABLE MINEURI Rice Fish Grass next Source: Other (or farmer, Nation common “Will turf) consideration Pond by trend crops. alternatives previous use. Minburi economic rational newspaper’s over or 6.9 the in A by response the 1990s report rice DISTRICT an Agricultural rice are decision EBMR’ return absentee is (see aquaculture, fields Herald that published 1991/1992 to Table s and speculation 5560 4950 some 1030 making appear agricultural private in Dept. often, 6.9).32 the forms market by AGRICULTURE: Midyear as based Death the Publication speculator. but over of of gardening, Minburi sector agricultural not on agricultural of grown Economic 16000 12500 input always Agriculture 2124 is In Agricultural (1989), the untended orchards, value either may frequency lands production Review, and (in in situation have is and fields. Thailand?” Thai). selling to Department DECISION 8 2 1 the tapioca. of the pull are rice resources the The page price it more land lands out These land The one would clearly of viable will article in giving to editorial will production. this respond MAKING eventually adduce be illustrates than echoed state way discussed column others. flexibly. may cultivation to Throughout a host more that voice later be was The a owned An non in and farmer of this 170 171 concern heard everywhere in the Kingdom, and more so in the EBMR. Agriculture currently represents less then 15 per cent of the national GDP, and younger generations are en masse rejecting agriculture, opting to work in the rapidly expanding industrial and service sectors. As land prices soar, and rice prices slip, the trend appears 33irreversible. Dr. Utis Kaothien, Director of the Urban Development Coordination Division of the NESDB, acknowledges the run away urbanization trends and believes that the market will shape the landscape. His recommendation is to preserve and promote first class irrigated agricultural land; an expectation he confesses is beyond realism. He understands the power of the private sector and submits to its expansionary tendencies, but at the very least would like to direct them along a ‘positive 34course. To someone unfamiliar with the space economy of the EBMR, there would be a dominant perception that the region is charcterized by agriculture. Spatially this may be the case, but based on employment and sectorial GDP, this is far from accurate. In Pathum Thani for example, nearly three-quarters of the land (1989) is under agricultural uses, and more then half of all land is covered by rice fields (Table 6.10), yet only 28 per cent (1990) of economically active population are employed in this sector. Although this represents a dramatic break from earlier land use, it certainly does not correspond with a traditional urbanization morphology. Perhaps this is the most remarkable and distinctive attribute of a region based urbanized landscape as seen in the EBMR. 33. THE NATION (1992) ‘1991/1992 Midyear Review’. 34. For example: housing estates, industrial parks, dissuasion of strip development, and ‘clean industry. As for preserving irrigated farm land by saving the canals, he states, “urban growth will not go against the flow of water.” Based on personal interview, Appendix II (March 26, 1991). 6.2.1 The processing priority commodities focus A 35. Fujomoto similar See recent Agribusiness: corresponds Adulavidhaya, are: et demand TABLE AGRICULTURE Total Total Other Note: Source: Sixth will al, processed with rice THAI fruit vegetable other be Other and Agricultural Land high for with offered Pathum Uses field RICE farmimg Seventh Kamphol crops 6.10 frozen uses food, potential the FARMING incentives farming Thani already include prawn meat, five-year (1990) for Provincial Land growing fisheries and industry, export. “Agricultural and LAND IN Development chicken TRANSITION. provided market products, In Office residential, particular, USE 720609 516234 915098 234489 184945 is 17609 Development 1821 coming with for (1989). plans canned Tokyo: IN tropical promotional recreation, agro-industrial from have PATBIJM and World fruits, fruits stressed Thailand’s Rice and Planning considerations. and and Policies water the tapioca products vegetables East THANI promotion Publishers. in bodies. Thailand”, Asian animpl with Those in trading of the high (IN feed.35 agricultural eds. with U.S. value RAI) partners. Akimi This the and added highest Europe. policy The 172 173 result has been dramatic growth in the agro-industry sector showing great potential for continued 36acceleration. A distinguishing characteristic of agribusiness in Thailand is that, unlike most countries where MNCs hold large plantations, the majority of produce in the EBMR for example, is produced by thousands of independent smaitholders. Only the final processing and international marketing is controlled by the larger conglomerates. For instance, when Dole Pineapple Inc. moved a large share of their production base from Hawaii to Thailand in the 1970s because of rising labor costs, instead of buying up large tracts of land, tens of thousands of farmers ploughed up their rice and sugar cane to grow for Dole. This land use shift continues. In Chonburi for example, 17,000 fewer rai of sugarcane were planted in 1989 then in 1990-91. The difference was made up with pineapple and other commercial or residential based land uses. The actual land owned and controlled by agribusiness is quite small, however its influence and relevance are large and 37growing. As of 1992, it appears that the government’s national agricultural council is set to pass a bill in the legislature to further assist agribusinesses at the expense of farmers. In 1992 this was being debated in the National Assembly, and was possibly to be passed in 1994. Under present agribusiness relationships, farmers have choices whether to enter a contract with business, and whether to opt out at any time. Despite these few options, contract farmers are an exploited weak partner in the relationship, and the proposed bill will further marginalize their position in the relationship. Farmers will be bound to grow 36. For a comprehensive evaluation of this sector see: Briggs, T. et al, (1990) “Rural Industry and Employment Study: A Synthesis Report’, TDRI. Also see Christensen, Scott (1992) “The Role of Agribusiness in Thai Agriculture: Towards a Policy Analysis”, TDRI QUARTERLY REVIEW, vol.7, no.4, pg.3-9. 37. It is difficult to collect land use data on agribusiness in the region because of its hidden nature. Farmers are not always willing to admit they raise chicken for Charoen Popakand or grow Pineapples for Siam Food Products, however it is likely that ‘contracting out’ is widespread. Several respondents grieved that their produce is not always purchased for the price they were promised by the large firms. A relatively new and viable agribusiness commodity taking roots in the EBMR provinces of Nakhon Pathom and Samut Sakhon is canned baby corn. The product is almost exclusively exported and is quickly emerging as a big foreign exchange earner. For further discussion on agribusiness see: Dohr, Larry (1988) COMMERCIAL AGRICULTURE AND EQUITABLE DEVELOPMENTIN THAILAND, Southeast Asia Business Papers, University of Michigan. 174 specified crops, deal with specified buyers, pay into a Research and Development fund, purchase the designated raw materials (seeds, fertilizers, pesticides, etc..) at set prices , with no flexibility or alternatives. It is expected that farmers already facing near bankruptcy conditions will be forced to comply (with resentment). If passed, the bill will have a large impact on remaining agricultural lands in the EBMR. It will act as another incentive and subsidy for urban and industrial land uses. Farmers who have given up on rice and earn their income from export oriented agricultural commodities would plainly sell their 38land. 6.2.2 Aquaculture: A rapid increase in demand for fishery products, especially prawns, at both domestic and international markets, has brought on an upsurge in aquacultural production in Thailand. Roughly 10 per cent of total fishery production is accounted for by 39aquaculture. Although aquaculture is practiced in the south of Thailand, the coastal provinces of the EBMR have the largest concentration. Thus, prawn culture is commonly found in Samut Prakarn, Samut Sakhon, and Samut Songkhram. In fact, over 90 per cent of shrimp farms are found in the inner part of the Gulf of Thailand. Prior to 1984, 90 per cent of prawn harvests were from natural sources, mainly in the Gulf. In 1990, that figure had dropped to 50 per cent, as prawn farming area stood at 420,000 rai, and production has been estimated at 130,000 tons. Five years earlier, 255,000 rai produced only 15,000 tons. Only China produces more prawns then Thailand.’W Prawn farming is the environmental pariah of aquaculture. The “fill and flush” approach, adopted by many aquaculturalists is paralleled to slash and burn agriculture; “Both [prawn culture and slash and burn] methods 38. BANGKOK POST (1991) May 28, Contract Threat to Thai Farmers”, pg.23. 39. Pravit Ruyabhorn and Dhira Phantumvanit, ‘Coastal and Marine resources of Thailand-Emerging Issues Facing an Industrializing Country. AMBIO, vol.7 no.3, 1988, pg.230. 40. BANGKOK POST (1991) Mid Year Economic Review, pg.58. 175 constitute a serious threat to the environment as they eat on new territory, leaving devastation in their waice”41 Improper disposal of brackish waste water from the breeding ponds is leaving land too polluted to support continued breeding. Agriculture is rendered impossible in a flushed area, and nearby vegetable and rice farming are also being endangered. The salty lethal waste also has been tainting groundwater supplies, and most critically, wells. A recently released report claimed that Chonburi, in the EBMR, has the worst aquaculture pollution load in the country, with stagnant waste water beginning to encroach built up urban 42areas. Prawn farming has led to a widespread encroachment on coastal mangrove areas. Approximately 200,000 rai of mangrove forests have been transformed to aquaculture, mainly prawn farms. Coastal marine environmentalists claim one rai of mangrove area is capable of yielding four tons of marine fish and crustaceans. The razing of mangrove forests are driving various species of insects, reptiles, birds and over 100 species of flora to 43extinction. A desperate rice farmer rarely considers the potential environmental impacts of aquaculture when contemplating a shift to fish farming. The prevalent motivation to enter aquaculture is to escape high debts accrued from rice farming. One aquaculturalist in Nong Chok district of the eastern EBMR was in this exact situation, and in 1981 pawned all his valuables, borrowed some capital and shifted his land to a series of large fish ponds. Alongside the pond is 10 rai of coconut, mango and cut flowers. The embryonic fish (1-2 millimeters) are purchased from a breeder in neighboring Chachoengsao for one-tenth of a Baht each. The feed (chicken gizzards and low grade rice) to sustain the crop is inexpensive as well. With three harvests a year income potential is high. He claims to earn approximately 3.5 times his annual input costs, and is 41. “The TroubleWith Prawns” MANAGER, vol.31 July, 1991, pg.26. 42. Borosopit Mekavachai et al (1990)op.eit. 43. Ruyabhorn and Phantumvanit (1988) op.cit. 176 ff’W preparing for expansion. With a large home and several vehicles he appears to be very well 0 Not all aquaculturalists are so prosperous. 6.2.3 Turf Fanning: In response to the proliferation of golf courses and to a lesser extent, aesthetic landscaping encircling industrial and housing estates, turf farming is emerging as a preferred alternative to rice. Particularly in the eastern BMA districts of Minburi and Nong Chok, and Pathum Thani there is an escalation of this activity. The Grass Farmers Union Office in Nong Chok estimates 200-300 independent grass farmers operating out of the union 45office. It is a lucrative but very labour intensive operation requiring continuous (daily) irrigation and labour input. Within 35 days a properly cultivated field spreads into a rich carpet, which is then sliced into one square meter slices and sold at markets and to golf courses for eight Baht per slice. Several slices are always retained to plant the next crop through a regeneration process which involves replanting each blade individually. This routine can be repeated 10-12 times per year. If done successfully the returns are substantial. From interviews it was clear that those involved in this activity take pride in their work. They consider grass to be a ‘specialty’ crop and emphasize the required skills and experience. The grass farms all appear to be labour intensive with a variety of small activities occurring simultaneously; harvesting, weeding, watering, curing irrigation rivulets, sowing and fertilizing. At one site there were four households (18 people) who 44. This information is derived from a series of interviews done with prawn farmers in the EBMR, Appendix II (March 7, 10-12, April 16, 1991). 45. My survey of the region would indicate there are at least twice that number, as many turf farmers are not involved with, or a member of the union. 177 within the month collectively sold all their rice land and migrated from Nakhon Nayok in the Northeast to Minburi where they were renting 30 rai of land. They were enthusiastically building houses, a road, and irrigation rivulets (2 meter wide) in preparation to commence grass farming.’ 6.2.4 The Persistence of Rice: Despite the appparent diversification described hitherto, if one were to identify one economic activity that spatially characterizes the EBMR as a region it would be paddy agriculture. Particularly in the lower and upper Central Plain and eastern reaches of the BMA including Chachoengsao, much of the landscapeis still dominated by what seems as continuing fields of rice, often reaching to the horizon. In the Eastern Seaboard provinces of Chonburi and Rayong the main crop is sugar cane, covering at least twice the area as rice. Table 6.11 compares harvested rice yields in 1975 and 1990. Aside from Pathum Thani and Ayutthaya there is a considerable decrease in harvested 47yield. There is a stubborn persistence of rice cultivation, and it appears that rice will continue to thrive alongside industry and manufacturing for decades to come. Rice fields abutting factories are ubiquitous in this region. However, despite rice cultivation’s ‘spatial perseverance’, its GDP contribution, labor levels, and importance in general are declining. 46. AppendixII (April 15-19, 1991). 47. The 1974/75 rice season in PathumThani was particularly low, probably due to flooding, brown hoppers and rodents. Normally yields were over 800,000 rai, and nearly 1 million ral in some years(1979). curtailing Rice transition. unpredictable undercutting production. time as An 48. one intricate BANGKOK exporters has of already the Sourêe: Saraburj Ayutthaya their Chonburi Samutprakarn Pathum BMA) CRANGWAT Bangkok HARVESTED (IN TABLE Competition lattice Thai continent’s market are paddy POST RAT), gone” Thailand production being work Thani (1991) swings 6.11 land. (Eastern .‘ from driven premier of 1974/75 Land Statistical Thai inland April make Vietnam, costs. out RICE use rice 9, ‘rice waterways rice of “Golden Moreover, changes and exports, Yearbooks. business, bowls’. and exporting 1214158 IN 1974175 793175 537969 373714 194158 unexpected 1989/90 Days 37468 already provided for SELECTED It a and for is weaker a years, very perhaps the Rice recorded challengers sustenance Central risky the demand Exports ironic world’s 1221784 198919G business. are 295731 706582 762490 239428 175863 Plain Have in EBMR also that such for the front smaithold Gone, playing problems the international As as runner, Central Paldstan one says CHANGWATS a insider producers role surrounding Smarn” are Plain are market in undergoing quipped, the considerably Ratchapol to are earn decline combined the responding its “The provision a Loavanitch. in reputation critical rice golden with 178 by of water, production. villages, 2. eastern Interior 3. Chachoengsao.49 second shortages, Again 1. since reasons A from to 49. 1. village The With The paddy. many Appendix two the this a canals spiralling crop BMA, Ministry for rising constant farmers farmers turn headman crops and exemplifies complacency: In be II and of Pathum industrial, the unsurprisingly, (February suspended a the expressed cost reliable in to year Chao EBMR in the postpone century. of northern maul, to the last Phraya fuel 11, resource one residential there to perennial concern two April preserve to It annual because Sainut the Minburi, river are operate is years 22, not for farmer three at and neglect are rice Prakran, May have of over water surprising the the polluted, local golf who main planting loses. levels 9, a been irrigation for the 15, century, course was Nonthaburi, water concerns: other central In of 1991, raising that until resulting notified pollution, 1991 deficiency water agriculture pump uses. is December rain government cattle, now for consumption by Saraburi, The in has fell. example, contributing including district declining and did severely 1991 10, is Furthermore, in it not 1992). has Lopburi, has edict officials retreat. rice seem toxic, imposed yields. there cut proven to farmers effected into indignant. the exists in that Nakhon the In decline to earnings. upon the most Ministry were his be the annual canals. village a the Pathom, EBMR He Central warned of lucrative agricultural paddy cited acute proposed should changwats Plain by and three water alternative the cut that sector 179 back of: the 2. Nearly at official 3. indication their of cent).51 Revolution in traditional Yet especially the together 1990, During across ENVIRONMENTAL 50. orchards, 51. case NORTHERN Lam Most rice the 1980. Appendix Iqbal, communal another study irrigation Central only Klong cultivation a everywhere Luk in of number during In mostly Javaid in Pathum associated of rice the 41 in nearby Ka, explanation chapter 11, II CORRIDOR, cropping its Plain per villagers sharing system (April cultivation by (1990) harvest which of Pathum broadest had Thani cent visits labor Klong throughout 8. rice PROBLEMS, 22, with will become VERIFICATION by changes. of of period are to gangs for bowl Thani spoke 1991) labour digging BANGKOK households Luang facilitate the sense Nong methods working the harvest from in a in the predicted of shift Throughout Sua has high (termed Nong district AND April ditches a villagers EBMR Saraburi are linear in radically in away THAILAND, risk planted are April OF RELATED Sua nearby still and there aow that now and venture.50 land THE people from commuting and district widely of May the there impacted one in rivulets has 1991, common. factories, use the DESAKOTA region rice Thai), and told POLICY or been Masters Northeast. Pathum would practiced, transition: there production two renting to in stories could labour farmers a the Throughout and, preparation crops were similar be Thesis, IMPLICATIONS: Thani factories There no a about bring CONCEPT, modern rice- at input tractor of are concerns rice least decline Asian farmers rice, were ploughing orchard-, down the along levels planted for Pathum a labour combine-harvester. dozen down demise Institute also a (48 ASSESSMENT the the 30 are substitute in CASE several in highway. per rai rice saving Thani the use residential. considerably abandoning over of his of of cent EBMR. farms of Technology, rice. STUDY district bridges paddy rice rice labour. agricultural crop. down See being The fields OF farmers There Although Northern in rice The OF Even being by from District from LAND The changed one THE and Bangkok. 1996. cultivation. machine is constructed at 67 technology, are Green day. 69 also altering Corridor USE the per Official banding Another per into Under core clear and AND cent 180 In traditional triumph), Data masse, how shift A they typically state question technology, 6.2.5 The restructuring radical handful This school 52. wide During are two persistent is disinvestment from is Summary: or often labour changes of consistent range accompanied in key prevails. working and older methods all field the a agricultural production process areas of downswing a are can region people. work critical in pressures off entering with A cropping agriculture in of one the a potent in by agriculture the becomes distinct Often the labour person farm. the sectors the labour EBMR in are the rapid combination outer patterns, to children.52 the and being be? non-agricultural saving. meet harvests relevant: is of commodities rise has consistent are city, When left the them exerted and indicating been there as economy, in a we of a will the diversification rai terms the spatial observation is industrial would on responsibility in an the market, recipe sectors. rice approximately dramatic of increasing industry 1990s conflict have labour, farming for pollution, was imperialistic to An herald of vitalized reductions go and arises that production, of interesting the shift out (and the during agriculture three in industrial to a between away the agriculture older urban speculative the agribusiness, in days. the death fields. repercussion from agricultural and generation. day expansion. base urban are This ownership. of The agriculture the in both land agriculture? in villages represents and general). other the and under market, labour During of Again, rural, provinces village nearly this were For towards a In levels, urbanization a sectorial dramatic labour labour, the the occupants vacant (technological this 150 of most school industry. situation, years and the saving except despite labour asked EBMR. were en break of 181 for at a 182 As for ownership, there is a clear trend towards corporate concentration by MNC and agribusiness consortiums. CHAPTER THE population can As average. city, expenditure.1 doubling housing come 5-10 in In of predicted In the the appeared applies 2. Thailand, University 1. particular. Dr. earlier Mills the many urbanization market same explain there years. NEW to Edwin continuing to appears is dominate is When instances in in perhaps Thailand, sections it spoke value exists higher true of the LANDSCAPE real over SEVEN: new Mills, Considering the BANGKOK These in combined to of at in per the a spatial 1.1 Thailand outer real be than I outer all Chulalongkorn the Bangkok however a decade have capita Professor hypothesizing conditions or housing figures estate proliferation all city 1.2. city patterns written with and, other POST ago. the income my II: will finds boom.2 real is coincide of hyperactivity indeed, familiarity significant HOUSING 1.6 The for real real grow (1991) University’s as on estate on its times typically a of they National the estate estate the locus dramatic in with at housing May, in real Thai the all differ with about all growth and added in countries”. the AND market of leads Sasin estate Real real areas the Sixth the finance increase the from is scenario five market estate Estate together, RECREATION not outer Graduate to rates value real boom of and per traditional about at an land There market estate city, in of Guide. cent the Seventh causes occurring of unexpected in housing real all development; Institute an Kellog hence the is per a market, non based 80-90 no me housing per EBMR. city annum, Five data housing residential to Graduate in capita disbursement. of on based surmise trend. per outer Business Year to Mills U.S. agenda verify Private cent more housing, income, is ones. School city Development Social data. structures.... that contends and increase Administration the then needs regions it and In He will authenticity Mills of would scientists as industry, the twice writes, Management, commercial is to continue that in next the of (1991) be be and housing Plans the the Bangkok constructed a case “In and I decade, in and smaller of national am market the 1991. to argues this allocated in demographers interests confident golf Northwestern be United the figure figure in the His the value courses that outer the which paper core States, as have 183 that in last a of it 184 additional funding for public housing in anticipation of the rising need. The housing boom is not just simply coinciding with natural population increases and inter regional migration patterns, but is rooted in fundamental social and economic alterations to society. Two points underscore the escalation in housing need: 1. The age structure of the population is changing. As average age is increasing, there are more young adult workers who by the nature of the type and location of their work require housing off the farm or at least apart from their family home. 2. There is a marked evolutionary trend, rooted in the rise of per capita income, towards single-family nuclear housing. A survey of the new stock of outer city housing indicates the configuration and layout are catering to smaller single families. Moreover, a considerable portion of the outer city housing stock, as we will see later, caters to young unmarried labourers, again a clear and dramatic break from traditional housing norms. Table 7.1 presents data to underscore the shift in housing stock to the outer city. In the mid 1970s the number of houses in the outer city and core were comparable (306,825 and 278,338 respectively). By 1988 the outer city housing stock was greater then twice that of the core (854,564 and 401,818). Since 1988 this trend has accelerated and will be the focus of the section. TABLE 7.1 HOUSING STOCK IN BMR, 1974, 1984 AND 1988 i9748S CITY 123,480 44.4 CORE OUTER CiTY Note: Outer City includes extended BMA and 5 adjacent changwats Source: Adapted from PADCO (1990), pg.43. 185 To describe the growth of current outer city residential development as simply suburbanization would disregard the true essence of its extensivespatialdispersion.In this light, housing production patterns represent a trend to consume more land on the urban fringe; a residential development that is largely low density and dispersed. Much of the new housing stock are locating in the two rapidly developing provinces of Pathum Thani and Samut Pralcarn, both without any significant sized 3cities. The objectives of this section on housing are twofold. First, as already indicated, there will be an attempt to document the spatial extent of outer city housing. Can millions of people live an urban lifestyle in a quasi- rural environment in the extended Bangkok region? The environmental sustainability of such residential development is a serious concern. The second, is to construct an outer city housing typology. There are a number of distinct and disparate housing types all serving different functions for the socially and economically diverse populations that have made the outer city their home. The growing gulf between the rich and the poor in many ways is reflected in the wide range of housing types. This section will catalog and describe this outer city residential typology. Finally it is worth noting that this topic warrants the endeavor and enterprise of an entire dissertation. It is my intention to follow up some of the concepts and inclinations presented here at a later time. For now though, rigid boundaries need to be set to limit this section and keep it within reasonable scope of the larger project. Although the entire region delineated as the EBMR is undergoing some form of an evolution in housing, this section will address the two provinces of Samut Prakarn and Pathum Thani foremost. Other regions of the EBMR will be treated at a cursory level only. 3. In PathumTham, Rangsit and Muang are the only ‘municipal’ centers, both less then 30,000 people. In Samut Prakarn as well there are only Muang and Phra Phadeng, neither very large. The figures from the 1990 census show Pathum Thani is four per cent urbanized, and Samut Prakarn is 10 per cent. Notwithstanding an objective of the larger project is to critique the quintessence of urban-rural distinction in this region. But the point is clear, urbanization is proceeding without large cities, Thailand Government (1990), Population and Housing Census. There 7.1 housing. new years is not By and residential applied 4. displayed Bank scrutinizing Spatial capture disproportionate development in are to Samut of First, a construct proliferation. Housing TABLE many number Extent NEW CHANGWATS Source: in Table Pralcarn. the the older that number Assistance of provincial of Adapted townhouses ACCOMODATIONS 7.2. share Outer may variables 7.2 accommodations The Table Nearly of not of modest from City (1989) subdivision new distribution meet 7.3 worth on 28,000 Housing: Bank accommodations indicates their (in minimum figure examining thai of or newly land, permits. of Housing language). (3,163) land that subdivision national largely constructed holdings the to For for registered Assistance gain two REGISTERED catering Pathum most standards provinces permit an that accommodations situations appreciation are in to Thani (1990), requests, the for the informally have two drainage stream may in (in submitted provinces the of a reflect Thai clearer IN of the subdivided. were two or incoming spatial language). water TWO provinces, a registered requests picture trend between provisions, extent to factory OUTERCITY is for under 1987 landowners during portrayed of a outer workers.4 very and register and the 1989 large city does of three 186 have 187 TABLE 7.3 SUBDiVISION PERMiT REQUESTS, 1989 SAMIJT PRAKARN 8 1.4 PATHUM TRAM 9 0.7 Source:Adaptedfrom BarasopitMekivachal et al (1990). Figure 7.1 illustrates a general pattern of outer city housing development in the BMR. It is clear that six dominant corridors are acquiring the majority of new residential development: 1. Northeast of the BMA along Ram Intra Road, past Bang Chan village towards Minburi. 2. Northwest of the BMA into Nonthaburi along Chang Wattana Road. 3. North of the BMA along the Vibhavadi-Rangsit highway deep into Pathum Thani. 4. West of the BMA on Charan Sanitwong Road and Petch Kasem Road into Samut Sakhon. 5. Southeast of the BMA along Sukhumvit Road into Samut Prakarn. 6. Southeast of the BMA along Bangna Trad Road also into Samut Prakarn. The costs of extending an infrastructure to a low density and dispersed residential settlement is very high. The provision of water, waste removal and road construction are costly and inefficiently delivered. The difficulty of providing public transport is also an obstacle to be dealt with. Leapfrog land assembly is a I 881 among provinces is common complementary dealerships, bumper daily the controversies.5 development. the and growth workers 7.2 There description broad L. 5. Geographical that An (1991) daily factories Outer pace commuting informative range. are outer outer in to to repercussion traffic that “The of seven the bumper City and redundant, city petrol in the Agenda city The the outer Conventional Roepke Samut from concern congestion, Housing housing BMR residential of by residents Bangkok value on stations, discussion city for bus the Lecture outer from Prakarn are but the in is has poses factory, types Typology: heavily the the is region to 1990s dispersed growth city and anti-sprawl commuting drawn higher of in avoid loss construction and serious common the Economic auto roads and or is congested, of Pathum capital implications leads omitting the than growing, Beyond” service fertile land in problems. worker wisdom times in both in to Geography, and development, the Thani, of the auto-dominated high centers a ECONOMIC sometimes such of there directions, jobs outer of certain city. depends is over Companies low value if not a from is city. are they The typology density Recycling three an housing a farmland. ubiquitous on new more leaving the increased main generating Some are GEOGRAPHY, public hours development. dispersed city often critique unable so is type, roads Urban of large the core, than Perhaps per transportation these rent awareness in the higher on-going to and Systems of residential day the in under-utilized exacerbating a reside urban types seven the fleet highways vol. outer are Private the levels city. and 67, not of near most can of documentation that development, settlements city. some which buses no. Metropolitan exceptional. Traffic automobile of be their follow in wonisome dispersed 3, As airborne tracts overlapping the of to July, is place for the jams transport five unreliable. is best of the found pg. but problems Areas: of ownership pollutants. land. of urban inner Population consequence capture are 185-209. labourers rapidly at employment and in often the the A A ring Bourne, Given the the and scale 189 Car of changing housing 7.2.1. It soi of each numbers. development. Bangkok These The Buddhist under (service five The enterprise residential 6. Technology, OF would shophouse Ahmed, surely BANGKOK ground levels owner shophouse units commercial Shophouses: in and be are residential sculpture Roadsides has Ziauddm requiring the high, population, or misleading are level Bangkok. sale). tilled development, In at rentier EBMR. WITH typically unit least most Pathum is use Other with (1983) making, used landscapes, housing. has from most SPECIAL one commonly as to and shophouse ground Thani constructed commercial well. for A refer shophouse the often established principally STUDY and commercial Eastern A to and REFERENCE level and housing agricultural resides four. shophouses enterprises. Samut OF exploration in strip. activities commercial Seaboard that The owned LAND blocks above study activities, Prakran the average implement TO as and AND anywhere the in typically average This to of exclusively LOW the space, the occupied shop, it current often size HOUSING housing is Rangsit upper INCOME unit an sales. include, of as and from associated ubiquitous problems the well houses by Central residential pre-industrial type area In five DEVELOPMENT units the HOUSING, as rare restaurant, has of any Chinese. to 5.9 with Plain are of Pathum instances development, been 30 employees people, or particular 4 units the meters are unique extended Bangkok Masters food Even automobile Thani dotted in the and IN length. wide shops, to forms today, of second THE Thesis, several surveyed as the was to with the each by the outer RANGSIT\AIT of or health Each commercial dominated the shophouse and 12 Asian outer outer had motorcycle road, older meters shophouse city. unit third clinics, over Institute city city thanon parts is In floors by deep. 20.6 in three fact AREA strips large of of 190 and are to Although being outer including barren The some, land leaving eventually. imminent 7.2.2 What price Conventional tightly residential the solution 7. 8. in the Appendix Evidence high-rise construction and city of an has Row 1960s paint shophouse placed the land. occupant. has production this some real driven growth development. Houses: development For of is and II been caters is wisdom this peeling It estate (May houses built example, 1970s the follows the of along blocks can the In 4, to most shophouses market costs price more side practical be are areas June off middle has the that found vacant. instilling common further the the were by of than led 5-10, of coast, is if housing Eastern walls, side, or developers Nalthon the in response, the five less is verification. September As Hong upper seemingly most often a housing land such expensive, years the ghostly and Seaboard up Kong. Pathom income will region component the as the and and to ago. 8, row type outcome Singapore plastered and respond likely Also endless often 1991). in fills One buyers and and is houses. the in eerie urban saturated be the beyond upon Pathum out, is of EBMR, blocks in of purchased stands decreased, sides ambience. it outer the renewal two The real presumably, is completion surprising affordability often with are Thani as of ways: estate vertical after city, an vacant discolored, high shortly.7 rows socially housing exception. shophouses, the there vertical speculation. rise solution the and most majority shophouses of projects are for market barren disastrous.8 most prices construction, will with many large turns it of noticeable Construction be in shophouses, value no can is complexes the prospective in the rented the out indication be nearly shophouses United Hence, rose, most to cut such or be features significantly. all frequently States purchased prevalent of costly but had the as buyers of areas. new, high with there begun are horizontal and of and vacant yet the In is rises, Britain form ever unless the when 191 or of In are and and to fixed Although utilization. subsequently usually first discoloring, sides, Row best 7.2.3 9. ‘rows’ concern complained clean can there be 10. 11. lessees. Pathum Appendix a crude During Parallel a sold be time balance shophouse, houses was income. the spacious Condominiums11: flimsy deemed are were for by windows and a buyers, row Row Thani my sensitive that vibrant terms many In individual II and are, between armed partition fetches basic, At (February my research houses as yard. renters row housing lack interchangeable. are of and and the or there visits sense my house with to paint and ‘townhouse’ Often a other Samut will affordability of are did walls unit tenure very outer neighbors are 20, of to is security.10 fetch scores the generally not or continue community various accessible end these a to March low Prakarn even separating door, city few provide in a a of 1991, buyer. nominal of price and was A are consumers’ problems. condominium. the 7, but row grievances, and townhouse to affordable, ‘apartment’. the March single sufficient row along I to income unless be relative resided In livability. housing the a approximate market the houses many broad the units, stand-alone 12, The your EBMR needs, is spectrum upkeep in to ‘row’, August such An enhance a developments cases, Both a range price, land have the neighbors group stagnant row apartment 50\50 as and planner’s undoubtedly row and are on 9). house emerged of the not appealing of units.9 infrastructure rows’ used when maintenance the houses. income houses proportion buyer waste do being in is back in the a in the ideal. can the as Bangkok’s condominium joined fostered purchases water same able Pathum groups. to This eastern side privately pros be young between Certainly of upscale, to efficiency, it of is by along their and all by have BMA another Thani the common Some urban looks single more the owned cons units. owners with block the doors close near equipped not and blocks edge, untidy”. back then are example and rental factory As side without real Minburi. is and proximity and Samut tallied, one but largely fill one, walls. side have or estate lessees. windows On with owner for workers a tenancy of causing and Prakarn, its market the A Technically this tiny they inefficient dormant, of two development, problems, seemingly positive Owners said, rents the section units deliver status. on on car gap building units. “You residents the a the garages that side they small and for it land Since candid units the could 192 can Residential Bangkok. condos, the required estates Corridor Outer leased Notwithstanding, Outer new than most industry; local ‘condominium’ CORRIDOR private of agreement, 12. report arrangement. both 13. Condos, ‘Managing Technology, concept Yap, Before buildings the buyers vernacular condos city city on them and bath. serving perception. less Kioe of outer Thasai that Rising low settling condos Mega-Urban which factory condominiums has and Pathum are to Perhaps OF building Alter Sheng being appear city Bangkok, their cost has been eventually developers THE is the Jearania land is in as are interviewing ‘upscale’, condos sites. a not condos broadest & my workers. Thani, the the The different the modified BANGKOK run prices anywhere space. Aminur very Regions row only reproduction November & case Yap rooms rented concurred, try down began Veena are difficult found house redeeming allowed Condos, meaning range ‘affluent’, 12 to with and Rahman many to the of call a are and from METROPOLITAN Thoopkrajae. low in clear ASEAN I Rabman that 30 row most viewed to of a generally Thailand residents, “They dreary. for to then ‘condominium arrange. cost of three income like (1992) feature distinction the houses, December and prevalent labour. condominiums Countries: in about primary projects. shophouses do (1992), - sometimes North Elevators HOUSING 15 I was in not very Most earners. sense condos 13 10 the levels, is seem the 3, America. form condominiums not REGION, owners small, in units Samut mid Policy pg. most THE price, their essential.k to are are do 15. FACTORY ‘opulent’. most of were to have 1970s occupants NATION and now rarely Challenges fill this Prakarn of usually be study Paper being quite condo any practical a often development, to flooding certain is in functioning, of other cater Outer under shabby WORKERS presented important (1991) are Samut and five house factory units and displeased choice and to residential Pathum Bahtl or city the Responses”, and Prakarn August high were three six. profitable worker at to outer condos 500 usually less but and IN the note income The nearby Thani or with 21, to THE per and then International city burglaries niche more that live housing image are month ‘The held their considered found 35 investments NORTHERN have residential factories groups ‘condominium’ in in for people. square at Downside a condo. usually fact for small the near a migrants in are high Conference a living the Asian very metres, a rental who room industrial A common. Even rental market, implied Northern as density Nation Of different Institute in in they in and which the without the turn on 193 and of by constructing The department project target sometime 25,000)14. The 7.2.4 portion this on-site within There residents As Muang responsible Nonthaburi 14. 15. ‘magnificent a Muang A most group majority foreign Dormitories: market notable also their Thong consists dormitories of and ambitious in their Thong is province for appears store, accommodations. Park a 1993. male hardly exception of is Thani. spoke mammoth a of wages exclusively second factory Lane Bangna, food researcher 26 Bangkok to for is low at in This targeting 1 be Plaza- is length to a project, centre, 1-story their workers position income Yap condo very equally their (the labourers Land the female and it projects to little Responding a again and families condominiums, was complex more shopping as factory outer are Rabman to Co., large theatre. written workers. purchase not combining often ‘upscale in name), city in arguably possible managers complex the and off (1992), the temporary condo to The on factories Bangna-Trad entertainment was permanent clientele. these countryside. commercial the with units wifi op.cit. to the sold project concerning topic.15 personally needs, 5600 have largest migrants, sell of out Samut accommodations. before in four and for complex units, Road it Also, the I residential is an residential did condo conditions, visit hardly Prakarn. Kingdom construction underpaid, in average expecting single however of Samut any towers tomorrow”. surprising real development women of price Situated is Prakarn, costs, to all the interview Moreover, and began. estate scheduled house over dormitories of unmarried require This and that Baht500,000 in developer The 18 costing 20,000 in the project, services. several levels, many a most same for security single complex completion women, on Baht4 people. developer factories and workers located in dormitory complex factory (Cd$ the feature and is billion. country, suggesting a in The privacy remit provide is sites. named the, also 194 The a is Dormitories money. altogether. then workers’ It Thani’s it factories Dormitories factories rooms, Although is There hand convivial the qualms 16. mostly is a one Yap consensus difficult Baht500 the is but Second, hand, to Northern and possibly that that productivity. threat serves staff no bus Workers there Rahinan, are provide to one provide provide per it that its relations, ascertain of women small, is there are month, I an Corridor, labour labour politically spoke it arrive ambivalence shared ibid, is two the the is Absenteeism and practical workers, a force the and but service, with, service, collusion significant report considerable at can baths and actual most the allows convenient to including house that in and shop and some but as on approximately often Bang number and dormitories is management to advantages convenient. each from it up floor reduced. whether men saving organization became it Plee, to to factory floor, is the of have five punctually are free. workers on Sainut factory for Also, clear factory also workers. to and 50 a managers, It the to men large its serves per logistically is residents.16 the expense Prakarn, that the residents. from in increased. and residing management cent proportion factory the workers most There labour (presumably) praised scattered Northern of of have large the in exercise provides are First, rent. and For bear dormitories, workers of dormitory dormitory no condone enterprises, Corridor sites management this Dormitory the it kitchen no more practically alert, subsidized work reason, commuting throughout are dormitory seem direct living arrangements. potentially or or in force such residents washroom residence. even management equally to eliminates meals control. in be together. the as cost the prodigal under arrangements. those region. increasing well. are in in number facilities And, On Of its time occupied charged commuting along rarely It cafeteria. terms, those the enhances although and of other Pathuin have in (pg.7). less On there the 195 196 A point raised by Yap and Rahman is that foreign investors prefer to maintain maneuverability and flexibility, and may be hesitant to over-invest in fixed assets, such as residential real estate. The bussing option, for some firms may have additional political 17advantages. Without being redundant, it is worth noting that there are a number of other residential tenancy arrangements between work-place and worker in the outer city. As mentioned earlier row houses and condos are often bought up by factories to lease to their workers (as will the case be with Muang Thong Bangna in Samut Prakarn). Several factories have also erected their own apartment-condo buildings outside the factory gates, but nearby, exclusively for their work force. Industrial Estates almost all have residential districts, often set up in conjunction with the National Housing Authority (NHA) to provide low cost subsidized housing for workers (see discussion on Bang Plee Industrial Estate in Chapter 6). Finally, small scale rural industry in this region, often with 10-20 employees or less, has for centuries provided residential services for its staff. My travels throughout the outer city brought me in contact with countless small industries, often cottage handicrafts, and nearly all provided on-site housing for migrant 8workers.’ 7.2.5 9Slums:’ Slum evictions throughout inner city Bangkok have increased markedly, making room for new shopping plazas, hotels, and a convention center (Queen Sirikit). An NESDB study found that slum housing, in areas within 10 kilometers from the city core decreased by 11,376 units between 1984 and 1988. Since the units are not being replaced by privately constructed low cost or NHA subsidized housing in the city, residents are forced to seek other locations. Thus, slum development has been suburbanizing in the same way as other 17. Ibid, pg.19. 18. AppendixII (April 11, May 16, 1991). 19. The term ‘slum’may no longerbe a usefulterm. The functionalnature of this settlementtype generallydoes not warrant the negative connotation associated with the term. In Thailand,and throughoutthe literatureI reviewed,the term is heavilyused. For that reason it may appear here as well. housing Yap housing industrial piped the tour be common electricity, amenities observe housing on A 1984 21. 20. STRATEGIES, 22. characteristics section, 23. 24. HOUSING pipe. rooms frequent built the highway. There Yap, NESDB Appendix One has through The and water (or edge the arrangement with types. factories type, provided insures Kioe type rent is zones shacks) 1988, and SUB-MARKETS, terms but arrangement (1991) no of supply, the II second-hand The and Sheng was is which do real Area the In are (February have in a houses outer informal set not erected are fact only profitable data houses National parcel delineation Pathum without #8, (1992) of up as is serviced abide risen there Baht700, this city which most in largely pg.24. that which 14, settlements all of are two materials, nature Urban “The Thani exposes 76 a by ed. is land, are return around households 1991). garbage often with between long indicate a and the indistinguishable precipitates Kioe enabling Slums” proliferation set in Development and marginal and rows minimum 93 built Samut for on many and their Sheng probably outer disposal per Samut that soliciting both in the were the slums on depend LOW area Prakarn, cent informal Yap, amenities informal landowner-cum-landlord?” city entirely the posts sides very required Prakarn of will Policy and system. respectively.22 collected slums INCOME informal Asian slums on it from small of over be as which respond migrant settlements, rain on settlements Framework a used and residential 20 Institute housing narrow slum throughout poorly undrained and water from settlement informal There HOUSING I interchangeably. visited tenants crowded, by housing, drained of nearby wooden regulations. collection setting This has RECOMMENDED most in Technology, rental in settlements. water-logged to the Pathum April, also is IN data there land save referred emerging construction as up outer walkway BANGKOK: units. been follows: is barrels. was a or 1991, and Thani few hardly The perched city, Bangkok. Both The one a remit”. to marked was land. shacks very acute running as sunk and take Most and outer units DEVELOPMENT surprising, sites. A informal particularly along recently. Less Many REVIEW particularly shortage Samut on tube bisected units increase are city There perpendicular similar a then latrine canal. without houses landowners Prakran, settlements.21 are as 30 The grim. OF of is by morphological in even serviced metres and For rarely affordable near SOME a most a appear proper The walkway similar one this a between the from hasty from a 30 water by 197 to place” It up very paid populations. Finally, construction 7.2.6 community Thai complexes, Outer brackets. the following conditioning, Landlords 25. low driving op.cit, is housing slum Appendix income also little large the Housing city for 1990, rent a was worth term could attention few recently discussion population housing units prices within of a pg.86. the a workers. Notwithstanding, II few muban, pair words single Estates: (April mentioning easily landlord’s (34.3 up. blocks the of evicted nomenclature to vicious In detached must will get 10, per of their village As meaning fact construction away 1991). of cent, palatial already focus be slum plight, that between row (and land. made with while buildings even village several only dwellers.25 houses, residence, deviant) in written, probably renting One concerning middle 1987 the the on workers. has village EBMR sparsest village upscale or or and guard delapidated all with income been houses. upscale as 1990 types headmen they dogs, Their all has the in used housing amenities the housing the the critical adopted of A residential are and slum average housing trappings; to eastern group construction the connote complained a catering housing in retinue are housing most the comparison of housing reaches may lacking. communities three condominiums, term the contingent of because to be are deficiency servers; those same. cars that price ‘housing of the booming increased the (including the “squatters” grimmest in in To Appendix are and the BMA rising upper of estate’ avoid industrial BMR all ephemeral at in migrant average had a 22.4 the middle ‘housing of BM’A’), redundancy, from II increased to all. a outer (April per denote reputation gangs park housing The Bangkok class cent). of central complexes’. city, 2-4, all the housing literature any of income See outer the 1991). price highest attracting air as fenced have PADCO, a is city “safe has for 198 In set off a They As per upper highly of further banks three Perhaps prosperity important and set Villa Muang, The northern description, where 26. professional with in unit. Appendix brochures newly car are California, the classes of elaborate you from all more Pathum canals, garages, Some corridor found 1930s to and can developed other Bangkok, “The suburbia II of then promoting achievement. expatriates. estates (March flourish mostly professionals is using security. Thani housing an of and warm of anything estate Bangkok. a Habitat as are are the 10-12, in such young has amid aura to Pathum the types, Almost usually as waterways named adopted Very these as else, The large August estates the of employed family in Chonburi Example having there ampoe few outer freshness image to these all Thani adjacent as as 9, imitate seem have with 800 are as has its 1991). city housing a portrayed Bang an in and and rental dictum, contemporary or of been to three a to the of estate estates the Ford promotional 1000 Samut consistently Ayutthaya. large nature Plee, formal a arrangements, recognition or estates proliferation marina.26 Model units. “It is is four leisure Prakarn, Samut bent and the is sector. are specifically bedrooms, home These (over)reliance T with The advertisement emphasize on ponds, Prakarn ladened out of emulating but Each marketing all set and of alternative housing for are these modern amid and prices a two estate uses with designed the beginning weekend golf estates fresh on American bathrooms, estates the is automobile. is status, can may amenities”. geographies, shown the targeting courses. following air to be picnic. beginning also automobile. are to implying be upwards and in be suburbia, often a have and Some Plate the lush lush developed One lines developed two growing a mini in wealth, greenery... green of advert 7.1. are small Advertisements the for and or BahtlO fortresses built sometimes late its suburb in just community seemingly middle success, in areas on 1980s. million ampoe as A the in place with and 199 the GET A SLICE OF CALIFORNIA PARADISE ... IN BANGKOK 4 • - o : • rr’’ - - •1I -- M C 0 history. An the traditional to villages.28 and Figure (translated 7.2.7 certainly or Foreign to See 27. countries: 28. with Muang EBMR city-based at essence interesting Soja, In Plate attempting traditional least The December, Thong 7.2 and here and In lost. screejed Edward 7.2 outlast Policy housing overlook Persistence Thai to shows naming, of In for local the residential Bangna and ‘village Thai no villages marketing to examples rural Challenges (1989) the ‘there’ 1991 way the through the offer urban estates, style the as persistence is values. now, location home’), a in of does in also POSTMODERN large some fact are any development. planners of is the angle so simulacra, and eludes relived”. making in outer this being that of many Traditional international Baan semblance Samut of in Responses’ the used suggest of more city a these (and to increasingly five other agriculture. Thai new the Prakran. the by housing There those Mega-Urban then The consultants) outer GEOGRAPHIES, lived estate a that labelling Village of contemporary Village: conference large was highly half order are exact all estates. city experience held in played several But developer are of claims, ampoe housing to copies of in speculative regions the entitled engaged this who Fortune the space: Bangkok, with EBMR’s other urban ever does Senah London: of “the for seem whose estates. covered “Managing the and City, which in estates sprawling old suggest processes, to and and Phra urban agriculture. packaged 13 Verso, company be Thai in by Soja, I vigorous the million Samut was beating attempting in the that increasingly the lifestyle real Ayutthaya pg.245. urban surprised referring conference time Mega-Urban Prakarn to outer is originals residents The a real serve named path and development, need to city persistence estate that can to province, space, reclaim the vicarious, to agenda. housing Los Baan not have still very be Regions the needs market located be Angeles, the Bangkok reside little been a Chonnabot, forgotten... of romanticized is seem of is ‘once’ of discussion has to the not the on ASEAN in appropriate to Figure village but not traditional metropolis, restricted disregard relevant {as} dealt 7.2 will 201 202 —Ø ,: Muang Fortune PLATE Thong City 7.2 Bangna 203 204 conquered and integrated the entire region. For non-migrant, and even nonagricultural workers the ‘village’ should remain a viable residential settlement for a long time yet. Thanks to breakthroughs in transportation, and particularly informal privately owned forms of transportation, most villages in the EBMR are unsegregated from the urban based industrial and service sectors (see Chapter 4 for more on informal transportation systems). Most villages are able to combine agriculture and nonagricultural activities fairly well. Without trying to romanticize the traditional village, it is apparent that tradition still has much to offer in terms of life quality, environmental aesthetics, and sense of community. After all why are the ‘city-based’ housing estate developers rushing to recreate the charm of the indigenous nuthan? 7.2.8 Summary: There are two points to be brought out in summary. First, it is apparent that outer city housing, within its broad range of housing types, is in many ways a microcosm of many of the social problems underscoring the larger region. The gap between the rich and the poor, the worker and manager, the landlord and tenant, is as conspicuous in the outer city as it is in Bangkok. Social and economic relations are often exaggerated in the outer city. In many ways the urban edge has facilitated flexibility by providing ample land, and an abundant low cost labour pooi with lack of regulations. Anything is acceptable and encouraged. It is a geographic grey zone caught between the rigidness of the city and the more lenient countryside. It has permitted and almost encouraged estates like California Villa to abut informal slum settlements. The rules are flexible and often nonexistent. The outer city in the EBMR is very much a postmodern housing condition! The second point is an important reiteration of an earlier theme. The EBMR, at least as we have seen, is taking on a very urban housing landscape (rowhouses, condominiums, shophouses, etc..) without any 205 significant cities. Beyond suburbanization, this is additional evidence supporting a ‘region based urbanization’. It is affirmation of urbanization proceeding without cities (This theme will be dealt will more thoroughly in Chapter 10). 7.3 RECREATION LANDSCAPE 7.3.1 Golf in the EBMR: Since ‘Visit Thailand Year’ in 1987, there has been an enormous promotion for golf tourism. Golf promoters have realized that golf can be profitable. The golf industry’s idol, Jack Nicklaus, who seems to frequently visit Thailand to design a new course layout, or partake in a lavish opening ceremony for a new course, said at a Bangkok press conference, “When you see a game grow as fast as it has in the last couple of years in Thailand, it makes you feel real good.” The following year Nicklaus was quoted in the Bangkok Post as saying, “Golf courses are the windows of the world. They are the greatest tourist attraction and exact tremendous interest. Anyone who says they destroy natural vegetation, disturb farmlands, absorb too much water or deprive people from earnings from their land, don’t know what they are talking 29about.” And so it is in Thailand. The words of this one golfing demi-God seem to be the conventional wisdom that drives 29. The revered and respected Nicklaus seems to be held in particularly high regard in Thailand. When in the Bangkok region, his entourage is followed by a large doting press corp that detail his every move and spoken word. Nicklauss California based management firm Golden Bear International designs and builds courses and markets a line of golfmg sportswear. The Hong Kong regional office by 1990 was involved in 26 new golf course projects in Asia, of which 14 were located in Thailand. With numbers like that, surely Thailand’s admiration for Nicklaus can only reciprocated. The first quote: BANGKOK POST (1991), December 2. The second quote comes from: “Getting in the Swing’, (1990), AS1AWEEK, December 21-28. 206 and dictates policy which has led to the emergence of the fastest growing, and arguably the most oppressive, land extensive, golf industry in Asia. It is a form of development that plays on ‘non-city’ sensitivities and aesthetics. 7.3.2 Evolution of Golf in Thailand: The Emergence of an Outer City Activity The first golf course in Thailand opened in Chiang Mai in 1910, and was followed shortly afterward by a few small layouts in Bangkok, including one on the grounds at the Chitralda Royal Palace. Throughout the century a small number of courses were built, mostly in Bangkok, but a few were developed in the outer city, including a Royal Thai Air Force course at the Don Muang airport in 1936, and a nine hole layout in Bangna (Samut Prakarn) in 1965. In the September 1964 issue of the American published “Golf Digest” magazine, Thailand was described as nation of 27 million people, where only 1000 played golf on a total of 10 °3courses. Through the 1970s, with an increasing number of Japanese companies operating in the Bangkok area, and a handful of regionally acclaimed professional golfers of Thai nationality, the golf industry began to take off. A few more courses at Bangna, and one each in Bankapi and Nakhon Pathom province began to establish the outer city as a select location for the industry to establish a spatial 31niche. 30. “Gold on the Greens”, (1990) BUSINESSREVIEW, 81, April-May. 31. Ibid. golfing As Moreover, in As Thailand and There asset. country rush in Second, associated the May/June. 32. 33. 34. 100,000 Notwithstanding, 35. implausible. Thailand, a mentioned the Ibid. Pleuinaron, figure Ibid. Although courses gentrified to Although are country’s buy as club the pg.104. are has two of not with the BANGKOK up proliferated sport expatriates with 3 investment three a earlier, only principal million class Anita swelling market land the start based economy little is million a sport, and of catching (1992) leisure up seems by on demand its reason POST tourism explanations and property and at are the 1987, own. not grew for unprecedented absurdly Course one foreign activity number development on (1990) only to the to Pleumarom ‘Visit industry significantly constituent quickly expect on sustain number and has of high, Mid tourists.34 but the for Thailand courses, Effect: driven a a urban Year with the at twice this development levels. costs profitable of this estimates of current people figure into Economic Golf the membership and fringe, the the The are Year’, time There surging the Tourism prohibitive prevailing current includes high, Bangkok golfing who business contributed there 1980s, golf the slowdown. Review, are have returns middle golf in level.33 and courses are mostly approximately boom costs Thailand’ the real venture.32 Post taken 500,000 green industry pg.53. golfing are in and estate occasional associated in Economic The appear no up lucrative. the fees upper THE small golf the golfers sector. had population outer spiralling, to 140 sport.35 ECOLOGIST, with classes. and and a way be Review firm city. courses As nation a irregular tourism game to ‘fashionable’ developers hold started First, The nurture but for this wide, in, on golfers. lobby status has mid-year vol.22, figure golf or to the and placed of near enlarge. and and course maintain outer and which is develop no.3, highly operation investors 1990 prestige profitable the city, and sport used that 207 208 Golf has become a social and business venue for the elite class amongst the military, politicians and the business community. Since the late 1980s, the golfing tourist trade is dominated by Japanese, who arrive on golfing holidays, and in some instances purchase memberships and country club property. It is more affordable to become a member of a Thai club, and pay travel costs to Bangkok, then to buy into a Japanese golfing country club. Many Singaporeans arrive in Bangkok in cars and buses for a weekend golf holiday. There is a brisk golfing tourist trade from Taiwan and Hong Kong as 36well. Of the 140 courses in the Kingdom, nearly 50 are located in the outer city (see Table 7.4 and Figure 7.3). In the outer areas of the BMA, Pathum Thani, and Samut Prakarn have the highest concentration of course developments. However, it is the Bangna-Trad Highway, linking Bangkok with the Eastern Seaboard, with the largest concentration, that has appropriately been titled ‘golf course highway’. An unnamed source in the Bangkok Post Mid Year Review stated, “Travelling down the Bangna Trat Highway in the near future will he like staring down one giant fairway... to the left and right, intermingling with rapidly diminishing farmland and fast growing industrial estates and housing developments, there could very well be the largest concentration of golf courses in the world” One of the curious features of outer city golf courses are their size. The developments are very large and extensive endeavors. Pleumarom contrasts the size of golf course developments in Europe and Thailand: .whereas a golf course in Europe takes up about 64 hectares, a project in Thailand covers a much larger area, on average 160-320 38hectares”. This can be explained with three reasons. First, most of the new and proposed outer city courses are accompanied by luxury hotels, small housing estates, and other sport and 36. In Japan, membershipsoftencost more the BahtlOmillion,comparedto Bahtl millionin the private coursesaround Bangkok. In addition to the membership there may be a monthly maintenance fee and green fees. In Thailand, even the public courses are extremely expensive with green fees priced at a minimum BahtSOO.After equipment purchase or rental, appropriate attire, and caddy fees, the cost is truly prohibitive. As one article quipped, (the high costs have} placed the salaried duffers in the endangered species list or turned them into joggers.” Business Review, op.cit, pg.88. In attempt to combat exorbitant costs, many developers are setting up driving ranges, often huge enterprises, sometimes 3 levels high. Although, these are costly as well, they are affordable to a much wider range of potential golfers. 37. Ibid, pg.53. 209 TABLE 7.4 OUTER CITY GOLF COURSES Ekachai, Samut Sakhon * Kiartee l’hana, Samut Prakarn Muang Alce,Thani * Thana City, Samut Pralcarn Navatanee, DMA Lake Wood Country Club, S.P. Rose Garden, Naichon Pathom Palm Beach, Samut Prakarn Royal Thai Airforce (RTAF), BMA President Country Club, BMA RTAF, DMA Vinson, DMA Pinehurst, Pathum Thani Panya Resort, DMA UNICO, DMA Panya Sri Racha, Chonburi Krungthep Kretha Panya Bang Chan, DMA A. I. T., Pathum Thani Panya Ramindra, DMA Bang Poo, Samut Prakarn Chauncheon Flora, Pathum Thani EGAT, Chonburi Windmill Park, Samut Prakam Green Valley, Samut Prakarn Krung Kavee, Pathuna Thani Royal Irrigation, Nonthaburi Muang Ake Vista, Pathum Thani Royal Thai Navy, Samut Prakarn Maburine, BMA Thai Country Club, Samut Prakarn Noble Place, Chonburi Prime City, Pathum Thani Ayutthaya, (3 courses) * denotes 24 hour course OThER GOLF COURSES IN THE KINGDOM DMA (inner city) 8 Petchaburi 10 Pattaya 12 Phuket 10 Kanchanabun 5 Chiang Mai 12 Khon Khaen 5 Udon Thani 1 Yasothan I Saraburi 1 Tak I Ratchaburi 1 Nakhon Nayok 1 Rayong 5 Songkla 3 Nakhon Si Thammarat 1 Uttradit I Lopburi 1 Lampang 1 Phitsanalouk 1 Nakhon Sawan 1 Chaiyapum I 38. Pleumarom, (1992) op.cit.,pg.105. Kanchanaburi • (5 courses) — “3 I-I 0 0 211 leisure facilities. Second, most of the new courses are 27 or 36 hole layouts. Only in very few settings is this the case of North American and European 39courses. Third, with many novice golfers taking to the course for only the first time, the fairways are wide, often twice the width of a European fairway. Another curious feature of outer city golf courses are that many of the new projects and some of the more established ones are installing floodlights for night golfing. Already in practice in Taiwan and Japan, Ekachai Golf Club in Samut Sakhorn province, southwest of Bangkok was the first to ‘extend their hours beginning in l99l.’ 7.3.3 Golf: A Non-Productive Sector: The recent boom in the golf industry confounds the decision making process concerning the use of remaining natural resources in the outer city. Scarce water supplies are being expended by the arid courses, forest and mangrove swamps have nearly all vanished, and most critically, prime fertile agricultural land is bulldozed into golf courses. In this light, there appears to be cause for apprehension, as the golf sector serves a leisure class dominated by a narrow strata of the Thai population and overseas tourists. A small rebellious lobby has emerged in the Bangkok region to scorn current land use practices and future golf course 41development. They provide a defiant voice in aversion to mainstream views. Their nemesis, 39. The most ambitiousgolf developmentin the Kingdomas of 1993was taking shape 120 kilometers south west of Bangkok in Petchaburi province. The Kaeng Krachan Country Club, covering 35,000 rai, boasts a 54 hole layout, 700 residential units, a five star hotel, department store, amusement park, auto racing track, and airport, ibid. pg. 105. 40. Ekachai golf club spent Baht3O million to light the course. Although night golfmg is not without its problems, such as mosquitos, inefficient lighting in the rough, or off the main fairways, it seems to be a rampant trend. Expectedly, membership and green fees rise to absorb the cost. See Asia Magazine, (1991), June 21-23, pg.13. 212 Sathit Uthaisri, vice president of the Bangkok Bank, an ardent defender of golf course expansion, is on record as saying, “Thailand should import rice and grow 42grass.” The acquisition of land for golf courses is a process leading to inflated land values and rural landlessness. Pleumarom, (after The Nation) describes the process: To acquire a vast plot of land, investors normally begin by contacting kamnans (subdistrict headmen) and village headmen to act as brokers in land deals with villagers. The tactic employed is to scoop up small plots of land at the edge of the project sites first. When all areas around the project sites have been occupied by the investors, villagers living within the boundary created by them find they have no right of exit to the outside and are likely to face charges of intruding on private property if they cross the peripheral land bought for the golf course... Without the acss to the main roads, the villagers have no recourse but to sell their land to the investor. Golf course development also drives the market price of land upwards. Land that carries a low value as agricultural use, is reappraised when converted to commercial use. The tax base increases, particularly when clubhouses, hotels, and condominiums are part of the development. One farmer in Minburi told me that his land has tripled in value since construction began on nearby President’s Golf Club. For landowners wanting to sell their land, an adjacent golf course is analogous to ‘striking oil’. For landless agriculturalists it reaffirms the unachievable aim of farming their own land. 41. Although this lobby is not organized in the form of an association, a number of NGOs have taken up the cause. Anita Pleumarom, representing a German NGO, and coordinator of the Tourism, Development and Environment Project of the Bangkok based Ecumenical Coalition on Third World Tourism, appears to be a leading voice in the lobby,(op cit, 1992). A sprinkling of newspaper articles addressing the darker side of the sports impact on the environment and society have been published. They act as a critical counter balance to the media’s consistent commendation and adoration for the game and its proponents. 42. Asiaweek, (1990) op.cit., pg 59. 43. Pleumarom, (1992) op.cit, after The Nation, July 7,1991. Pleumarom describes one Northern Thailand land acquisition process where a landowner, who held her ground while all the land around her was bought up, was warned by investors that the only way she could get off her property was by helicopter. Pleumarom also reports that as an average, villagers receive 30 per cent of the market value when they agree to sell. Although I saw little evidence of this, I am aware of unfair and manipulative buying practices of investors and developers in the outer city, and this is not restricted to golf. 213 Since outer city golf courses are developed on prime agricultural land, it has been a significant cause of the growing landlessness among the population of the Central Plain. One article states that an 18 hole golf course with accompanying amenities, typically displaces 300-400 farming famiuies.W Although landowners are compensated for their appropriated land, landless labourers and tenants often suffer the biggest loss. Proponents argue that dispossession of land is only a provisional problem for the farmers, because courses create many jobs. This is only partially correct. During the construction phase, 200-300 labourers, often recently dispossessed peasants, are required for about two years. When the construction is completed, an average golf course can operate with about 40 workers, mostly low paying greenkeepers, guards, and clubhouse staff. As technology for golf course maintenance (automatic water spriniding systems, tractor mowers) advances, jobs are made itinerant and redundant. Some courses are operating with as little 10 45staff. Caddies however, who are exclusively young women, are hired in very generous numbers. Some courses have a ‘stock’ of over 500.’ In the more ‘prestigious’ clubs, golfers typically hire two caddies; one toting the clubs and a lawn chair, the other following close behind the golfer with an umbrella. Caddies are often shamed into sexual liaisons with the players after the golf match. A few golf clubs which discourage sexual exploitation have replaced the caddies with motorized 47carts. 44. Business Review, op.cit, pg. 84. 45. Pleumarom (1992), op.cit. pg.107. 46. A Bangkok Post article addresses this feature of golf courses in Thailand; “Thai golfers use caddies, more caddies than any other golf players in the world- an act that the Guinness Book of Records should have.” BANGKOK POST (1991), August 19, “Golf: A Game of Life on the Green” August 19. 47. A European trade journal describes caddies on the golf courses of Thailand in these patronizing terms; “Good quality equipment is always available and caddies usually come in the form of young and surprisingly knowledgeable ladies. And if you feel somewhat embarrassed at having a delicately built girl lugging heavy golf bags around an 18- hole course, then tip her appropriately”. Hastings, Cohn (1991) “Golf Home Away From Home for Japanese’ ANNULA MEETING NEWS, October 16. 214 The environmental consequences of golf course proliferation are quite drastic. Not only are courses utilizing scarce water supplies as farmers are being asked to cut back their consumption, but the chemicals and fertilizers routinely used on the golf courses are highly toxic and poisonous to the natural environment.’ The Thai language newspaper- Thai Rath, has taken the position that financing for golf course development should be directed to development projects which reach the broadest segment of society. As golf courses drain the country of much needed money, only a small minority of elites benefit by participating in this leisure sport. Although it is hard to disagree with this view, the fact is the outer city landscape is undergoing a revolutionized metamorphosis. Foreign investors, local developers, and multi-national interests are shaping the outer city in a less than altruistic way. Development is set to maximize surplus value and subsequent reproduction of profit. In this regard we should not anticipate an equitable social and economic spatial framework for the outer city. Of all development in the outer city, golf courses, epitomize the widening gulf between the rich and poor or the club member and caddie. Despite the dedicated work of the anti-golf lobby, it appears that the industry will continue to grow unabated. Table 7.5 is a partial list of some of the influential and wealthy Thai decision makers who are proponents and advocates for the game, and sit as honorary chairmans or on the board of governors of golf courses. 48. AppendixII (August19, 1991). 7.4 Beginning paddies purchased may Hobby have into a by in Farms: small small the middle TABLE Sathit Former Chai Arsa Santi Former Ulcris Army Deputy Airforce Former Former GOLF mid orchard orchards. Sarasin, Sophonapanich, Bhiromphakdi, and Uthaisri, Monkolavin, Chief 1980s Supreme Army Army Prime Deputy Commander 7.5 upper COURSE of of Leading Commanderin Commander a Minister Hobby Senior Staff, mango Prime new Commander class Former Boon Viros L.eading in VP, Politician form Minister Anand farms, or Chief, Bangkokians Rawd flank General BOOSTERS Sangsanit Parliament orange Chief, of General Politician Panyarachun ACM Police and subdivision of or Industry Thailand Suchinda General Suan Businessman trees, Kaset Saiyudh General President and for Kaset Rojananil Issarapong usually Businessman Kraprayoon weekend Kerdphol Paw emerged. are Sarisin a typically Noonpakdee picnic leisure The table original and small and recreation. plots intention a small of land covered The was in individual to the convert shelter. outer plots city rice It 215 is immobile city’ a The emerged predictably, irrigation Many small believes Not to significant brochure in There farm Rangsit fresh 49. irrigation adjacent ultimately 50. complete conceal ampoe Houses Based outer all escape managers air, residential hobby are hobby areas Hobby hobby in speaks be property Nong pumps, natural on city rates. 44 the role.49 are infrastructure; almost from many outright personal farms individual to true hobby farms usually will farms Farm hobby Sua, To to subdivisions. scene, the gardening all profit Utis individual outer have considered earn provide residential appear interview, Pathum noise, farm constructed are and areas farms. Kaothien, plots, with income evolved city motive mostly electricity, sell boom of congestion, to on services, One Thani, fertile tranquility; owners communities. it the all be Appendix a request, at by from safe objectives.50 a occurred farmer into evolving 400 Bangkok Director form nearby farmers soil as form telephone housing started and the square of suggested and technical of II which “Golden effort, recreation Rangsit between (June 1992 of real in living of fringe. pollution to wa/i land this the estates, is estate lines, construct was 11, nearby. the that suitable counseling Urban direction. or market. location investment. One 1989 1991). strictly crop club one hobby and 24 of with of Development and the hour rai houses houses. could for land Dr. the Figure for farming the hobby Rangsit city. in for, 1991, almost Utis’ advertised guard speculation, metropolitan Asthetically, small size,. be on gardening With 7.4 s farming sold as when view their Hobby every station, agricultural (they a displays Coordination concept the to is attractions plots, dozens merchants shared type extensive resemble in moreover, Farm, upkeep, people... they accessible its a is converting of layout a of literal offer by component hidden fruit for these of a Division fertilization mini who infrastructure, number not example, ‘hobby’ the the road of sense. tree...” agenda developments far Seignuerial will the owners hobby hobby network, playing from of at hobby A pick is The farmers on the for promotional levels, just farms farms a Bangkok, Klong what it NESDB by hobby ‘non- farm. a a up long less term in 1991, was and into will 216 at 11 217 lots in 19th century Quebec). Each single rai plot sells for Baht800,000 to Bahtl ,200,000 depending on proximity to the main ’5road. An elaborate and accommodating payment scale has been drawn up to allow for monthly payments for up to a 15 year 52period. There are three main areas of the outer city where hobby farm development is prevalent: (see Figure 7.5). 1. All of Pathum Thani on the east side of the Chao Phya (in some areas of Kiong Luang this may be the most common form of new land use). 2. Ampoe Sainoi in Nonthaburi. 3. Eastern BMA districts of Minburi and Nong Chok. There is a second outer city development, part of the suan kaset nomenclature, that are also outer city orchards, but emphasize production more than leisure. Private small plots are sold off in a similar fashion to hobby farms, but the owner focuses on production, marketing, and often the use of new small scale agricultural technology. For example Durian Park, which opened in 1991 along the Eastern Seaboard, maintains the ‘urban farmer’ can benefit from computer controlled watering and fertilizing, in pursuit of higher production. 51. This appearsto be a competitiveprice. A brief survey of otherhobby farms in the outer city, showed that Rangsit’ S prices were on the low side, and althoughit is relatively far from Bangkok, it seems to be priced fairly. Legacy Garden Hobby Farm along Klong 12, slightly further from Bangkok were selling 1 rai plots starting at Bahtl ,520,000. PornpichaProjectHobby Farm in the BMAs eastern NongChok districthad prices starting at Baht2,120,000. See NANGSU PIM PRACHACHART TURAKIT (1991)(newspaper), 21-26 April, (in Thai). 52. Although there were no homes yet constructed in RangsitHobbyFarm, there is evidencethat this may be a future intention. Brochures and notices in the hobby farm office refer to public utilities that are in the process of being expanded; electricity, and telephone exchange. The mention of a nearby hospital and school may also suggest future plans for residential development. See Suan Kaset Rangsit (1991) Promotional Brochure, (in Thai). 4 4 P L DT S E A C I r,iaatjan Ditch (7‘Himetres wide) LUH Figure 7.4: Hobby Farm Nong Sua, Pathum Thani 6t experience, Hobby identify western pre-industrial 7.5 housing This city. from divergence. rich of characterised the heterogeneous ultimate Summary: and chapter The traditional farms, societies, with study poor recreation in In ‘grey has the as expressions. that like the underscores this a land countryside shown functions most rural space zone’ appears all light, landscape use the city areas. the that landscape. as an other to the juxtaposed diverse dwellers the important is in characterise Hobby broad section neither outer old a proactive uses countryside in variation city farms, of urban theme throughout Thailand of this development, the land way. in or chapter, housing of of a rural, of in this have It postmodern socio-economic the the the is chapter ironic and rich in direct EBMR region, outer responds many recreational or how city. has roots manner, poor, has RBU ways been post to The strata adopted or modern a is sustains connections, certain the industrial consumption an allow landscapes. that eclectic focus new or have ‘successful’ need the traditional. forms of urbanism theme come landscape, the of if Because of not Bangkokians. and widening space to of applied city functions. occupy draws diversity In of is and people short, the quite gulf people living can the vast Unlike and RBU distinct between The to be outer array to 220 is This OUTER CHAPTER chapters, actual, of exercise, 8.1 The tracks this kilometres the corridor corridor has and makers 2. AND Ministry 1. 3. Appendix The land This Northern been The Country corridor Northern section PRACHATIPAT of term precise highway identified use.1 Northern of used is transgress CITY based the and Interior, north Phaholyotin Northern II Planning EIGHT: will Northern are here. Corridor The show Corridor land on is ILLUSTRATIONS Phaholyothin Ayutthaya consist to also reader interviews Department Corridor:2 (in the how use south Corridor (DTCP), SANITARY known Thai rail is ainpoes activity, is Highway, they of will mostly and a line language). two province rectangular as, Highway only in work obtain and averaging of to of case 1987, Highway Town by (over came DISTRICTS, the surveys Thanyaburi which at bringing a studies to drew west, the as sense and 80 about swath the a 8 #1, is local per potential of Country kilometres up north, the and of of the in together the a cent) of and AMPHUR small landscape level, the Comprehensive main Friendship Klong two land decentralized Fifth the Planning Lum in areas roadway regions, on east in some ampoe northern Sam Economic Luk Pathum the THANYABURI, in to Highway, in (1987) of to the urban Ka. west, the Klong sketching Plan to the the growth fringe outer Thani the EBMR. Also and RESEARCH east. sectorial edge. for narrowing and Luang, North Development city. the production of because province, The forms and the It PATHUM Northern The will and themes principal but explaining BMA a in REPORT objectives of part Northeast.3 largely the the region. that the Plan Corridor. to considered THANI of southern south. convergence the artery is the (1982-1986), be ON Department the approximately are south, Asian a PROVINCE, The KHLONG rich Some Administratively, descriptive along to reaches in Highway. focus boundaries disparate the the of the of when of main their previous of on the LUANG Town 20 the policy data rail 221 mix of line The within when the commercial densely Ayutthaya. population administrative Luang population district Since population Country Firstly, substantially mostly hard 4. rendering (Table Corridor The Chao and earliest to as the the originally population 8.1) resident will populated reach, Klong Kioug early is and Phraya national DTCP’s realm 832 tabulations data growth During agriculture, because evidence be Planning increased as arrangement and persons Luang Sam used for of of the River. density named census regions other hidden is data, the the Klong in and it 12th of noticeable has per appears the (DTCP) for its Northern 19th It of a and Bangrai. provinces. should albeit only century, population grown was population square south population. the of Luang Pathurn of century, population the Northern seven recognizes a to an projection be and of small kilometre. Kingdom, Corridor nearly be between Thani estimated there reflective the A sensitive pronounced. ampoes Pathum in share common market In corridor, to is Corridor, the twice was other administrative 270 and (see the 1960 (Based for Northern conveniently projection, a was of Thani to as persons and whole small estimation Figure the words, criticism the and the south fast set on In hence, supply whole changes was large DTCP’s 1990. settlement fact, by as province. Corridor per 8.1). eastern factory the as, King developed districts, of situated square data province. centre, for population this province, or the and 1987 the Prajadhipok may more from parts workers vicinity It at census kilometre development Northern half has at estimation). what there be with ampoe Table of the credible. of since and way more ampoe is goes is are northern are migrant an its (1990 today between 8.2 (Rama between Corridor. Klong often developed intricate few accurate indiscreet back of Muang is census), Muang accurate factory the a overlooked fringe VII) to Luang Department 1960 the corridor. web the then Again, may into exclusion in and Gulf Pathum of workers Ayutthayan and and administrative of 1932, the Bangkok.4 one be in canals, of the by 1980 reliable the census considered Table of of Siam with Thani, the rapid of Northern who Town the bringing itinerant, census, 8.1 Period, data and Khlong most are The along and gives 222 223 0• I Cl) C,) ..r m 00 CD 2 I: U) I p ijj —. ‘4— 00 C ::::::: C — 0 i1.L:::::: 00 a’ 00 :::: 00 a’ .: I 0% 0% %OUI 00 ieax.’ — I-. %O — ‘.0 ‘.0 © 00 z a’ I a’ ‘.0 ‘.0 00 C JI UI p p .‘ p . -‘ p : © .. ui - - — 0% 00 - %0 L ©ii a a’00 . (‘I I p P p P !‘ O ‘.0 ... 0’. 1a 3 . c, I i I I — — lj: -4 M Table apparent a adjacent of lying the modem, influence number Note next and A was were five particular pg.39. Area”, 5. weaving, 6. 7. Also be migrant of Considering lighter incongruity survey Limqueco, contract Not Department anticipated. largely confirmed 300 years. highest not that under idle, 8.3 included Chapter female of to, included clustering that large (female or importance and conducted nearly depicts and due factories stark The doing 30. and over is Peter, almost impact of Moreover, piece scale workers. in 3 to appliances in some workforce As along and Industries in 38 50 in workers the Table assembly the lack LABOUR of B. the for per per workers. in factories is all by barren interesting Northern on distribution McFarlane, non-agricultural the of the table the length cent 8.4 residential, Rabman cent land it access, Seagate in and Rangsit-Nakhon (1990), Northern is work are is is of lands the known of In AND comprised owned use. the of the the electronics Corridor; my all for corridor). facts (1993), tenure or population and Technologies total Pathum of factories flanking The INDUSTRY industrial travels a that industrial, more Corridor land predominantly large J. about workforce transport land the Odhoff in of a Thani. the use along commonly at factory. in the Master’s brand Of the low Nayok engaged uses female Lam 14 workers contrast in in these, Bangkok factory IN (1989) and corridor. the paid per The the were corridor near 1990 of Lulc ASEAN, Often corridor Road. educational capitalism factory cent. in Northern gender by student and 55 because “Industrialization in in are of the Ka informal was TNCs their region, either Lam per the It unskilled and Of engaged A is Rangsit Manila: I offers 373, survey workers characterized cent striking at regularly exceedingly all spouses Luk Muang operating it appliances Corridor. and industries the land is 71.4 the employing were Ka a included market, held Journal foreign Asian in workers. valuable workers, in Pathum is with were observation met per weaving and under in along the for or and From the approximately Institute dense cent workers, the employed of basically 39,838 and along Northern textiles, speculation. 67,895 Thani production, Contemporary EBMR lesson This age the Labour 75 have and DTCP’s domestic Phaholoyotin per main the is 25, employees in was of mostly this garment in utilizes resided on the workers by the Process: Corridor. Klong cent Technology and a verified highway. figure transportation’s a 12,000 amount nearby and south land There joint large woman, were almost Asia large the there roads, industries, of (Table (75 use The of Highway ventures.5 employees. the factory. number is growing The by Publishers, female.7 of the numbers per There maps a 80 sewing Bangkok for uncovered 67,895. the land and real corridor. survey 8.4)6. cent) per less survey, it of number and sense that is and and cent of is may The then also 225 size the is Of Co 00 ii a M as production had qualification observation perpetual most housing Although wide As located travelling condominium leading Highway vehicles trucks passenger north 9. BANGKOK 8. Chicago, Metropolitan 57 Rahman, Greenberg, for no arriving range per to coming transportation, secondary at north that passing Bangkok.9 Illinois, cent change has discussed along the service.10 zones Aminur of METROPOLITAN from Region has of Charles a edge from and earned projects. housing and steady McGee’s Phaholoyotin April a clearly and of the training, southwest day (1993) going of other of in the The survey (with less Very restructure, the 5-8. Bangkok”, road flow the types. is EBMR proliferated rail provinces likely desakota to HOUSING highway than section the meaning little transport of the data of line Apartments, assistance REGION, Highway. traffic Baht4,000 Bangkok. are one many A freight was at at on paper model and characterised in of the WOMEN least they with housing, is 24 that factories the the along the of western moves presented Masters hours Perhaps never in (see per increasing The Central T.G. 90 heaviest townhouses, most terms the per month, FACTORY Chapter stretch it a by McGee) that attended boundary day. is important Thesis, by canals. cent most at Plain, any of used worth line the an population labour and Figure of of mode 2). striking (1990) impermanent 42nd and the Asian highways school highway There and WORKERS the reiterating as of This mode road, worker force. aside meeting for respondents 4.10 the over “Mega-Urban Institute also is after confirms and education, Northern in immediately the and one-third indicates from in a dormitories the industrial IN of that and 11 Asia. large number of also the THE Northern truck. years Technology, the were that itinerant Association Corridor trucks Development: Much number almost traffic from NORTHERN Northern RBU of of development. from north are upscale age. the Corridor. shipping of labour volumes one-quarter is of all is outside the Bangkok. of Northeast.8 for a A slums almost Corridor visible fluid Bangkok traffic final, The housing Asian force, CORRIDOR produce on Phaholyotin Pathum Extended These or process exclusively and merely Studies, the of is informal a contains with estates transport respondents Highway The important are from Thani, under OF by 82,700 often and a the THE 227 for The Bangkok. Rangsit (BMTA), Pathum (Sanam along system of intersection and Off crop sedentary complained travels excess irrigation, Much versa. haul speculation. 10. 13. 12. 11. land Rail Appendix Appendix Ibid. the extension tranquil routes of the It of water, that I uses. main Luang choice at Thani. service is have the corridor There to linear MT. a were resulting allows along service that the rural With land, highway Barely II II causing also of and for is Many (Fabruary (May-August, slashed From outer village are during public not ambience. the is the land noticed this particularly Hua that at in a just the vehicles highway.11 city half Rangsit vegetable residents. to least extensive region by is prices Lamphong the settlements transportation, hundreds long the 11, heavily 50 has maize, kilometre dry 10 14, east, 1989). This per distance, of to been are there routes, within season, 20, farmers used, cent. Orchards be Baht2-3 flooding beans, area privately up of train straddling a so 1991). are off motorcycle to response but and two some fluid up particularly the dozens Kiong station). Phaholyotin, to fish also million in to of and kilometres pump irrigation owned, and May going the all moves farming, the market to Sam, of fields. mid open. taxis, of per Several the dry canals. buses, 24 by 1993, and commuters there growing 1980s rai, department of their hours gardening the the Perhaps and 5-10 Vegetable are the songtaews, to of Although this noises is Bangkok fields, water was encourage part a highway these per again day, is number from the exclusively pack, hardly of and are opens melons crops routes at a best between the rice Bangkok Metropolitan fascinating a more and congestion is additional considerable situated of extensive unanticipated.’3 example the are lying is terminate pickup being employment prevalent still dams ftequently Rangsit rice to idle, at the grown, use, cultivated. landscape give cultivation of trucks informal every to Transportation Pathum presumably 10 informal cost the assist market in way kilometres opportunities deluged it this fares travelling small (for is Thani rice to transportation with Market region. no amongst and on transportation fuel).12 a roadway farmers longer fairly all and under a area Bangkok Authority rich further BMR throughout gardeners In ruined and outside serene the the mixture my in short- vice than 228 by Along Buddhist M (see kilometres first They the households in are are From In (4:30 per roughly Rangsit concentrated, rural, Corridor. 14. 15. the sum, enormous construction ample employed Ibid Ibid cent section in are my AM) non-agricultural Kiong or the market, the of 100,000 also denomination. non-municipal. informal motorcycles, On country, northward until the fully on Northern Sam, parcel extending within a there hobby land topographic and according late dependent people, parallel interviews is many is of development night.15 the has Corridor farms no sector. land undeveloped’, minibuses, a They Northern Traditional CBD, yet recently public taking to to on between in base no the kilometre are and A Chapter agriculture. characterises and morphological on surprisingly access map 1990 building is visits (1990) Corridor. and the the supported Klongs orthodox yet of Population 7). songtaews appearance road land 44-48 to Thailand, been agriculture huge the Every region use, Transportation Sawng network large are villages meanings by purchased evidence temples, unlike household faithful a plying and number more or based large and is through even Housing in not a Sam, of of of meditation up number by this urbanization followers.’4 city, of rural the a the a for and I the city residential area parallel workers the visited Central central is commuters census, Tamaguy down and a of landscape site, it medley hobby centres, is urban had to perhaps commute initiative (RBU) the apparent Plain, the sub-division AlT, some, Foundation, canal is of farms, have Northern anywhere. shrines, not one varying in and to of that if daily roads no every an appease could some extending not the relevance impediment there Corridor gardens, then to functions. all from economy. way. The an not reputing Bangkok, members local alternative are weekend population early identify There three NO in and is residents. the at Nearly entirely Aside to morning - ponds. but are all. engaged orchards be four Northern the is most the There from 80 229 not All extent rural 8.2 Minburi in the cultivation.’6 8.3). and very remarkably and Minburi of considered north, 16. 17. the Bangkok Minburi-Bang nineteenth Minburi, Agricultural completed mixed landscape productive It eastern of adjacent is is development was a ‘confrere’ one land flat quick; for in originally reaches As to century, by English of (see Guideline and use. easier and Minburi mentioned 36 King in Chan: Figure occasionally in densely districts less of in bureaucratic is production with Monkhut a the ‘city is this for province than Pathum 8.2). city Development the populated in area, of comprising 150 Chapter fish, construction towards swampy of (Rama Thani’s as until years, transfer the earning there two rice 3, King IV). in Chachoengsao. the terrain, Minburi southern Minburi staples, are Minburi, of bowl, the of Bangkok In Prajadhipok paddy no title the this making and ‘urban’ rice Ampoe has Saen was because (1989), respect, into is and Metropolitan evolved only still Only Saeb of the it centres. fish. (Rama Minburi of Thanyaburi, suitable changing, the opened city. the canal, Nong from metamorphosis ease VII) 17 It District for Administration could a Chok up A first fish vacuous in turning now, meaning agriculture, and 1951 ordered were just Office, district populated to raised brought as and point an ‘city of (in well by is urban Minburi barren (BMA), livestock, Thai of further in Rama for be in rice’. the it Minburi language). region into the a wasteland paddy III non-built has east The and second the and in been of two fields. (see is ‘s the jurisdiction fish disparate located half are to 1830s, up Figure To a 230 of the !Ul 1 ) e(qqOH s6uea twq .1 wqp Minburi In the Eastern Districts of BMA 0 t’) 0 development Minburi Laksi describes Minburi prosperity proportion referring Perhaps during complete, land Prices as the purchase today’s diminishing could 1950s, 18. high main Sharp commodification. just in of World land as situation. this north months.... Bang Suddenly was were four-fifths the foreigners was to the roads land land as and the Bahtl2,000. gave of the well values 1950 was average was changing impact not Hanks paddy studying... War high Chan Bangkok in for became Bang Minburi be brought because the during with speculative For buses I, prices visited of increased applied government moved (1978), of production region size Chan and all instance, from half the Several extremely Much to moving World a household of per into hit A of Minburi. to to taste new vicinity op.cit, cityward; a shot former a the paddy the a satisfy degree from holding. purposes. distant the like crescendo decades War highway: of small a was services impact up along pg.225. few fold wealthy the new Baht300 returned in generation beyond heads It their II of not fanning whereas resident 19 of the situation was of when the the self technologies, later, This for became Bangkok’s commercialization in Although curiosity first had new highway if finished confidence per affordability the domestic and they the naturally after region in population, visited had decade road today, years rai Japanese reaffirmed more 1948 decided in World moved about to had in brought wealthier this to new prior or Bangkok Bahtl000, of 1946, farmers available, many triggered moved on an household passage this of the War occupying to the labor eastward untapped or to the the as city and sell. had community century, the whole the entrepreneurs into II, fortunate early average ways once relations they a streets while received and never harvests The 1929 with proliferation the consumption. district. to suburb as or were forces of high post suggested find city the land visited stock other more within family. agricultural enough that on referring were a officials new war to farmland, began of final alongside appeared the market areas during foreign find Bangkok. the an boom never road of Between farm, to that layer This hour’s to capital, landlessness specifically “easier” of possess as commercialization. the crash. to construct only ethnologists large. the but had on well the and of situation Bangkok past travel. Sharp the 1948 Central asphalt youths new other a by an as land work.1 Pre-depression negligible Sharp scene twelve to appreciation 1955 and a highway and and Bang semblances changed adjacent road almost in Plain. and to the a Hanks 1953. Chan, from mid Hanks was 233 to for it to Through aquacukure. and production; of Chan, prosperous district, provincial A compensation comparable ostracized village rice changes The same discussion square 20. a 22. 21. population cultivators 19. prosperous common cropping There The In In residential, bowl, population name particular comparison and kilometre.22 of government figuratively of the is on Bang both density Bangkok counterparts. signalled traditionally Minburi group.2° misunderstanding (Table an a pattern. to group. Let the 1 way 960s and inaccurate Pathum annoyed see or of Chan transitions us the of support of Minburi in 8.5). Sharp The and in now 832). farmer with the For and To Northern To other life at 1992 Thani and basis with 1970s beginning reach the The Bangkok perception, examine the example, spatially and a was of packages shored alienated, distinct words is is western contrary, of the Hanks some district and becoming just Corridor in ending. an the this post Thailand increasing up some Samut urban, caught present farmers over Minburi of of perception focus (1978), particularly have paddy fringe Appendix war is a the In has most hurried 174 of 100,000, isolated period. Prakarn. 1972, and on highest in been population, is roughly are the prices op.cit of square is are the amount the that is the present Minburi. II often less among directed revolution simply, the crossroads landless (December decline Chapter and by the agriculture yields with the This recognized kilometres nation’s Baht300 late of rice their same farmers demographic as almost if Minburi outer exclusively per of in eight, labourers, Bangkok seen farmers numbers in population rice receiving of 13, rai a first that land outside city tonne urban 40 in with for “The 1992). production. in land figure showpiece per remains is of case rice use. the a and in Transformation wealthy, are and to and Bangkok, ‘rural’ on government population cent was the Kingdom, as the study The Table rapidly are (50 land rural. for provinces being residing has provinces.21 typically square landscape Bangkok A industrial Bangkok’s grass, will use that 8.6, undergone sub-study declining. removed density is factors examine assistance, the kilometres) Scene’ Minburi in only, under hobby as are (rural) the has estate farmers immiserated The leaving of of will an sub-district a for from a become The farms, the dramatic 586 this transition BMA has affluent was disregarded an and less highlight are land great paddy Minburi indepth persons outer increased land built a cultivators too. and industrial number use and Minburi alteration as by (for city at the their rice per the Bang and a its 234 of are 1991 1990 1989 1988 1987 1984 Note: Source: MINBURI’S TABLE TOTAt Source: Si Sal Sam Sam Bang Saen Minburi POPULATION TABLE Kong Kong Wa Wa 1987 Saeb Chan Minburi Adapted Din Tok Ook Din Bangkapi, Demographic % University, 8.6 8.5 Tai 102,005 95,900 92,741 86,558 81,110 increase 66,966 District from POPULATION: and (7.0) calculating I (in Statistical and 100÷0 D OF Minburi 38.5 11.2 13.2 18.1 7.0 4.9 7.1 Thai based Land MINBURI TCTPOULAI1Ot language). District on Office Use per 6.4 3.4 three 7.1 6.7 7.0 centage Charactereistics (1991), (1987), year 1984-199 increase AND average. (in Institute Thai I 1e in from ITS 39,289 11,430 13,471 18,471 1 7,144 5,000 7,246 Suburban language). of figures Population SUBDISTRICTS Bangkok in: Studies, Metropolis: Chulalongkom (1991) Bang Khen, 235 236 numbers quite dramatically since the mid 1980s. While Minburi s population was increasing by 3.5 to over 7per cent per annum, of the highest population growth rates among all BMA districts, Bangkok (during the same period) was growing at 1-2 per cent per annum. The population increase rate of the district is far surpassed by the rate of decline in land used for rice production. In the three years up to 1991, land under paddy declined by 300 per cent (Table 8.7), while production increased for a handful of alternative crops. TABLE 8.7 FARMLAND IN MINBTJRI UNDER PADDY, 1989-1991 (IN RAI) 1989 60,115 1990 49,959 1991 15,000 Source: Minburi District Statistical Office (1991), (in Thai language). Personal Interview, Minburi district Agricultural Officer (1991), Appendix (May 9, 1991). THE NATION (1993), May 27. A study carried out by the Minburi district agricultural officer found the following alternatives for decision making of farming activity in terms of investment, selling price, and overall income. The ranking was as follows: 1. Grass farming 2. Aquaculture 3. Mango orchard 4. Orange grove 5. Market gardening (vegetables such as tomato, chilies, and lemon grass) 6. Rice 7. Banana 8. BeefCattle 23. The results of the 1989studyappearedin AgriculturalGuidelinefor Developmentin Minbun (1989),(inThai language).The data is based on 1989marketprices. So of The costs, themid population. flooding inconceivable The rice village targeted by activities farming (BAAC) radio 24. households, which field 25. caused earlier. less 26. alternative the the The Two The then approximately farming Minburi will repair, and attract decline district: by headman ii) 1980s problem Golden at to separate and unavoidably 10 have were such in rodents24 former his were seven It the rats in disrupting hair district non-agricultural to that is aggressively of pests village advocated cantaloupe Minburi, Minburi, vicinity of and relevant village cultivating 1991, while rice were dressing, rodents rice young 510 on field lure are has farming as planting their farmers. being the of studies rice paddy (1990) also pests; a mice. responded to then people Muban through is plantations, climate substitute rice been crop. dress note not farmers contributing interviewed, is found the activities. rice production. Appendix Minburi Farmers in a In as (village) promoting will that The trivial making, 1991; demographic a has in 1990, much to the mobile in for 1993. problem almost enter been the district told mango matter. THE 1993 following II paddy. Bang Moreover, an the (May to decline and spoke Only High me this school aquaculture, unstable NATION economically all comprised the following has Office Chan During that village tailoring.26 livelihood. circumstances are 14, 100 The decline. results: land escalated of in a for 1993). older of the (in rai new in paddy Bangkok with interviews, prices, (1993), Bang development, vocational Thai Minburi were agricultural local a i) residential particularly people, negligible with higher in rational If Chan by language); under Muban May government land economic will.25 Agriculture the creating (and nearly sub-district, than and studies. 27. increased rice contamination development decision, Moo enterprises and 0.5 the Tilapia. with Appendix average cultivation, all a rationality per Paed kitchen entire number rice attempting These and the presence cent of as of farmers Also, precipitation high an within Agricultural Central one were II Sam included and of compared from estimated (December of does based of the cost a Wa employment promoted market a to spoke few townhouses few industry, Plain), total introduce not Tok of electrician on non-agricultural 2000 to kilometres of land prevail causing Cooperatives gardening. 13, sub-district, Minburi the 600 the through and households, 1992). it rising availability affliction ten projects and cattle is subsidized to regular years of training, factories efface fuel their One of 237 84 238 The most prevalent new alternative crop is grass or turf. The earliest grass farming in Thailand was in 1980 by Muslim farmers in Minburi, who still are involved in this 27activity. The district is blanketed with grass farms, and with the proliferation of new golf courses and housing estates there is little reason to believe this activity will not expand further. Ninety per cent of all grass produced in Minburi leaves the district, mostly destined for Pathum Thani and Bangna-Trad Road in Samut 28Prakarn. Two other common alternative agricultural land uses are chicken processing and hobby farming. There are many smaitholders raising chickens for the large CP chicken processing and eviscerating plants in Minburi. Particularly in Sai Kong Din Tai and Saen Saeb many people are linked to chicken processing, either as producers or employed in one of the processing plants. The two sub-districts that are characterized by hobby farming are Sam Wa Oak and Minburi. People in Minburi anticipate hobby fanning will increase in popularity and participation, based mainly on a demand from 29Bangkokians. Based on the preceding discussion it is evident that industrial employment is rising throughout the district. Although this is true, the density and predominance of industry and factories is not as apparent as in the Northern Corridor. Aside from the Bang Chan Industrial Estate, there is no concentration of industrial activity. Throughout most of the district, industrial activity is dispersed and in some areas very few factories are visible at all. The exceptions are along Ram Intra Road and in the town of Minburi. In 1990 there were 305 factories in the district employing 17,580 °3people. 27. Over a century ago Rama III gave large tracts of land along the newly built Saen Saeb canal to Muslimtraders. They have traditionally been the largest land owning class in Minburi, and still comprise over 70 per cent of the population, Hanks and Sharp (1978) op.cit. 28. In fact Minburi is recognized as a significant domestic’ agricultural export district. 90 per cent of all fish produced leaves Minburi, Same is true for fruit and vegetables (75 per cent), and rice (80 per cent). 29. Minburi District Statistical Office (1991) (in Thai language). 30. This figure (305) is up from 265 in 1989. Of the 305 factories, 74 were located in the Bang Chan Industrial Estate, with 10,695 workers. Of interest as well is that only 5 of the 305 factories are unionized, ibid. high As As starts. by extensive commute activity leading dozens villages The but official transportation. vehicles. Any discourages pointing 31. significantly. Housing 33. 32. a mentioned in Figures also Minburi Ibid. hundreds network rate region the In of to district if to Assistance for to and 1989, Northern daily Crossing transportation minibuses, desired. Minburi run for the District characterized transportation, industrial By reflects of earlier, of 1990 a In to inability ‘water there 1993, 54 return kilometres Bangkok, fact, (1990) Moreover, canals Corridor, Office town. paved and were the songtaews, Minburi an policy’ expansion local trip 1992 network. of effective over (in (1991), In by is and 2,667 non-agricultural aesthetics, in of and not Thai this were administrators a an earned recommends there 7 a lOOs lattice natural just songtaew per the essential op.cit. regard, Language). and new and not This gauge of are cent converse recognition an available, cross-canal work other houses gravel and and certainly inconvenience, six measuring population seemingly contributing four human flood main of informal the intend activity roads.32 registered is waterways, but or maintenance as just is bus protection commuting. a five made it to in choice isolated economic is growth to as modes lines, enhance existence apparent times factor All diffuse commonplace. but in waterways residential faces villages Minburi. can five (drainage).33 transportation. population rate.3’ of a facilitating the Throughout growth day across that canals be in of transportation usage Minburi. a to which new are in location. hindrance For Minburi a not and the served housing waterway. easily of growth 90,000 run just district change the waterways It The Data to is participate by for town. EBMR problems to registration common Bangkok. district and people a development, was are consumption is The roadway the Many development still obtained there for obstacle, this level is regarding in for commuting. levels regularly There very residents is non-agricultural eventually represents individual of from evidence (irrigation), and increased well new seemingly are is motor Bank used an also serviced housing An a of for very 239 mundane bridges a choose multidisciplinary In village spoke metres In Figures by canal secluded referred urban-rural 34. Sharp prisoners SOUTHEAST facets 35. 1975. 2000 36. and ‘city’ weakening the the the From Bang op.cit, was rai from and of nor of south For 1990s conflicting one were from. in to 8.4 responsible the parcel a Chan who village, the and Hanks, countryside, Golden as bridge 1989, nearly linkages, the passes study and west research studied.35 rice a Bang Several resided simple ASIA, canal tambon. of linear 8.5). and op.cit land were: economy Mmburi as study three corner built structures a Chan for built and modern you Chicago: at to dozens affirms residential commute that Bangkok’s and kinship, the in but decades resolve, headed local in pass of stands (1990), Rama 1989 site. Hanks, the was a the of two governmental comprising curious a Aldine century articles 1850s commitment These peasant district up that terminated, to as III a can op.cit; reign ‘neighborhood’ story wide Lucien Laksi turned a by Atherton radically model was be amalgamation were and the old over groups, house variety lies Appendix quite in a the over (1972) Anthropology papers traditional structure rivulet the part for the north and to landscape.36 Publishers. with formidable. altered to first agri-anthropolgy, of region-based legendary ‘connect of RICE residents Dit and off II at Bangkok. topics the residents three and (May the Bannag, of the a Thai the Malay AND number both. operation. same larger car relating Department 9, economic all Bang were In houses It of MAN: 1991). territory. In who garage urbanization. Sam is To population site Bang Saen of total, community not offered Chan prominent stroll served Two to as Wa A built AGRICULTURAL Saeb Chan, uncommon base and life khwaeng the He the at village. distinguished Ta along high with a in Cornell private canal. old brought of district disengaged Sharp range Wan organization, books a It the paddy distinction traditional up Bang is is This At Ook village. a to and a of swin.iming on with University were constructed sub-district the representation feel books employment Chan fields, stilts. Hanks was for intersection him ECOLOGY by published. as the maternity Buddhist The example, waterways34 the on canal, the a In (1978) is tranquility number pool. Bang from in focus dependence Foreign the the 25 the one alternatives of Some mammoth next short health, IN for op.cit, Chan Across rice 1948 villagers BMA, of the of is Minister, neither a Malay few of two growing of (see span struck are; until pg.39. religion, also the a upon the was 240 36 to a Figure S—_see • 1• I ‘S. • ‘4 8.4: • — • • S S. S S 00 Khwaengs • I SAMWA TA CHAN BANG TOK ‘S. I I WAN 5% ‘S. I I MINBURI S of S.—. ‘ Minburi •__g •el?...._ T7 I • • I I I I • I • • I • I • I I I • I • I I I I I I I • I • I I I / , KONG I — / S / DIN SAl •0 / ‘—I— S * / S — TA S / S I S I S S S • I I I • I I S S_S__f• SAM — I I S •. S WAN SAEN . : WA . — S I S 00K SAl DIN ..._.• SAEB KONG ..•* TA! — tS 01 .— • I 0 0 a I I %I I I S. 4% S 5, . i1 S I I S S i / S ‘S .• S 5 i S ,• \ ‘ 2 SI kilometers a / a I’ —I’ I 241 S 2 miles . Figure .‘....• ActivitiesinMinburi 4. I ) 8.5: I, \ f P • • • . Co \ 0 Selected .. Rlce onut L \ T ngo ; Golf.b.b. iM A Chan k ( Bang .: •1 TOK & e 1 S W S A Landuse w A • ‘. I : C Ban \ . .2 V. I_ 4, •..;,._. olt! age . Chan _- I : • I I • : • • : • • I • state h C .—: ,•. 1 S TOWN N MINBURI s • A . • • — I... I I I I I G Land Hobby Idle SAM ....._...Grass ... Farms • Grass W S., A 0 •• Farms Golf • — WA •._ .. • 0 Banana 0 .. Farming Land • Idle .• .‘ 0 ,a•• Rice Rice IC . . & . • I’% I . . 0 0 I .1 e. — •.. Chicken . , & / Farms CS. . / I .... Fish New Bridge . .: •‘ 2 . kilometers / / ; 242 miles 243 hole President s Golf and Country Club, and a new 2800 rai upscale Baan Panya India housing estate with artificial lakes and fortress like security. Developers are preparing for a grand 1994 inauguration. It will offer the best of outer city living. As the promotional advert states; “You want to enjoy the serenity of your peaceful island in Panya India and still get to town with the least fuss possible. Far from care, but not from the office. At Panya Indra you can do both.” Would the Cornell anthropologists recognize the ‘new’ Bang Chan? The village has also been converged upon by factories and the nearby Bang Chan Industrial estate. Residents are almost entirely dependent on off farm income, and very few have any connection to agriculture at all. Most of the economically active population commute to Bangkok or elsewhere along Ram Intra or Sukhipiban 37roads. For a first time visitor, a sojourn to Bang Chan elicits an anti-city perception. It is unlike Bangkok or any city in Thailand. At the same time there is very little evidence of an agricultural landscape. Local residents are mostly dressed in city garb evoking an outward semblance of service or industrial sector reliance. Housing is mostly western in style with a persistent sprinkling of a few traditional Thai farmhouses. There is likely not a household without television, and certainly none without electricity. Most households have an automobile or motorcycle, and many have two or more. The most effective description of Bang Chan comes from the maps. From Figures 8.6 and 8.7 we can compare the Bang Chan landscape between 1957 and 1993. The 1957 map is from Sharp and Hanks in the midst of the Cornell University study. It reflects a village mostly dependent on rice production. Thirty-six years later, the same village is dependent largely on nonagricultural production and as expected the landscape is dramatically altered. This landscape is not unlike much of the rest of Minburi district, (and most of the 38EBMR). 37. AppendixII (March 1, April 8-10, May 10-14, July 22, September 25-26, 1991, December11-12, 1991May24- 25, 1993). 38. Ibid. KHANAYAO Source: Figure Ku TAM Temple Honks 8.6: and BON Sharp Bang (1978) Chan, 1957 TAMBON - - BANG - Tambon Minor Other Highway Major Boundary Rice. Canal Road Canal Rice 0 0 I Temple Barn 1 kilometer Temple Surao Centre School Store Market Phen South 244 RHANAVA Ku Figure T Temple A M 8.7: B Bang 0 N Chan, 1992 TAMBON - - CHAN BANG - Factories - Idle Prawns, Rice, Tambon Other Boundary Highway Major Minor Land Grass, Hobby Canal (Speculation) Road Canal Orchads, Farms Temple Barn 1 kilometer Temple Centre Store Surao Market School Phen 245 South 1 mIle 246 Minburi’s short century and a half history is analogous to a migration experience that has come full circle. The original habitants emerged from Bangkok in the 19th century seeking agricultural land and riches. Their descendents, a century later, with improved transportation technology, returned to Bangkok for employment and education. Although they never intended to return to Minburi, their ties were never severed. Now, in the last decade of the twentieth century, Minburi is again merged with its urban source, as Bangkokians and migrants from around the Kingdom converge on Minburi for jobs at the local factories, and for homes in the housing estates. The essence of region based urbanization is appropriately reflected in an outer city region such as Minburi, that never is absorbed or engulfed by the large city, nor is not part of the process of urban sprawl, but is able to transform its economic base, and its social and cultural foundation, without a city-like landscape. It is fully urbanized but detached from Bangkok in terms of space and morphology. 247 PART 1V CONCLUSIONS CHAPTER NINE: CAPITALISM AND RESTRUCTURING: To use the term ‘capitalism’, particularly in a cross-cultural context, one must be attentive to its various forms and articulations. For our use, production of surplus value, extracted largely from wage labour, is the main tenet of the capitalist mode of production. The surplus value is then converted into capital, which when accumulated, acts as investment capital to further enlarge the capitalist foundation. This is Marx’s principal postulate about the general process of capitalist accumulation. When land resources and investment capital are factored in, it is reflective of the procedure of industrial capital accumulation in the 1EBMR. To further elucidate the nature of capitalism in the EBMR and its capacity as an agent of change and restructuring, a number of additional features are worth reviewing. First, there is a shift of production to the secondary and tertiary sectors of the economy. The dominant production processes in the region are no longer agrarian-based, but are manufacturing and services. Secondly, much of the capital is dominated by what Yoshihara (1988) would call, ‘ersatz capitalists’, comprised of rent seekers, business clans, bureaucrats, speculators, political leaders, and transnational corporations 2(TNCs). These players are important figures for the capitalist environment, but too often, they are only after quick profits, with ‘short time horizons’, with minimal trickle down. Admittedly, the role of TNCs in the process is more complicated. While they are not above being involved in liaisons with ‘ersatz capitalists’ in speculative investments, they also fuel this process by investment in production and service 1. Marx, Karl (1967) CAPITAL, NY: International Publishers. 2. Yoshihara (1988) op.cit. 248 facilities which have a longer term return as part of their goal. Thirdly, (and connected to the preceding two points), capitalist institutions in the EBMR operate with high levels of flexibility and mobility. Capitalist relations are increasingly powerful and flexible agents, setting an agenda economically, socially, and across space. Finally, elements of (late) capitalism are at their most exaggerated in the mega-urban regions. It is not only less formal with a reduced role for government’s ceremonial structures, but it is the greatest place of convergence and flexibility. They are regions predisposed to change. Outer city landscapes, particularly at the edge of Bangkok, have undergone critical periods of spatial construction, deconstruction, and reconstruction. They are not obstructed by the ‘committed’ built environment of the city core, and thus permit diverse land use activity to flow throughout the region. Capitalists in Thailand, particularly in the last few decades, are far from a unified homogeneous group with undivided interests. All attempts in the past to intellectually characterise Thai capitalism have been either sprinkled with inaccuracies or have excluded important 3players. In fact, the search for an absolute form of Thai capitalism is a futile endeavor. Within Thailand, Sino-Thai capitalism is dissimilar to crony capitalism, which in turn is unlike compradore and ‘royal capitalism. Military bureaucratic capitalism is in itself a unique style of capitalism, and again quite separate from land speculators and offshore TNCs. Moreover, there is no single path to capitalist dominance in the EBMR; all forms coalesce to form the full flower of the capitalist class. This section will examine several aspects of the nature of EBMR capitalism; spatial processes, forms of dominant capital, capitalism and labour, and finally, capitalism and underdevelopment. 3. This is neither the time or place to critique previous works on capitalist development in Thailand. For a review of the complexity of capitalist relations in Thailand, Chapter 3 of this dissertations briefly unveils the various players. For a more detailed examination see Hewison, Kevin (1989) POWER AND POLITICS IN THAILAND: ESSAYS IN POLITICAL ECONOMY, Manila: Journal of Contemporary Asia Publishers. It is also worth noting that most of the writing on capitalism in Thailand focuses on “dependent” capitalist development, and its inability to develop the broadest segment of Thai society. See Yoshihara (op.cit), and Grit Permanjit (1982) POLITICAL ECONOMY OF DEPENDENT CAPITALIST DEVELOPMENT: STUDY ON THE LIMITS OF THE CAPACITY OF THE STATE TO RATIONALIZE IN THAILAND. For a comprehensive history of capitalist development in Thailand with a fairly complete review of individual players and companies see Suehiro (1985) op.cit. 249 9.1 The Spatial Process of Capitalism in the EBMR: The urban process is shaped and transformed under capitalism (or any mode of production for that matter), permitting the landscape to be studied and scrutinized. Capitalism as an ideological economic system transforms space and shapes the form and function of urbanization. Since space can not be considered independent of capital, when the Central Plain came under the dominance of commercialization beginning in 1855 with the signing of the Bowring Treaty, the region was pried open with roads, canals, and later railways. Lefebvre argues that the sustenance of capitalism is, “only by occupying space, by producing space” . For the years following Bowling, each new stage of capitalism, whether it was monetization, Chinese rice milling, compradore trading, allocation of royal ricelands, arrival of TNCs, or the appearance of industrial estates, brought with it an infrastructure to facilitate operations, and new and different conceptions of time and space from that which dominated the Sakdina order. The “canalization” of the Central Plain for example, as we read in Chapter 3, permitted control and monetization of power. It allowed Bangkok-based Chinese rice traders to penetrate the countryside and at the same time facilitated the opening of new lands for paddy production. Also at that time, Siam was mapped and changwated into small administrative units, again as a process of domination, taxation, and control. Notwithstanding, as in 18th century England with the enclosure system, the parcelling and infusion of the Central Plain led, predictably, to the commodification of land and valuation of private property, or as Harvey writes, “the buying and selling of 5space..” The equating of property with wealth and status has been a very important event in the history of the region’s commercialization process. It became the basis of class, power, authority, and was the foundation for the outer city royal ricelands, which were the genesis for 4. Lefebvre (1976), op.cit, pg.21. 5. Harvey (1989), op.cit, pg.254. 250 today’s speculating land market and industrial landscape. Veblen’s writings centred around property and ownership, as the conventional basis of 6esteem. The inequity of ownership is perhaps demonstrated no better than through private property. In the EBMR, the division between property owners and renters (or tenants) is a critical one shaping status and power. The founder of philosophical Liberalism, John Locke, wrote in the 17th century, “Where there is no property, there is no 7injustice”. In the 1980s and early 1990s, corresponding with the years of Thailand’s unprecedented double digit economic growth, land was redeveloped at a pace unimaginable even a decade or two previous. Capitalism worked its way through the region with reckless force carving out pockets of commercial activity across the Central Plain. Factories, golfcourses, housing (to reproduce labour and as investment real estate), and industrial estates were the work of mostly business and market forces. As they move through the landscape they are unencumbered by trade unions, zoning laws, or construction ordinances. They have clearly set the margins and developed the landscape of the EBMR. It is also worth noting that small-scale local entrepreneurs have played a role in developing the landscape in recent years. Family owned shops, cafes, restaurents, and mills are ubiquitous on the landscape. Cottage-handicraft manufacturing still exists, but is rapidly fading. This chapter however, focuses on the more monumental national and international forms of capitalist venture shaping the EBMR. 6. Veblen,Thorstein(1934) “TheBeginniigs of Ownership”in OURCHANGINGORDER,ed. Leon Ardzooni,NY VikingPress, pg.32-43. 7. Locke, John (1690) ESSAY CONCERNING HUMAN UNDERSTANDING. 251 9.2 Forms of EBMR Capitalism: It is difficult to obtain data on ownership of property and industry in Thailand. Complex webs of extended family based holdings, foreign and domestic joint ventures, and royal patronage corporations obscure any attempt to absolutely identify ownership 8patterns. We do know that in the earlier decades of this century, aside from Chinese capitalists, and the privy purse, indigenous capital was limited. This has changed, particularly in the 1980s and early 1990s. While foreign ventures and investment may be larger anti more numerous and powerful then ever, the role of Thai capitalists has come to play a central position in national economic growth. In 1980, 75 per cent of total registered Board of Investment (BOl) capital was 9domestic. There are a new breed of indigenous industrial revolutionaries, quite different then the older generation of traditional business families. While the old guard depended on personal and bloodline contacts, and were largely involved in a speculative brand of capitalism, the new younger group are educated in the west, depend more on knowledge than contacts, and are as much technocrats as entrepreneurs. Moreover, large multinational operations, which have traditionally maintained exclusive foreign management, are slowly 10 replacing the expatriates with young Thai executives. An important support apparatus for domestic capital is the powerful and highly developed indigenous finance sector. Hewison states that since the 1950s Thai owned banks have invested heavily in the manufacturing sector, and, as an example, cites the Bangkok Bank, which he claims is the largest bank in Southeast Asia. 8. Yoshthara(1988), op.cit, has assembledwhat is probablythe best compendiumof Thai capitalventures. 9. Hewison(1989), op.cit, pg.35. 10. see BUSINESSREVIEW(1993) ‘New Blood in the Thai Arena”, May. vol.22, no.268. For example,Thailand operationsfor Xerox, Kodak, and IBMare all headed up by Thai directors. For all three TNCs this standsas a radical departure from earlier management practices. 11. Hewison (1989), op.cit, pg.41. 252 Also, many of the large domestic industrial conglomerates such as Siam Motors, Boonsoong, Thai Seri, Saha Union, and Charoen Popakand have expanded into finance, or possess direct corporate shareholding links to a 2bank.’ The large industrial groups are essentially family-based with lineage connections often through marriage. The extended family business has been an important component of Thai capitalism since Chinese trader families grew to be large corporate players in the 19th century. Across Asia, the Chinese business family is a ubiquitous constituent of industrial and service sector development. During periods of political instability and crisis, the family or clan was an unrelenting dependable constant, and hence the persistence of extended family businesses until the present. We have seen in Chapter 3 that for centuries Thailand has been a lucrative destination for foreign investors and TNCs. Particularly after the Bowring Treaty, the role of foreign capital heightened, and a century later, under the stewardship of General Sarit, offshore capital again was promoted and induced. It would not be an understatement to say that the EBMR is presently characterised by ‘things’ foreign. Whether it be the ubiquitous foreign automobile, small foreign owned businesses, European or Taiwanese managed factories, large TNCs, or small international franchised tertiary sector facilities such as KFC or 7-11, the outer city is truly a theatre of accumulation for non-Thai enterprise. Any one region dependent on offshore capital and production runs the risk of possible economic crisis or collapse. Political instability, war, a bloody coup, or civil unrest, can act to drive investors out of the 12. The five industrialconglomeratesmentionedaflhave massiveholdingsin the outer city; Saha Union - textiles and rubber, Boonsoong - vehicle assembly and soft drinks, Thai Sen - aquaculture/seafood, CP - agro-industry and textiles, Siam Motors - vehicle assembly and parts. 13. The fact the outer city is a ‘grey zone’ for zoning and ordinance injunctions, combined with the fact that the outer city, since the late 1960s, was targeted for business investment as part of a national decentralization policy, gives it an international character. For these reasons, in many ways the outer city is more ‘international than Bangkok (with its large pre-industrial districts). materials country.14 administrative domestic It rigidly project again local with is foreign a local. Both state instrument departing year Thai changwal). 14. 16. 15. 17. 18. substantial is that Vietnam, See Permanjit As Hewison not of holding, the has capital domestic joint As overall an divided “frozen at Chapter land the capitalist played foreign firms, does a example, this This partnership Also, of consequence, intention (1989), is Lebanon, ownership, role 20 (1982), the operations time. workers, not instant a and along 5 is per and capital a growing of foreign in one state, very world increase in international cent Permtanjit op.cit, moreover, securing op.cit. January, food to the of and would between active which hundreds Korean, hampering lead fostering economy. lines are firms internal and Cuba from pg.30. with the more be and 1991 (1982) role critical has of crushed provide are according and domestic infrastructure length capitalism reader of domestic expanding development partnership. in the won 17 closely more domestic such 20 op.cit, promoting one. BOl Although per fish’, recent of many to joint dependent and to time. believing approved cent tied for Outer and are Permtanjit, employing this inadequacy. projects technology examples. continental foreign a Singaporean. More to boosted is international. discussion this Foreign industrial class’s city hindered, the an on that is each than accumulation ownership capital.16 investment a 30 imported In by accumulative vital the firms capitalism development. Thailand, awards people. year, of half development. the The while degree dependence In concern, state. of also BOl factory fact, A project raw laws, The for the the it common retain Statistical needs of in Hewison appears its materials, accepted Baht6O the economy base the dependence 15 is (when it that on efficiency, The located alliance is of a EBMR imported in high will beyond criticism the the Report BOl, enforced) finance writes, BOl is produce most resources in foreign number between can integrated Samut on for investment means investment creativity (1991). the probable and leveled be domestic “.. example research for restrict partner Sakhon conveniently of the of and industry.”18 international export technical production. more state cause at and is machinery ventures input outright 60 is than such (inner limits 2160 its an has closely per for the alliances and played ring cent and tons of The and are than 253 this per reputation has are agricultural taxes, resource Although The have meter. substantial Outer Bangkok investing average making Bangkok Muang billion, important Promethean 20. (every 19. also also It Friedland, Kanjanapas recently is city particularly week) Although Thong well part them and of insured inputs had Land in discussed for and property Baht7500 wealth users. known, various will of from (mostly) purchased the sold Jonathan reactionary immense Thani, Development the such a family house they largest flipping ready being for In farmland state and has in types as per general Thai-Chinese agricultural are as (1990) Chapter tens energy for I become in supply apparatus large accumulated property have discussed square land not visions, of the instance, of have business “Lodes Company the selling, personally deeds tracts EBMR, thousands and 5, of a meter.2° state become very the developer commodities. cheap promoting and in water in developers of of a from role the they their ventures. has prominent has Land” outer lucrative and embarked befriended labour are of Housing new not of Between stimulated Bangjcok are ‘non-productive’ has people. in city land FEER, available capital taken players developing Thailand. and transferred by capitalist Arguably land Sino-Thai on speculating real section suppressing speculators. office. merely 1989 November This development. three investment decades estate in to capitalist industry, Their brand and venture The their of the major huge a tycoons business land Chapter passive and 1993 number most 22, ago, trade two land of amounts in outer deed pg.54. in real non-industrial accumulation, The often the who when areas liberal showpiece which all unions family role 7, of estate transfers. city Kanjanapas state areas can players are at of mostly the nurturing investment is the land earn money satellite with and also investment price presently of projects, expense in 19 development the BahtSOO,000 maintaining outside capitalism roots insures many this was family Also, to EBMR. cities the game the laws in Baht (1991) of of Thana is capitalist Bangkok. that landowners Hong hands under domestic costing whom worth is in is 125 There a high not natural projects, Southeast week extremely valued City Kong of per the small. have reiterating. class. Baht3O rural a is The or and and square name few who at and more been state an Asia 254 255 9.3 Capitalism and Labour: For outer city industrial capitalism to flourish it requires non-skilled, non-unionized, largely female migrant workers from Isan who are hardly in the position to quarrel with salaries or conditions (see Northern Corridor case study in Chapter 8). The continuous and persistent war to decimate organized labour and the consequent dependence on migrant workers has led to a critical deskilling of the workforce, particularly among young female workers with a very high turnover. When Sarit came to power in 1957 he wasted little time banning unions, arresting labour leaders, and prohibiting by law all strikes. Domestic and foreign capital were satisfied with these edicts, as Thailand received a reputation, which still holds true today, as the finest anti-union country in Asia. Since the 1980s, the EBMR has been witness to a massive expansion of “contingent” labor, which is flexibly organized, occasionally part time and largely low paying service and manufacturing based. This has been facilitated by migration from other regions of the Kingdom, whose magnitude is well known and incomparable anywhere in Southeast Asia (see Chapter 3). The migrant flow is a capitalist favour. Exploitation of migrant workers in the outer city, is not unlike early 19th century factory owners in the American northeast who preferred to employ newly arriving migrants, with no experience or alternative to the sale of their 2labour. Hewison states; “While workers paid dearly with their labour, health and lives, ’ basis stories appearing in the newspapers capitalists continued to 22accumulate.” There were on a daily telling of injustices and exploitation of workers in outer city factories. Demonstrations and protest marches demanding better working conditions are also common occurrences. In November 1992, delegates from 23 21. Nash (1983) op.cit, pg.7. 22. Hewison (1989), op.cit, pg.45. countries march environmental doll migrants. A spared underscores Kader 9.4 In certainly agriculture 23. 24. initial Kong Spring, Development: relationship 25. Northwest “Social tragic the BANGKOK This Appendix Capitalism factory press announcement executives euphoria through expenses Dimensions pg.115-131. was industrial joined evidence After Consortium conference between is in the the II The seriously conditions Nakhon Bangkok POST (February an worst surrounding fury and by 1000 were Contradictions accident of of inquiry made not labour Underdevelopment: and Industrialization (1992), a factory announced of industrial arrested, Pathom, proliferation ensuring under Southeast demanding 20, no anger inside and it ocurred mention fire the March November was management valued people of that workers and the southwest in latest that Asian determined Export-Orientated history 7, on factories.23 of maternity “.. in a of proper by 1991); economic call remorse harbor Thailand” 30, May the Studies, slums officials from based in accident for “Workers of the Bell safety 10, that Bangkok, and for leave, the Rangsit, or UBC, on Thai REGIONAL boom 1993, (1992) compensation and delinquent the death informal loss will measures Growth March factory reinstatement Vancouver, Hong media.25 have of when in ibid. Pathum penalty killing life. the to housing no see Kong Paper DEVELOPMENT factory were a Demand Two EBMR, for substantial deadly Bell, over Thani perhaps October the prepared based days installed. of in Peter 200 bosses victims Better it state fire and the after needs company, 16-18; more financial workers, (1992) razed outer for Samut enterprise Deal. and the In families. the DIALOGUE, to than and the fire owners.24 city, through ‘Thailand’s be Fifth impact Prakarn almost Kader Suntaree the same anything pointed For and unions, Annual Kader on year a more Industries, the all in Cabbage the vol.12, Recent Komin out Group, else, a young Conference, a neglect and Group..’ solidarity on number that the improved (1991) Economic no.1, at Patch women there had of a That Hong of 256 is and is Almost The Thai sector, longstanding class between the wealth of footloose cent share threat civilians goes 26. Over industrial felt all ‘mid-level throughout nature, Komin support individual from to tradition, the polarization. but of to print or from all were wealth. course the social capitalism, over. and had over (1992), production quality, (winter of rich 49 killed tradition stepping transnationally the hoped large, at human If of welfare six per She and Kingdom. any least this op.cit. For per or 1994), despotically and cent says to the are technological-based research of is costs of stone in cent.26 the provisions. diversify, sustainability to the being poor. still smaliscale the the that Bangkok 55.5 are jobs’, small missing. military EBMR. mobile (May, the carried It stubborn, In also per is the first the producers acts The sobering cottage 1992), region, cent. apparent. are firms, This last state of out quintile to result no and the was firms at 10 suppress by there has longer free and Komin is economic the had to years large connected is refusing The ensured (most debunk was precluded handicraft same of a intentions in de-skilled the any divergence producers, upward (1992) lamentable Political affluent), time, to EBMR growth. that long the to loosen the the presents industries, myth mobility. for the this term and absolutist control, possibility has civil of whether their expansion fifth from would powerless of industry geographical experienced unrest data grip and super’ 1976 There their that military not local of to last of in and and economic the to control. happen. support Thailand, Bangkok, labour the is quintile or 1986, possibly regime Central an state, a attachment survival international. dramatic unambiguous Although, force. increasing The and increased and where that decreased and Plain entering political existence, of the is A intensification begin pose several this intimately declining was as increasingly The their inequity this widening century-old to power a the to known profound hundred 4.6 dissertation promotion analyze share export tied number is per in still for, of to of gap 257 the NEW CHAPTER GEOGRAPHIES This synergic build economic, (RBU) urbanization Chapter synthesize specificity loaned 10.1 From system, study Verification towards MODELS: the in to 2 distinct conditions urban the preceding reviewed the and and has TEN: which extended an multifarious attempted historical) depth, regions from explanation THEORETICAL of acts which two chapters, A traditional to Bangkok New as other discourses not to have give a factors elucidate only vast Settlement of than four been rise region Metropolitan explanations. engine build to Bangkok, salient of to relevant REFINEMENT theoretically and urban the based upon of System: make observed observations growth theory; to and the urbanization. Region. intelligible comprehend RBU to resolve for landscape. criticize urban model, OF capitalist There can a SETFLEMENT transition the This be rationalization the the was but made presence A settlement enterprises. resulting chapter coalescence also to to comment model an provide of will effort forms a of system. and AND region go of a on evidence region to settlement further, and factors how URBAN understand This based functions based this (political, final with for urbanization dichotomy, hypothesis a urbanization. more chapter the settlement of an specific physical, will can to 258 be 259 Firstly, this form of settlement outside the city core is neither urban nor suburban nor rural, but a meandering extension of the city, or what Douglass (1991) has referred to as, “finely textured rural-urban landscape”’, or as we have labelled it, a chaotic tapestry of a landscape. To proponents of the romantic traditional countryside, it would be “excessive-urbanization” Secondly, we have observed a landscape where the contact between nature and industry inflect upon each This relationship has traditionally been a detached one, and urban theories (as seen in Chapter 2), have largely been derived from their separation. There is little reason to expect a return to the rigid subdivision between rural and urban. This is the basis for embracing a new thinking in urban development. Thirdly, RBU is a landscape defined by the juxtaposition of production, recreation, and suburbanization. In Bangkok and other large Southeast Asian cities, there has historically been a zonal segregation3 of differing functions (see Chapter 3). This has been replaced by a non-discriminating land use in the outer city, where one small tambon may comprise a number of disparate functions in tight proximity. Spatial hetero2eneitvof functionsis a platform of RBU. Fourthly, major changes in the world economy have given the EBMR a decisively different form and appearance from traditional urban patterns. Beneath the redesigned desakota architectural styles, and the commercial and industrial facades, are a new cultural, social and political vibrancy, reflecting the £lobalization and convergence of urban theatres throughout the world. Later in the chapter we will comment upon the importance of cultural convergence in the form of consumer durables and the media. 1. Douglass,Mike (1991) RURAL-URBAN LINKAGES AND THE ROLE OF CITIES IN RURAL DEVELOPMENT, Study Area 3: Regional Economic Performance and Outcomes, TDRI, pg.6. 2. Later in this chapter we will examine various terminology to articulate RBU. 3. Suburbanization should not be spatially used in the narrow “American”sense to denote a residential and retailzone adjacent to the CBD. The evocation should be more attuned to outer city residential. Briefly which among Armstrong 10.2 As have low roles simultaneously capital. standardization On regional positions Singapore emerging Urban 4. AMERICAN Armstrong, an the income Convergence become played example, is convergence the stated, other Convergence sensitive scale, at ruling and cities and agricultural both by URBANIZATION, hand, central W. these Toronto. explaining in McGee of the Armstrong of class and the to Third urban and largely cities the is four a command political T.G. of with present political Third (1985) Standardization exporter World urbanization patterns. points suggested McGee the from international and World. and striking at pointed London: and space Urbanization.4 McGee are the several (1985) such corporate This control an a emergence economy The patterns striking commonalties as introduction out is Methuen. distinguish THEATRES levels. values Bangladesh. within particularly many two headquarters level. divergence operate driven important On of that Firstly, variations In the an Secondly, the particular, between to are OF Urban of integrated applicable as by the one the ACCUMULATION: increasingly there for much market in contradictory construction of hand, built patterns an Region: orchestrating there see urban is at industrial a global up for Chapter forces. there a convergence is global industrial CBD the being of a has economy, of convergence urbanization developments larger 3. export in a the level placed been STUDIES new urban global expansion, primate of as increasing model economy there power in centers at of key and flows IN a occurring consumption capital is of continental ASIAN relations. urban decision and a urban like as of heterogeneity growing distant transnational the cities Taiwan, development. AND theory, diverse making There or which patterns. as LATIN and one 260 is an a populations, The national urban and consumer The corporate modified of In evolving McGee Armstong populations In to in down. ideas. its evidence 5. This their patterns other this the periphery. traditional global Armstrong region. EBMR The dissertation, There is model, detriment. borders ways. of impulsively not by interests class. and distinctions trend in a in a and in convergence Although are the The the mass McGee both culture The any and and Advertisers and of in naturally urban metropolis third and way long-standing has many multinationalization however, media-driven places McGee even and the are is diffused of suggesting a region. convergence, process happening profound urban ways, infectiously, continents. the being irrefutable have thesis are is two there region everywhere, Within through sending increasing beginning eroded, among that culture subtle places is impact is at accurate, there as This differences culture, a a and social the convergence a mass swifter is a intellectual and are with spatial unified on spurring is is to access urban those perhaps in replaced not strata. obvious homogenize the media, and may technocratic fact pace entity a who urbanization between regions, to message wide has be There a increasingly and the process not in particularly wide in by is choose the subsequently gulf the under same psychological the in a are most and life rural that faceless spread in values. urban terms ubiquitous many that lifestyles to convergence, consumer in consolidate of is daunting culture ensconce negligible Bangkok appears Asian television, appealing of regions trend very The global been landscape within wall rich theme and global regions, of durables, of expounded to with from psuedo-culture consumption and development imported and and the its surrounding to go the and parks convergence a Minburi, and much rich very beyond three. inconsequential.5 its region. broad that satellite and impact, morphology, traditions poor in lifestyles upon less being, It the diversity proceeds the There the patterns appears however, the people discrimination. television. dominated same outer by eventually Annstong explained city the is are other for absolutely in very intangible of that parts convergence across but has being a Bangkok global writers. unevenly. certainly come by local and find of by the no 261 It and it is has In consumerism. More population As from instrumental standardization city’s dramatically Douglass expansion; economic 6. workers estate but times. 7. In 8. 9. the my I The Karp, Douglass discussed viewers tripled, have it. households and cultural travels EBMR The pre-automotive and It Jonathan written explains: more baggage TV permits residing in the and (1991), rice through improved in in Singapore, the has Between and EBMR breaking of elsewhere people Chapter is farmers is (1993) impact become lifestyles influencing advertisers spatial not that op.cit, 50 the city uncommon. in mobility are kilometres originates 1984 in outer Indonesia, 4, Medium of down had many a pg.26. in economy. Pathum mobile The the distant but not habitual increased the this throughout a city, and to village tens may clearly only economy the television ways thesis and enter and Thani Furthermore, 1991, nearly town. in and and or urban-rural and of even being The has Bangkok Message’ more transportation is that marked as millions a is nearly permanent are planned the dozen total all This permitted it as come of social 100 is educated is from watching households mega-urban likely the not by edge spending everyone per city other is many FEER, of from dichotomy. and “city” trivial. moving by Bangkok easily feature cent people to with economy vast Asian Nissan by spatial the linkages villages Bangkok. come 25, ownership I is, a on the transferred visited same s new It regions in magnetic villages living life countries. February. in advertisements is to nearly TV, by geography and Space-time and my many areas an Australian reside and to had a Mazda.8 but important in vendor’s plant of estates of everyone’s not on central modem the of televisions instances, the almost Asia. are in buses even land TV seeds urban of the have produced convergence attaining city. In on, the The truck modes in purveyor to outer anywhere be to access that life. the periphery.7 East among be (even automobile local, the automobile to same developed, city drama will their of Asia to if outer communication of is no but satellite throughout germinate vein, ideas as contributing standardized (including one participate city has not for was the allowing and TV. only village directed example, cultural watching) into motivations Factory the Bangkolciaus, ASEAN) and in to are culture.6 chronic region. urban the a and has housing at 262 all Cultural only between vibrancy city would non-agricultural urbanization. use economy 1 A development, a 10.3 changes commenting and SPATIAL 11. 10. is, ‘geology’ repetitive Warde, Massey of shopping moreover, department a Ideology have few space, and Bangkok in that in STRUCTURES, did A. local (1984), a metaphor, any theme economic on most and feast malls, by (1985) not and explains Massey employment stores, regional and depositing labour-capital and mention op.cit. observing seem in Extended and ‘Spatial international this their convergence she a that to s television case wider Derek project (1984) argues appreciate. an tambon. layers Change, for recent opportunities Urban study appreciation selection Gregory conflict capital, work, has that markets, of were may changes it The Politics, Development: been industrial is over In and refers space in mentioned essential be presence of dozens the the are for the time, homogenizing restaurants, J. and in Urry is to importance EBMR. also the restructuring the sediment the a of capital’s rounds to of resource.’1 opportunities EBMR, (eds), contributing by open Division examine universities most Massey banks, of London: ended throughout restructuring of the but capital of respondents process the specific region, Labour, for contends and informal available to political and Macmillan, accumulation local a naturally builds region the other forms and in as residents landscape.1° that when interviews space SOCIAL for a critics post-secondary the wide of “search pg.196. in a increased asked capitalism diverse landscape. economy order can of convergence, it RELATIONS global certainly throughout for contribute to to As and consumerism. speak spatial interpret with in capital Warde, institutions, standardization extensive that provides of respect advantage” an AND to the area. the adapts the uneven ubiquitous EBMR, affinity array space to Outer Using a 7- to 263 the of singular It Although examining process The causes periphery, efficiency External time congestion diseconomies values centrality, More process with were mentioned discussion, of and 12. is location; It development. accumulation explained collapse. a typically is recent a rise, rising decreases important of fixation reduction diseconomies one that in the we away production such have their the rounds terms reliance could of are there most in concentrated as geographic begun on centrality, from to terms numbers referring unit of in high of have distinguish predominant capital criticize of capital locational flexible on the allowed transport of capital to of value recently increasingly scale ports exceed a specifically decrease. as yet theory separation leads in Massey a between services technology accumulation the for maintains have determination and dependence costs, been development the to metropolitan locational of markets. an contributed for benefits efforts to capital’s sophisticated deskilhing again (international of the efficiency her skilled the and latter to on have exclusion widening flexibility benefits Furthermore, of promote for standardization in restructuring industrial of markets.’2 as industrial to and Bangkok’s also space, labour of a industrial and consequence banking) production unskilled of high led the of and automated vs. proximity. her centralization. political to spatial centralization. technology the deskilling This declining and outer thesis a decentralization has are degeneration labour wider forces of ifight led margin. permitted few, practices, city, machinery provides automation The to of industries spatial dependence within away and and another the the Standardization number The In production dispersion it standardization, of industries an and from margin the the appears, within and as outer in specific applicable unprecedented Bangkok of well. same local Thailand, equipment. on the activities production. city is process. skilled metropolitan of culture, to corporation.13 as The enhanced skills, avoids of productive locate congestion region, backdrop with costs the which labour that In concomitant The spatial and production local It the in the by of should require production the deskilling in her core. current urban pools the research for activity. and turn factor With also space land 264 that be a 265 non-metropolitan labour force, wage levels are kept at a lower rate. Repeated waves of decentralization 14 however, eventually leads to a convergence in wage rates between city and outer city. A debate concerning the rise and development of the outer city industrial landscape begs the following question: is the decentralization of production due to the preceding migration of population to the outer city, or is it due to the flight of capital away from the metropolitan area because of diseconomies of scale, and migration subsequently follows? 15Greenwood commenting on locational decentralization has argued in support of the former, however in the EBMR, based on early capitalist activities beginning with canal excavation and economic functions by the privy purse and Chinese merchants, it appears that capital investment by the privy purse was the leading determinant for outer city development, and population followed. However, it is fair to reason that an increasing outer city population encourages new rounds of industrial 16decentralization. At this time the discussion will shift to examine the larger role of the urban region within the context of a production orientated global economy. It would not be unreasonable to suggest that the outer city has been constructed and promoted to produce and accumulate wealth. The attributes of EBMR development that have been reviewed in the preceding chapters point to a region that is acting as a vast engine for operating corporate interests. Planning and development should improve the quality of life for local residents and migrants. Instead, accumulation is nurturing the bank accounts of TNCs, bureaucratic capitalists, and industrial clan lineages. Bookchin writing in his new book, “Urbanization Without Cities” presents an 13. This is very common. Typically, the office is in Bangkok or Singapore and the factory is Pathum Thani. Minebea (see Chapter 6) is a fittingexample. 14. Daily minimum wage in Bangkok (1992) is Bahtl2S while in Chonburi it is Bahtl 10, Board of Investment (1993) Key Investment Indicators. In Thailand the trend of industry shiftingto areas outside the EBMR, such as the Chiang Mai area and the Southern Seaboard is in many ways a manifestation of the same process as the shiftto the Bangkok periphery. 15. Greenwood, M.J. (1980) “Metropolitan Growth and the Intrametropolitan Location of Employment, Housing and Labour Force”, REVIEW OF ECONOMICS AND STATISTICS, vol.42, pg.491-501. 16. For more on industrial decentralization see Scott, A.). (1982) “Production System Dynamics and Metropolitan Development, AAAG, vol.72, pg.185-200. 266 interesting thesis lamenting the imperialistic expansion of cities, and the ruination of the countryside. He argues, “Cities today are typically measured more by their success as business enterprises than cultural 17foci.” The point is not original, but in many ways profoundly captures a salient condition occurring in the outer city, a condition no one deals with in their writing (save Sulak, Bell and Komin to some degree). Because the outer city landscape is developing and changing so rapidly, there has not been an opportunity for academics, local administrators or planners to step back and reflect on the type of social and economic landscape that is emerging, and what are the theoretical implications in terms of livability and sustainability. This will be done in the following section. In Chapter 2, we examined two explanatory frameworks that contributed to the theoretical fabric of RBU; McGee’s desakota, and Gottmann’s megalopolis. The two act as frameworks explaining the type of urbanization arising in the EBMR, and provided the rationale to articulate urban-rural fusion. But, as we see from the preceding discussion on ideology and urban expansion, the one critical exclusion of both models (desakota and megalopolis) was an attempt to explain their particular forms of settlement in terms of the capitalist space economy. It would be inconceivable to fully explain the settlement formations in Bangkok’s outer city without analyzing the various rounds of decentralization of capital investment. The amalgamation of McGee’s desakota (in particular) and an understanding of the nature of the EBMR’s specific brand of capitalism, (including the historical evolution of outer city capital formation) helps to resolve some of the challenges surrounding an adequate explanation of the type of settlement looming in the outer city. 10.4 The Urban Region: An Awakening for Urban and Settlement Geographies: Urban Geography, or more appropriately, cities, as we have traditionally read and studied, are undergoing momentous restructuring in terms of size, morphology and population. The term city, is itself becoming antiquated, as it does not justly and adequately give credence to the extent and complexity of urbanization. 17. Bookchin,Murray (1992)URBANIZATIONWITHOUTCITIES:THE RISEAND DECLINE OF CITIZENSHIP, NY, BlackRose Books, pg.8. Bookchin urbanization Although urbanization population involved Recall city-paced citified them chapter).20 (see the 20. romantic in Bangkok: Bangkok 19. 18. the city Ibid, Boolcchin Ibid. Chapter into past. that used lifestyle, pg.xv. view, with in Thailand’s Bookchin for the in Cities in that agriculture to in he argues 3). a Setchell example, standardized Thailand there be synthetic the will describes. In today engaged a human past.18 this that is next never live s some have (1991) has - nearly urbanization light, Boom” in environment. purchase place, in uses immense century today In specificity, from Populations and He truth dismissed been the city-type reality, Blade-Runner-like the one writes: region the faceless A with small to engulfed have Report urban rather ago it. in term has in pleasant cities Contrast three the larger nation-states. and employment, is size and who not urban region urban to predicted by than word uniqueness. only the are that are people urbanization reside populations neighborhoods, Sternstein’s produce macrocosm Thailand region, being Bangkok; in threatens city, usurped they my reside to in are are and supplanted increase the it their Many Development the and respects increasingly Setchell, losing is (1982), than refers to in urban (reread countryside, a and its replace the food), fitting urban many into homogenized their to an EBMR. region, op.cit, hardly by Charles it the altruistic the culturally a areas Research idiom agglomerations countries as contours, removed rural Minburi next comments but a different but Moreover, (1991) “social so also to community lifestyle, anonymity. century not Institute. describe urbane, had from the case in The euphemism” of city a the pre- the nature if study Emerging to mentality. and too! city current Although the absorb proportion and in form are His are (largely early the for justification increasingly trends Crisis part and this This of previous industrial a of of engulf is form not in he continue an national a says overly of is 267 that is It industry, are, Thailand the Instead, ESB). and embraced In priorities. outer However, the landscape extravagant conceptions dozen One region.22 the more 21. 22. the a major should the ‘Fluidity’ region proliferation role operative Up extension, at final isolated regions, highly In changwats, least until roadway. of it be will this housing comment urban is can The The integrating is the the for noted golf is of word. lacking a areas commercialized light increase in be an process Thai and point Bangkok urban 1980s, of the planning terms courses, On expected. international and informal that of but when next should is government the many the is geography. new and appropriate receding of in considering of the that major 25 outer outer we a volume, ‘filling as fortress modes population restructuring EBMR well not of years, time-space Firstly, use a the highways EBMR and mechanism be city airport, developed agriculture. verbs (state) of in’ institutions associated The polarized housing and the will at is the public areas in have or this saturated maximum EBMR target such expansive not leading the convergence improved should a urban network point. densification transportation been outside for region estates necessarily as Secondly, mega-urban with the that obtaining with into and made ‘engulf’ not with The outer extent located of dimensions roads, what provide the and Bangkok outer be over secondary possible restricted has size BMR underestimated. extensive ring expand migration (see of has and of along international made 40,000 and city theatres, of the a the traditionally traffic Chapter provinces will current ‘absorb modicum by has society it region’s trunk the urban hobby in ‘size’ the is square be industrial built transport from size. congestion a governments construction roads 3). ‘more urban remarkably region. a it seem farms, capital of of a superfluous That landscape.2’ It the is kilometres new been the connecting has self not corridors. heavily regions Northeast, to parks. is is, EBMR However, over-priced deep created and identity be in recognized severe of the and terms fluid on new investment. The urbanized’ sea shatter variable is 13 all the However, private (Ayutthaya, and industrial made secondary and to North, port changwats villages of development bottom two the ‘fluidity’ theme spatial as ubiquitous most complex. up in developers processes urban citizens. and recent in In and urban of estates shelf previous roadways, parks, expansion terms this would Saraburi, more included South population sprawl. access of of respect urban within in of the than have not of the and 268 to be to a geography. use Moreover, seemingly effectively, built geography. of physical, can journal The conclusions 10.5 concluding explanatory the For Impressionist 23. pg.314-328. following. (1983), space underbelly zonation The not an rapidity up Seven interesting entries. “Geography be artist landscape and tangible, They most read commercial And The section that Questions on text, place, art theories, of or realities encourage the novelist off change (see isolated regional new with article and is and as major the and several Chapter concrete, regional of an the where bid for landscape, material on inroads has characterising permits economic areas Art’ quantification emphasis him causes the rent Consideration: an research 1). feasible TRANSACTIONS, to literary ability geography of curves, we In have continue a landscape of the transformation. more Thailand, such must of the questions to EBMR. deepened contributions I dimensional the capture will and phenomena. as applicable has move his calls Bangkok symbols, are other Suchat provide writing, become Investment the beyond are important for and INSTITUTE His geometries subjective to Sawadsri, raised. a cognizance pushed size urban which interpreting some move a radical social This much the diminished for has Each will modicum is region observable towards capital literary qualities and a a less OF defining of opened literary combination be of the question sectors labour BRITISH important makes urban the and activism intangible the of sense of journalist up subject and the landscape. subsequent a relations, are classical geography. it space response. will GEOGRAPHERS, of nature of attempt almost is also consideration short landscape, place’ well of be has throughout rendered future accompanied urban This of received and stories, been impossible to infrastructure Further the or Although elucidate is power. ideological juxtaposing research. see: location EBMR. what poems, ineffective. in by the Meinig, New research the is a to The with region the small refreshing features models, urban and Series, reach In to fiction physical less symbolism D.W. the even alternative published by so neat vol.8, that myself with land about the 269 and 270 and other students of urban geography will hopefully in the future yield plausible answers to these questions. To reiterate a remark by Knox, concerning studies and research on outer city urban geography; “The cupboard is bare” (see footnote 10 of Chapter 2) It has been my intention to begin filling this ‘spacious’ cupboard. (1) The way one chooses to define ‘urban’ will shape all nolicv and planning decisions. In light of the discussion dealt with in this project, the ciuestion is simply. what is an urban area? Determinants traditionally used are archaic for the EBMR and mega-urban regions in general. Particularly weak are the ubiquitous political definitions which do not encompass these areas. Orthodox criteria such as accessibility of amenities, demographic densities, economic activity, GDP and GDP per capita, and land use, are increasingly deficient criteria, unable to deal with the scope and nature of large urban regions. Several less tangible determinants should be considered; land prices (see Chapter 6), transportation time via public and private means, land use transition rates, and the extent and depth of transnational corporatism. Current urban determinants and statistics that governments collect and publish do not account for mega-urban regions. In Bangkok however there is a sensitivity for the outer city as government statistic keepers have shown an interest in the extended urban periphery for the management of the surrounding natural resources and to analyze and define areas for expansion. (2) In light of rapidly advancing industrial and residential development are these urban regions transitional in terms of desakota status, and will they eventually become a huge built urban area? Although there is no definitive answer to this question, and acknowledging that each urban region is inherently different from others, the short answer is that it is very difficult to predict. There are at least four factors that may influence the future. 271 First, the large size of the region makes it highly unlikely that it will become built up. It may assumea pattern of poly-centred towns with other land use occuring between. In order for the EBMR to densify into a completely suburbanized region or city, population would certainly have to increase, perhaps by three or four fold. This is highly unfeasible, particularly in light of present efforts to develop the peripheral regions of the Kingdom (Isan, Southern Seaboard, and Chiang Mai vicinity). The EBMR and other urban regions are more then just a collection of urban forms. There are currently, and there will remain undeveloped green spaces; whereas some are parks and speculative landholdings, many are farmland. Second, with respect to agriculture it appears that agriculture will persist for many decades if not longer. Although paddy production in the region is decreasing, a restructuring of cropping patterns, to new and high profit produce such as prawns, turf, and vegetables ensures agriculture will persist. Also, the role of agribusiness will continue to increase. Recall that Gottmann points out that as late as 1961, 28.1 per cent of total Megalopolis land in the U.S. was comprised of farmland. In the EBMR, built up areas comprise as little as 25 per cent of the total. In order for the EBMR to densify into a completely suburbanized region or city, population would certainly have to increase, perhaps by three or four fold. This is highly unfeasible, particularly in light of present efforts to develop the peripheral regions of the Kingdom (Isan, Southern Seaboard, and Chiang Mai vicinity). The EBMR and other urban regions are more then just a collection of urban forms. There are currently, and there will remain undeveloped green spaces; whereas some are parks and speculative landholdings, many are farmland. Third, the land market has just come down from an extremely inflated curve, and even with land values cooling off, and speculation partially subsiding, land for investment will probably comprise outer city space for a long time. In more developed outer city markets, such as the Los Angeles Basin, and the Northeastern American seaboard, land speculation has persisted, tying up large proportions of the overall land reserve. 24. Gottmann (1961), op.cit. 272 Finally, concerning industrial growth and investment in the outer city, it seems growth is reaching saturation, and without further investment in infrastructure, industrial investment will almost certainly slow down. Moreover, there is evidence pointing to offshore investment shifting to China, Vietnam, Bangladesh, and several other low wage production centers. (3) What should the role of local and state government be in develoymnnthe outer city landscane in terms of infrastructure? I have described the sprawl and extension of Bangkok, at the surface at least, as the work of private enterprise, particularly TNCs and indigenous family based investors aided by the state. At times we must be reminded that all urban growth and annexation of farmland costs great sums of public money; water and sewage pipes, roads, schools, health care, transit systems, etc... If developers continue pushing the city further outward at a rate and pace that the state can not contend with, the infrastructure will become constrained by excessive development. For the most part this has been the case. Action by governments will be imperative for the sustainability and livability of these regions. If these regions are as important and as viable in economic growth as has been suggested, then decisions will have to made by governments against fostering small town development and rural industrialization in peripheral regions of their nations. Perhaps the most critical decision governments will have to make, concerns the improvement of transportation access in these zones. We have established that these are areas of intense interaction, and although time-space collapse has been instrumental in these regions’ emergence, as population increases, there will be further need to enhance transportation fluidity. Fast arterial highways, such as the Taipei Kaoshiung corridor in Taiwan, are essential in other urban regions. High speed rail lines should also be considered. In the EBMR, the government has a unique opportunity to take advantage of pre-existing river and canal routes as well. 273 Finally, the state must accelerate the delivery of urban-like social services, such as education and health care, to areas outside existing municipal boundaries. This needs to be a cornerstone of any strategy to promote livability in the extended urban regions. (4) If there is a desire to live harmoniously with nature. concurrent to realizing and achieving the goals and objectives of the new “economic plans”, then rigorous compromises are needed, where growth and wealth are measured with new and rational yardsticks. Success in reversinn past environmental denredatious and preserving sustainable resources must be a competing measure with output. What are some of the strategies required to deal with the environment, that will not curtail continuing economic growth? Sprawling development in the EBMR, and other urban regions has resulted in a mixed land use, with a host of different and competing activities located interspersedly. For example, one small parcel of land may contain, residential development, a petrol filling station, vegetable gardening, a health clinic, a fish farm, and a leather tannery operation. This haphazard land use pattern, with various forms of contamination and pollution emitted from the diverse activities is an obvious environmental disaster. In the EBMR, tambons 60 or 70 kilometres from Bangkok are forced to endure lead pollution, hazardous waste disposal decisions, and a toxic water 25supply. Moreover, the costs of environmental degradation are rarely distributed to the responsible parties. These are the grim costs of extended urban development. It is beyond the scope of this section to deal sufficiently with environmental recommendations for urban regions or even the EBMR. There are several academics who have dealt effectively with this problem though.U At this time I will briefly introduce what appears to be the most encouraging solution in an attempt to begin dealing with the issues. 25. Appendix II (September 10, 1991). 26. Douglass, Mike (1992) “The Political Economy of Urban Poverty and Environmental Management in Asia: Access, Empowerment and Community Based Alternatives, ENVIRONMENT AND URBANIZATION, vol.4, no.2, pg.9-32. Hyman, Eric (1990) “An Assessment of World Bank and AID Activities and Procedures Affecting Urban Environmental Quality’, PROJECT APPRAISAL, vol.5, no.4, pg. 198-212. The Ecological value. of to economic petitions, international saving costs environmental After Webster, establishing were administration, facilitate (5) Systems presented 27. in included Note: Centre sustainability. boost leather the The Proponents current incited into many the Extended Lack measures, in implications in profits. because Doug, author understanding Honolulu at tannery may theory.27 their Developing economics International political-economic interviews of the by agencies, of be conservation degradation. Bangkok (1992) calculation originally how two connection. it Contrary this and more would factories and It different new do for Countries, by (eco-economics) the is Generating throughout including prepared Workshop Metropolitan and we have administration a intended decreasing school United to new of in maximize Eco-economics is commitment Also economic made but national Bang a system thinking met Cardiff, Nations form to the to Political connected on more the the Plee, embrace for include Region”, pollution Planning World of infrastructure dissertation output EBMR, has logic, the represents Wales, dialogue of co-sponsored which economic Samut to Support first mega-urban imbedded an Bank through eco-economic concerns; this WESTERN for and the analysis load. Julyl3-17. time it argues Prakarn, Sustainable between form too was tanneries for and Physical a waste. in juxtaposition Politicians and broad long. Improvements an in apparent of 1990, OECD of that more development international its the GEOGRAPHER, growth environmental for polluters See thinking. may structure, Quality based domestic environmental at Urban money instance, are the Greenberg, that who be without World making education between Development- to bringing of and district conference for relate product can Urban a Life have “right development Bank. victims’, logic. be conflicts forthcoming. C. problems efforts better environmental (PQL). Environments level can intricate (1994) upon the increases to In on Already, Cities be right February pollute” officials to to the themselves in at of “Environmental an incorporate fiscal economic planning? the the and projects, and to effective by EBMR, do local in a complex. clause. Natural 1992, ledgers and awareness conducting number ASEAN”, almost a village measurement level and The vehicle diminishing environmental but Resource The then Sustainability of anything As East this will and paper headmen dozens energy green for for was West 274 of not Administrators planning part of that A possess Metropolitan extent Extended integration urbanization. the chairman. The coordination, duplication, the 28. responsible relationships STUMBLING responsibility. 29. no.34. novel smaller membership position NESDB Overlapping reflects of proliferation of the institutional administrative organization Bangkok’s BMR independently The recommended for of (1991), an as to their Region See BLOCKS particularly the transportation opposed understanding coordinate recognition can and Development composition Samudhavanija of BMR mandate op.cit, no duplication responsibility different urban (EBMR). in longer to AND body and the planned horizontal; Seventh development between and growth. as of management surrounding country, BREAKTHROUGHS, has should abide of of agencies extended Committee of orchestrate The Chai-anan planning the 1993 been Plan. zones. for Bangkok One by resources NESDB process, be in was created urban strategies and the urban in at of a They provinces initiatives (EBMRDC).28 (1990) the the recently the unclear.29 ‘patchwork their organizations and management goes are by Bangkok policy development highest in will way key “Administrative exhausted Thailand. for the (ed.) even is released have into common the adjacent institutional and of policy Region, approach’, Suchart further, an responsive Seventh to implementation involved The in with area adopt In is National the level, in provinces. a a with Prasith-rathsint, recommendation little the Reform” responsive promising by they extended Five a and which no in EBMR. calling with finer decentralized benefit. have Urban the single implementation Year THAILAND the integrated views Although process of metropolitan labelled, Separate light, for acknowledgment For agency Plan Development Prime the Bangkok, the example the is various the (1992-1996), of implementing establishment that possessing Minister the agencies larger system the EBMR ON NESDB, recommendations the EBMRDC TURA-CIDA, Extended 14 region. agencies THE region different Policy EBMRDC of have planning acting of coordinative MOVE: government the stressed a Furthermore, agencies. of vertical as new and Framework, Bangkok premier will agencies as an a vol.10, lack group reduce should form be the is 275 in the are of proportion This outer (6) proliferating wealth marginalized number conditions has behind the Since transnational more rural exploitive In millions eradicating and pg 30. Regional . light The 24 exhaustive Clapp, focused rural, project city. areas, 1-246 political the and a most of of Income of rising end J.M. relationship, mostly What which in the of dire people, inequality concurrent on has slums. grievous with capital which the of emergence and literature urban-rural median and poverty. Differentials established World can population in construction less economic Richardson, an itself Urban some and be and and political alternative to income War done and however, new One should of an workers poverty intractable regions linkages that in in II, during large advantageous leverage to particular flexible Developing fact, H.W. and level and relieve one the not focus urban highlights live within have factory economic in times outer of in of (1984) be ciuestion micro to most terms the may conditions the example totally to experienced regions, the Countries’ city of the main the situation workers, larger ‘Technological be countries electronic core relative of the large power landscape traditional of dropped improving imminent tenets parasitic is urban tens the society. of housing: urban INTERNATIONAL for and productivity an mounting than 7 inequalities of of modes is region.3° from the intensification is their l000s policy development the Change regions. ever. trickle-down flows in covered city. fortress-like absolute issue planning of families, poverty of It and of industry More in and and should square Considering of breaking with Information subsequent terms, growin2 prosperity poverty planning agendas, of recently REGIONAL development and numbering contrasting be luxury kilometers have class marginalization mentioned down but appear poverty Processing done polarization, that the limited in should at housing in differences all SCIENCE a in global the urban evidence little in from rate the to post and urban size, that be development be estates that Industries millions, to mobility the regions, in colonial inequality rising, the for as reverse with REVIEW, the regions? of leaves city. between income a a that lavish direction large large tens lending and are with Much of countries, the them abut of in of being urban vol.9 and the the 276 of of unprecedented political persistent and This squarely or (7) Throughout considering The In 31. though, 367. term some The benefit Ayal, following form to final power, on is way Eliezer or of represent to the an the the repeated planning auestjon each highlight levels is urban nation.3’ elasticity literature any (1992) a mega-urban diffuse extended outer over-urbanization region-based ubiquitous exurbaniztion extended desakota rurban galactic edge stealth suburban of list: outer attempt of region these in is would city “Thailand’s several city primacy, the more urbanization urbanization of on Yet, city urbanization metropolitan terms urban sprawl production EMRs, such problem. to urbanization the shift region ornamental urbanization direct urbanization if terms outer the are terms, could field the Development: equitable the socio-economic that development development city zone be there region pulse most then effectively a as legion development should described of theoretical, accurately The the initiatives of cannon Role nation, inequity, be applied terms an in of characterises and for this away Bangkok” effort have with to to the that largely project? the an from to been the countries has outer urban clarify PACIFIC greatest the a used characterized the matter city region urban-rural EBMR, and would denoting urban share AFFAIRS, of organize would semantics. be spatially, of region. cities the virtually problem economic ultimately vol.65, the process, in The nomenclature. economically, Is the unachievable. and no.3, there task and past, and impact lay at pg.353- a is it label hand 277 278 and politically. Throughout the preceding pages, four terms have been used, almost interchangeably; 1. mega-urban region, 2. region-based urbanization, 3. desakota, and 4. outer city. 1. Mega-urban region is an effective and well used term, but for this project it is not precise, as it includes Bangkok, which has not been included in the analysis, except in comparison with outer regions of the EBMR. This is not to suggest that Bangkok is not an instrumental component of the urban region, but the analysis, synthesis and focus of this project has been areas adjacent (and not necessarily including) Bangkok. 2. Region-based urbanization (see Chapter 2) may theoretically and spatially be the most accurately descriptive term, as it clearly denotes urbanization that is non city-based. It evokes a sense of an urban landscape covering a rural area. Essentially, that is what has been described. However, it lacks political and economic delineation, which we have concluded in this chapter, is an analytical foundation explaining the region’s emergence. 3. Desakota (see Chapter 2), as coined by McGee is also an effective 32term. Similarly to RBU, it does not capture what is the most dynamic quality of this form of urbanization; the political economy. Moreover, desakota has been applied to urban regions across Asia, from Tokyo to Kerala. EBMR requires terminology more specific to its space forming qualities. Desakota does not elucidate the myriad of capitalist activities occurring. It is a landscape of diversity, inconsistencies, and contradictions, and any descriptive term should capture these attributes. 4. Outer city is an effective term and describes the region’s ‘situation’ in terms of relative location to the city. It is however obviously city-biased. 32. McGee(1988),op.cit. At effective is Stealth specifically The hypothesis, Even such economic cracks. countryside. 33. LANDSCAPE, most 34. 35. as this Knox, Because Ibid. word appropriate as recent on urbanization: time They Rangsit, in a Paul vigor ‘stealth’ large-scale describing topographic I there I Knox refer are will (1993) Englewood or (perhaps Bang is certainly would introduce to even suggests no This the (say consistent Capital, the Chan, maps that two concur Cliffs, more is EBMR. Many areas. powerful near street or not 1:30,000) an an of a it electoral Klong case Material term part the is invisible interstate alternative so) density New maps. that of As a EBMR, studies location of to coined these, but a Luang, Jersey: they topographic the result, characterize maps, Culture to They politically potency junctions, this city, portray (Northern are having term, by of and Prentice are and development, they and ‘grey Knox city-like but King that and rice many stealth grown Socio-Spatial map fail rapidly invisible. are zones’, straddle (1993), Hall, Corridor based strength. fields Kong to economically of even residential citis’, up show pg.2. the and emerging or on falling on Island, several and remain unproductive region the and Differentiation the up In greenfleld economically used built many on analysis Minburi). communities.35 between are administrative unnamed there production and census to up largely ways describe areas spatially sites land. is of administrative charts Little Knox in outer this on appear unknown THE zones American evidence distinguishable project describes city Following RESTLESS to in ‘float production spatial the may and as edge in EBMR; the to the be legislative space’, URBAN entities. the region: cities.33 the from desakota zones, most even the 279 It the 280 Conclusion In Chapter 1, five goals and objectives were set. I believe all have been realized, and the union of the five forms an explanative and analytical framework for the full flower of region based urbanization. The following is a succinct response to the dissertations objectives (see Chapter 1). 1. A complex interplay of synergic preconditions, ranging from geological formations to political economy, have been described (mostly in Chapter 3) to explain why at this time, in this region, a pattern of extended urbanization has emerged around metro Bangkok. 2. This project, sensitive to the new regional geography, has (mostly in Chapters 5-8) characterised the mixing pot’ depicting the NEW landscape of the EBMR. I have attempted to not just describe the ‘observable’, but explain the cultural, economic, and political ground causes of its ‘formation’. For example, in Chapter 7, I have not only described the material environment of outer city golf courses, but ways of thinking about it, and ‘human purposes’ and implications of this consumption of space. 3. The third objective was to interpret the role of the market economy and capitalist investors in the space forming urban process. The main point here is that 150 years of capitalist development in the Bangkok region, has been represented by disparate forms of dominant capital, and by a diverse set of players. For example, we contrasted military bureaucratic capitalism with TNCs. Both have achieved high levels of accumulation, but with very distinct space forming attributes. Notwithstanding, a cornerstone of this dissertation is that the urban landscape of the outer city could not be described, explained, or characterised without a synthesis of the layers of capitalist ‘sediment. 4. closely generated Paris’ century dominant related proceeding The city-based 5. profound rationalize indication urban 1990 ‘region’ Uneven Finally, term census), periphery. analysis, to to outer (often characteristic critique Bangkok’s ‘stealth’ a capitalists of urbanization development the Chapter without “mass the city but urban the in non-concentrated, Merriinan impressionist of is marginalization” urban urbanization size 2 large searching becoming urban outer forms and and of is in geography. cities. earlier the the the city transition in population commenting dominant EBMR. the EBMR for one in is art The parts also EBMR. terms cheaper of (in dispersed, (which fact theories, the was an of Chapter of urban of on that this effective premier small A an land regional was outer new Pathum chapter important form. cityless and 1) near captured countries), exhilarated city exposed industrial spatial rural disparities, We rivers have Thani Paris manner theme urban have by term, imparted the and as the in production is urbanization, referred opposed phenomena of only of the dichotomy canals which work suggesting this this 1850s 4 theoretical development. of per dissertation. to this to to zones Seurat develop argues this the cent models, dissertation of radically the development as ‘city’, in urbanized process and models region-based that Southeast industry. but The Monet). 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April, SPATIAL ed. 293 Respous 1, Asian Leon pp. -- Yap, Yeung, Yoshihara, Yongyuth Zimmerman, L. Yue-Man (1975) World ment”, University Chalamwong Kunio Cane Bank “Internal NESDB, (1990) (1988) (1931) Press. Staff (1990) CHANGING Migration THE Bangkok: Working SIAM RISE “Review RURAL in National Paper OF Less CITIES of ERSATZ No. ECONOMIC Regional Developed Urban 215. OF CAPITALISM PACIFIC Development Economic Countries: SURVEY, ASIA, Performance: Policy IN A 1930-3 Hong Survey SOUTHEAST Framework. Kong; 1. of Implications the Chinese Literature,” ASIA, for University Singapore: Urban Washington, Develop Press. Oxford 294 DC: The informants clarify causes comprised a unobtrusively documents/artifacts is interaction Qualitative ended analyzed study research of Ideas “social construct 1985). positivist difficult experimental dissertation and facets ethnographic of social facts”. Segal in to phenomena, in values the to residing between methods theoretical an explore of a preconceptions (1979) gather and second base unfamiliar people procedures, adopted comprise systematically of in were myself material interview satisfactory such argues culture. the but which perspective; the primarily used. culture. as research. did outer the and that participant all values as are a not Hence, central Participant the a potentially desirable city. a and often collected.” route disregard test Observational a there subjects However, that phenomenological meaningful This core this may hidden to observation, are Research was research understanding project allowed of observation be create in subjective important (Bogdan a culture. and a since the substantive APPENDIX good bias, responses problems was unobservable milieu Plan technique me the open index and In applicability and cognizant to qualities, is and approach. topic their this observe of “characterised Taylor, ended attached commitment through Methods with of the I for regard, was ‘world’. a latter. by construct the or and research interviewing, the inherently I 1975). of a what to direct intended study. sensitive problems simple ‘world’ tests, the During Hence, to by Durkheim Spradley methodologies subjects’ questions. in empiricism. Personal a translation interview geo-economic, one to period as to this qualitative and arise yield the the culture period (1979, personal lives. (1964) subjects documents/artifacts of when dichotomy This descriptive or difficulties, intense I but compiled (Price-Williams, observation. It data made methodologies conducting 1980) described permitted it not saw also are social the of of data states it, facts adhered the relevance open and as from me that same and were 295 to to it perspective’ ethnocentrism thick desirable, destroy Presence increased circumstances, presenting Interviewing, The data. intended agriculture administered, A extended were Since formal systematic positivist layers analyzed Qualitative ethnographic data the (at of and understanding but the and research, mind of collection all the and redirected. infeasible, observing, perspective although and data, subjectivity, on as social industry, interconnections research detailed was a a cultural researcher, and regular consideration hence costs) paid phase sparingly, qualitative of hence and taping, has examination of relativism. human to relativism basis the to was this other eliciting distortions protect I subjectivity holistic had photographing, and through project over, was to behavior. research demographic government, influence interdependencies must All the unrepresentative given of emerging perspective required in the relevant cultures dignity, be must its are to field adopted methods, on my cyclical data etc.. be theories the informants, district, census work must privacy personal was curtailed. collection were are for data practiced. of rather be period. and materials, were often society meaningful and and examined accessed. by influence requires particularly The than industrial respect identified the intrusions of By become By a worst presence linear analyzing land vast Survey-questionnaires on sensitivity viewing and evaluation. of their use pitfalls selection officials. and the processes, of evident. the those of maps, privacy informants. research own and sway culture the whom and of evaluating In of terms. researcher. These ethnocentrism statistical and field caution order and numerical from directions were effect space. Moreover, observations notes Full to a were in ‘stakeholders. data yearbooks ‘wide- cut it objectivity In delivery. and inventories. Ethically, had were also some through before will data on when often the for 296 the is the I Rapid mounds The typically informal RRA tedious RRA, Institute array RRA the its symposiums RRA Technical “quick effective top-down suitability urban principal came was of methods 1987; Rural and questionnaire-survey. of research of manner. associated and region, selected questionnaire-survey Knowledge irrelevant clean” about Development at Chambers, cost for Appraisal: method also Khon rapidly tools. in Its seas predetermine not sightings RRA and efficient methods as emphasize with the relevance and the Khaen like guiding the (ITK). where is This early 1981; evaluating transforming fundamental Studies, unusable tenuous a construction then of (pg.96). learning University flexibility Informal 1980s The direction description the the Honadle, is what instruments. the enhanced learning value Sussex. quality traditional data conditions often-impractical as process will learning regions. an consultation seemed works, in has and of 1982; and of evaluative Northeastern Subsequent be process indigenous been by steering current which hegemony judgment done, process of the IDS, appropriate with It supplanted rural endorses of view philosophically with but land engineering rural 1979; sophisticated will the progress knowledge, for areas Thailand. (Chambers, of that rather local research use research change the the statistics, McCracken considering by in rural and research residents use has an a like post-quantitative blueprints economic was (Lovelace iterative, with of development or technique approaches been denounces voyages 1981). and a what Rapid variety supporting et the in new made the al, many Chambers swift data. which cost-effective, et time Rural into soundings endorsed 1988). the refining usually of al, projects instances pace Chambers applications required traditional uncharted movement this 1988; precisely Appraisal refers of imbedded and dissertation RRA and are transformation Proceedings is qualitative, used to writes: to far at laborious centred generate (RRA). with as a more by in series Indigenous because a the tedious diverse around on It and and of in is 297 of The techniques A. and information. example, 2. field possible. gathering within 1. anthropologist, methodology work. 3. 4. are for approached Triangulation: Interdisciplinary: Cyclical: Innovative/Flexible: Key used three substantiate following checks, As the Guidelines: for days Referring for and I parameters used travelled his particular RRA Accuracy sketch the affected evaluating pair to historian, wife, in the field meet adheres the A of to data; maps, throughout foundation who The indices work of information the the a and situations well Rarely my information. historical research physical Bang complexity agreed to group completeness on a are known research, the cyclical Chan does of the depending summaries interviews, to gathering plan. Bang scientist, RRA sources, EBMR, a army RRA case of discussion, The I rather Chan Newly went the is are study general interdisciplinary evaluation the on of topographic and EBMR process: maximized the multidisciplinary then to case use the specific generated majority again, by great which who key linear of study several as several adhere lengths a guidelines I conditions. resides by region became maps, was philosophy, (Chapter of information evaluating urban approach my to accompanied different to discussions, in informal required a informants bring a standardized the adhered geographers four 8)1 For eastern is where phenomena helped sources used “guests” hour example, an a and to broad important on and were a the meeting. district with structured to variety several set from and direct to ‘learning set interdependent serendipitous after of RRA, in my means the other of methods. diverse aspect of field observation. She field trying Nong agenda interviews, sources and as of regions was visits sites of you gathering ways. the without Chok, Techniques RRA, a encounters. for approach to as very go’ by in later collect As often repeated an I Asia. and success an 298 as for communicative a Informants in conversation 5. information. or published becomes 6. and ally focus landscape. exchange 7. among me my foster should key sight informal: Qualitative landscape interactive: was question, worker to factor. on fluid RRA. be the of significant material obtainable. amongst statistical reciprocation an Qualitative investigators are exchange marginalization. Both with at In For informant. but never Description: informant the RRA contrast from and the qualitative urban the back in information The made is industrial with quantifiable terms (interdisciplinary) research their interactive between of is and to Tea, new (and important the to a the of To reactions rural bus, information. feel regional Coke, informant. strategic information rigidity for case accompany only, researcher in strained studies elements in instance, studies a beer, to nature to tea I geography of develop stakeholder). would my research have most shop, Some By or and gathering. the and of (see at comments provided pressed shifting the cigarettes two obtain applied other quantitative or of informant. ideas Chapter (see team landscape, along the levels. approaches, for RRA an and me the most Chapter the or members. incomplete were a responses. 6), methodological with questions. theories First, country approach. In is data, incisive if a flexible the often I meaningful more 1) were there an RRA field supports Regular to path consumed I information understanding effort comprehensive Often, guide rarely at to is I is were another would rely an unceremonious cannon discussion is information this further effort an had made on common during informant’s supposition, encourage government a level; came away to clipboard to of research. understanding foster (and evaluate the discussions. not venues it’s on from and outer and from labour diversification ‘brainstorming’) cooperation question and or and Second, an relaxed. to attempt a tape city a excessive phenomena is obtain corporate relations response Informal a of industrial recorder back natural there place to and 299 is to to B. photographs, annual of process 2. recorded in 1. geography predetermined point technique information 3. 4. government was different confronting 5. Direct Secondary this the Core Semi-Structured Formal Cross-Checking: used where data technique. reports, or Techniques: in techniques Observation: sparingly. in object collection. see Interview: several flow the officials the my travel Data: Daugherty questions theses, term same research are when Areal ways: books, and Interview: Secondary worthy Following or ‘interview’ object All In maps, there relationships Any factory are sources kit. special (1974). notes, secondary newspaper used. from of direct are research The observation, information, managers the This on is several circumstances misrepresents different semi-structured The a observation concept tape, information fundamental are is papers, and interview the investigators, particularly sketches, requested magazine angles cornerstone of as both survey triangulation, are the the of can (or published technique. maximizes interview field purpose irregularities diagrams. formal a articles, discussion) be important results, questionnaire-survey and objects of found RRA, interview more and and is RRA cross-checking academic accuracy project For in a or observations. process. flexible unpublished, becomes and than and the a phenomena is useful is inconsistencies. bibliography. an documents, subsequently one and used. research iterative process, It balanced informant. discussion is completeness. prior observations On the Frequency on was reports. several to learning most the government where an the and Some a landscape Impressions meeting. on important most dynamic interactive, only occasions of field examples and process, exposure effective one publications, observation situations This are in component or can terms and included to are: technique two to be the a with of 300 in 301 Two final comments are apposite at this point. First, no methodology can claim to be value-free. All information gathered in the research process is ultimately jointly ‘created’ in the relationship between the investigator and the informant. What results from this procedure are one or more subjective constructions. However, through cross-checking and triangulation, RRA reduces, but certainly not eliminates, the more arbitrary components of the construction. Second, if information is power, then information withheld (by an informant) gives the informant important levels of power within the relationship. It is not the evaluator, but the informant who controls the exchange of ‘power’. RRA, however, rarely relies on a single source, and can act to erode the investigator’s disadvantageous position. In sum, rapidly transforming regions require the development of ‘fast’ systems of data collection. RRA is a research discovery procedure that is responsive to dynamic land use changes, and population growth. When information is needed hastily, and policy is often preempted by time, RRA may be an advantageous methodological platform. The (AlT), May sources. 1989: from Ayutthaya; February households February field. 1991: University. February February February February February informally March golfers, P0. March March March extensive with March to Rangsit, Met following - several several August: (in 7: 21: 1: 10-12: 15-20: condominium This with 3-28: 20: 1: 11: 19: 14: Travelled 17: Spent travel Pathum with Travelled interviewed in and Arrived farmers. research Day Travelled Day Travelled Discussions period various Northern Returned At is This Period Kiong day shopkeepers, through a AlT at was Thani), calendar through was in of at Rangsit, in agencies. informants. meeting residents, of Luang. spent Samut AlT; research by through workers, Corridor. Longtail to a the organization; with period I motorbike Samut of travelled ampoes; eastern at met Pathum factory Prakarn, field with Professor Hi-Tech several provided etc..). Boat with bus of Prakarn work districts various preliminary interviewed workers, drivers throughout through Thani; contacts through particularly devising ampoes Industrial Suwattana activities: the for Human of and Field conducted output three Klong APPENDIX canals from and BMA in research evaluation. the factory 25 Estate Pathuin Work students. the day Thadiniti, Settlements two to BMR informants Luang, of (Nong three write visit; several Pathum years manager. in plan, Diary Thani and II Based eastern Chok, Pathum a Resided previous. Head, dissertation studying collected informal Development (factory Thani, with at Minburi, ampoes Thani; the Planning at colleagues; and base guest data workers, interviews Asian proposal along met of maps, and from Division house Department, Muang, Institute with L.adkrabeng); Chao interviewed farmers, mostly and with that in farmers, faculty; Phra Bang of Phraya informal was people secondazy Technology aquaculturalists, Chulalongkorn Phadeng; granted Plee, two and met several River; at trips market. villagers. and funding to met visits Bang 302 the March Development April April April April April Minburi; farmers May government April April May April Pathum May chief May May Bang afternoon farmers farms May May workers. May May June May worker. interviewed Saraburi, Chonburi 9: 3-7: 20-21: 22: 27-June 23-24: 5-10: 15: 10-14: 19: 16: agricultural Chan 2-4: 5: 20: 8-10: 22-29: 1: 15-19: 11: in 26: Spent and Thani; and Moved Met Pathum Travelled Morning Met Met met Spent Travelled Travelled and interview and Field Interview Continued temple. Travelled factory officials. These fishers two Two Visited This Day with Board 3: with with with day Lopburi. Chachoengsao. visited the away work Travelled village maui. planner more were week officials in interview factory four three District through day along workers. to along with (NESDB). with Minburi; with throughout from in visiting and Bang spent days days interviewing was headmen. village factory District motorcycle for the Dr. Eastern manager by interviewed at Officers AlT Lam Poo spent with at were observing the Thailand route. bus Utis areas morning Bang headmen. into corridors Industrial Luk district. Minburi, Officer manager and Seaboard: in spent Kaothien, of from of rented Chan the a taxi Ka, train Nestle-Carnation group Development the with and in at three of Thanyaburi drivers Pathum of villages, village Bang of ‘outer Estate; and throughout rowhouse interviewing Muang, informants Chachoengsao, Samut of Director Mazda ampoes particularly factory Chan and ring” Thani, to interviewed afternoon Prakarn Pathum meet Research assembly housing and in village; of of the EBMR; at workers at eastern grass, Thanyaburi, Urban mostly Lam temples, with Bang upper in (Bangna Chonburi, Thani. at estate Bang Institute met plant factory Luk several rice, travelled district district, Planning Poo at on Central with Bang factories, Ka; Longtail Chan residents at and Industrial Trad Kiong workers Bang households (TDRI) and offices villagers; interviewed Plee near fish Plain through for village; Road). Rayong. Chan Luang, boats farms, National fanners Industrial Minburi. in changwats Estate; in and in Bang eastern Minburi Bangkok. met interviewed Industrial and along residents. markets, rice and in Plee, with visited and migrant Estate. Nong farmers Nong the changwats of town; Economic villagers: Samut Estate; canals; Ayutthaya, and three Monks Chok Sua construction and met Prakarn; in hobby met of and factory with Social at 303 with June June June June Thailand June Siam regular July July July work. July August ESCAP. August visited August interviewed August August August August workers. August permitted). and September September September September farmers; 5-7: 22: 8-20: 26: 22: 21: 25-July 11: 12-18: Society. temples, basis; 6-7: 9: 22-24: 25-September 1-4: 10-14: 15: 17-20: Interviewed Met Had Back Spent Development Travel Travelled Except 4-6: 8-11: 12-15: 19-23: Spent Library construction Library Based 4: with visited a they at day Four Three Two second Library Travelled factories, through AlT Travelled day for Paul Intensive were: Library at in work; days days by work. Gateway five MT. days meeting two Phra in 3: meeting Research Penner, motorbike work. Thamassat Ayutthaya region Library workers. respondents of in trips through and in note: work. Phradeng, travelled throughout meetings evaluation western Samut City with housing with to representative with Institute, throughout Work. Minburi throughout ‘peripheral’ Industrial students interviewing University, Prakarn Dr. around changwats dissertation with at Samut Chachoengsao estates; and Bang Uthit AlT, and Mr. survey and Northern the to Prakarn; Estate. Chan Nonthaburi; from (see met Pathum one meet Penner Office of field Chulalongkorn faculty. factory advisor, Nakorn of March to with the village with work Northern Corridor Pathum conducting met of (see Thani Division numerous workers the District Dr. 26). with Pathom, period visited regarding July National (Lat Thani, McGee. and Corridor University, (intoxicated) 26). of from numerous there Officers, hobby Lum informants. ampoe Transportation Samut this historical Environment Nava were Ka); (on farms block Sam Sakhon, National farmers, interviews bicycle); Nakorn District met seven and Kok; shifts of with time and libraries and housing Board, golfers, Statistics Industrial Officer. observed in visited farmers with Communications was Samut land UN-ESCAP, I factory used estates. and use. factories used Office, and Songkram; and Estate. factory for on villagers. workers library a (when 304 at and Chok. family September December September December December Pathum May May plants; May 1992: June May rowhouse 1993: Notes: Division, - a - was and - discourse generation recorded government - - Through Through Although As For local one field described 24-25: 7: 1-5: 1-8: 13-20: reasons members newspaper. visited Spent Thani, short in work. Library Library at residents. with 6-8: 9-14: 1-5: 24: 25-26: 1991 1991 field not the Met Spent MT. and mentioned day trip with Interviewed in Library Mega-urban and informants all field who I work I Made corporate with Appendix met gave Met work. work. He meeting to a days See Nakorn villagers week diary, the work was officials can frequently with various one THE work. were Northeast in my in be was with officials in household presentation but Pathom. the contacts Regions I, Minburi, at NATION candid, listed Bangkok; acting there trips from carried note Bang were contacts with (Isan), in who to wasn’t above, Bang at advisor. of Chan. ‘weaved’ unpremeditated, in the Professor visiting validate out Bang (1991), Southeast met each Kiong at often diary, Chan all informally AlT; a many with Chan notable at the requested many into and October Luang, MT Assembly, aside Ira travelled days hobby Asia important village verify the Robinson, and villages distinction and from and were conference dissertation. Pathum 20. farm a Thamassat data and unceremoniously. to questionnaire serendipitous. one two spent and Muang and occupants surrounding set: from Thani of excursions between relevant interviewing living at Thailand’s Nong University. Open the Pathum MT. regarding Human and prior in Chok, ‘field ‘meeting’ ended, the areas; to golfers. Exceptions Thani, largest Malaysia to outer farmers, experiences’ I Settlements Chachoengsao, commuting the informal, interviewed also and and interview. city; automobile published to factory ‘interviewing’. ampoe were day renew qualitative, practices Development were with Monk to workers, Sam Minburi, an day assembly my not article Kok. in visa, living of Nong All fourth 305 and in Thailand’s census, characteristics. subsequent following that The have writing five The in important 1990. Ministry changes censuses. The ‘agricultural terms all censuses dissertation most one obtained countries stage 1960, were of definitional of recent I four definitional first censuses. pertinent had Interior population’, of (1990, not was some censuses Hence, national to this (mostly four undertake severe manipulate conducted of had dissertation 1980, discrepancy definitions, The decennial discrepancy, the following (1919, population several in in 1965 as raw Chapter censuses 1970, scope, used for some data, Statistical censuses 1929, significant (December, the uniform the involves 1947). in and census which 4) of but at Tables first 1965 1937, Notes has the involved least in have Some time Act, and categories will the primarily was Act, some definitional 4.6 decennially, 1947) on 1993), all consistent APPENDIX term by under be undertaken migration subsequent and Thailand categories areas been the mentioned were ‘agricultural 4.7. some used to the National conducted there dissimilarities fit also from provisions In to Census data population of them in 1, ifi censuses obtain 1960, remain the the later. 2, 1909 decade has Statistics with and household’, responsibility 1990 by Data an also relevant The by gaps of the have 3 and agricultural the to from data the of the been 1947 National decade. Office, in four occupational Tables been Ministry United tapes data the the analyzed. which census, decennial of conducted National data whom on 4.4 had There household Statistics the Nations, population of in set. and not conducted Ministry. the turn During data have is censuses. Statistics 4.5. been Interior. however, in Office, determines recommended from overseen was 1970, published. the size The by the “one final Yet, Office and The and the 1980, next one previous all which are, the 306 I and 307 operated two or more rat, had crops and animal at value of 2,400 Balit or more, or had an income of 2,400 Baht or more from agricultural products” (Thailand Population and Housing Census; 1960, Pg.B). In 1970, this was replaced with the following condition for agricultural household: “if agriculture was the occupation of the head of the household, regardiless of whether his status was own account worker or employer” (Thailand Population and Housing Census; 1970 {pg.xvi}, 1980, 1990). The implications of this are that in 1960 landless tenants or peasants were not considered agricultural population (but were considered unskilled labour). This suggests that the decline of agricultural population between 1960 and 1970 may be more dramatic then indicated in the two tables. Two additional terms need to be defined in regard to the survey: 1. Economically Active Population: “All persons 11 years of age and over were employed on the census date, or who had worked on any day during the 7 days preceding the census date as well as experienced workers and new workers who were looking for work and those waiting for the farm season were counted as the economically active population.” (Thailand Population and Housing Census; 1980, pg.32). 2. Migration: “Migration was the movement across village or municipal area of persons who had changed their place of residence within the 5 years preceding the census date. Movement within village or municipal area was not migration (ibid). (6, — — — — — — — — — — — — — — — — — — — — — — - - 00 00 00 00 00 - - — —LI —1 —I -4 4 0000U00400 00 00 00 00 00 W — a 00 .. C — — —I — —I • a 00 —1 - F 00 .3 00 Ui - I w 0 Source: AMPOE CHACHOENGSAO BAN BAN BAN BAN BAN AMPOC BAN CHON BAN BAN BAN BAN KHAO BAN BAN NAXHON BAN BAN BAN AMPOE BAN BAN BAN AMPOE BAN KHLONGPHA-ONG BAN BAN BAN BAN AMPOC BAN BAN BANG BRIDGE BAN SAMUT BAN AMPOE BAN BAN TAUNG HUAN KHLONG KHLONG HIN NM SONG KHLONG KHLONG PHAYOM BA! Si BANG PHAI BOTALO BANG KHLONG KHLONG TA BANG ‘TON 10-LONG HUA KHLONG KHLONG 10-10K IQONG BANG P0-LONG (I) (ii) (iii) PONG Cl-IAN Japan PHALO BURl PRAKARN SI CHIA BANG NAKHON SAM BANG PAK OF HA! THUM KONG PATNOM CHtJAI( LAM KHLONG RACHA PRADU BO BAMAK SI KRABU Price 10-ION Road: Distance MAENAM CHAN RET SALUT PHRAN KHOT International HUA PRAWAT DAN SIP SONG TA OM BANG BANG LAMUNG KHWANG PHU KHUN CHOM CHMSI TAI YPJ in CHOK Number BANG LOCATiON CHAO KRATH1AN BON liliAN THA Baht in BURl PA kilometres CHIN CHNYANIXHIT per ROM SI Cooperation refers rai (1 to AGRiCULTURAL from rai the = number Agency centre APPENDIX 1600 ROAD DISTANCE (IN of square of (1990b) Bangkok 1048.) the SIDE 125 112 100 105 60 50 40 90 63 45 40 38 30 90 70 62 60 43 40 40 78 63 30 30 45 40 30 20 93 50 27 20 20 20 20 16 metres, 16 10 10 road 10 10 10 10 V AREA City. on 6.25 where ROAD rai ‘ land 304 304 304 304 340 340 309 340 338 304 340 338 35 34 35 34 36 35 34 35 34 35 = 3 3 3 3 3 2 4 4 3 2 3 4 I 1 3 1 4 1 1 1 data hectare). was PRICE collected. 2,800,000 2,000,000 1.200,000 3.200.000 1.200.000 2,800,000 1,000,000 1,200,000 (BAHT) 350,000 800.000 200.000 800,000 400.000 500000 2oo,000 800.000 480.000 800,000 500,000 125.000 150.000 750,000 500,000 120.000 400,000 150,000 100,000 800.000 300,000 160,000 500,000 45.000 30,000 30,000 70,000 30,000 30.000 50.000 30,000 45,000 40,000 60.000 60,000 309 Figure 5.1 a(appendix) Land rices Agricultural area - road side Land Price in Baht (000s) 3,500 3,000 2,500 2,000 1,500 1,000 500 0 0 10 20 30 40 50 60 70 80 90 100 110 120 130 140 Distance from BMA (kmsi 0 AGRICULTURAL AREA 311 OFF ROAD DISTANCE - LOCATION uN KMS.) ROAD PRICE (BAHT) BAN BANG 10 338 300.000 AMPOE BANG KHUN THIAN 10 4 60.000 BAN KHLONG BANG BON 10 35 800,0(X) SAMUTPRAKARN 10 3 400,000 BAN KLONG SALUT 10 34 200,000 AMPOC PAK RET 10 800,000 BAN TON CHUAK 16 340 400,000 BANG CHAN 18 304 320,000 AMPOE SAM PHRAN 20 338 65,000 BAN KHLONG OM YAI 20 4 240,000 BAN KHOK KRABU 20 35 50,000 BAN HUA LAMPHU 20 3 120,000 BANG KHLONG SUNG KRATHIAN 20 34 200,000 BAN KHLONG TA CHOM 27 340 800,000 AMPOE NAKI-IONCHAISI 30 4 20,000 BRIDGE OF MAENAM11-IACHIN 30 35 0Q,00O BAN TA CHIA 30 3 280,000 KHLONGPHA-ONG CHAO CHAIYANUCHIT 30 34 100,000 BAN PI-IAYOM 38 1 25,000 BAN Pt-lAdKHLONG BANG PA SI 40 340 60,000 NAKHON PA1NOM 40 4 17,000 BAN BANG SI KHOT 40 35 100,000 BAN KHLONGDAN 40 3 280,000 BAN KHLONGSONG 40 304 8,000 BANBANG SAMAK 43 34 35000 BANBOTALO 45 309 7,000 BAN KHLONGPRAWAT BURl ROM 45 20,000 BANBANG 80 50 35 40,000 BAN KHLONG 10-tWANG 50 304 8,000 BAN KHLONG HUA CHOK 60 3 720.000 BAN SI PHAI..O 60 3 6,000 BAN NAITHUM 62 340 8,000 CHACHOENGSAO 63 304 8,000 BANKHLONGSIP 63 1 20,000 CHON BURl 70 3 40,000 BANHIN KONG 78 1 8,500 AMPOE SI RACHA 90 3 150,000 BAN SAl HAl 90 304 25,000 KHAO PONG 93 1 80,000 BANTAIJNG CHAN 100 2 6,000 BAN SONG KHON TAd 105 2 8,000 AMPOC BANG LAMUNG 112 36 6,000 BAN HUAN PRADU 125 1 12,000 Figure 5. lb(appendix) Land Prices Agricultural area - off road Land Price in Baht (000s) 1,000 800 600 400 200 0 o io 20 30 40 50 60 70 80 90 100 110 120 130 140 Distance from BMA (kms.) w P Figures. lc(appendix) Land Prices Non-agricultural area - road side Land Price in Baht (000s) 12,000 10,000 8,000 6,000 4,000 2,000 0 0 10 20 30 40 50 60 70 80 90 100 110 120 130 140 Distance from BMA (kms.) P w AMPOE AMPOE AMPOE BAN BAMUTPUAKAN BANG BAN BAN BAN BAN BAN SON BAN NAKHON BAN CHON CHACHO(NGSAO BAN BAN AMPO BAN AMPOE BAN BAN KNIONG I-IUA KHLONG KHIONG PI-IAYOM TA I HIN K1-lt.ONG HUAN SAl Cl-lAN BURt BANG PAK 8AM CIlIA BANG SI HAl KONG PA11-IOM LAM RACHA SAMAI< PRAO(J RT P1-f FANG SAWT TA BANG K! KHWANG PHU PF1AWNT tJMUNG RAN (UN CHAM LOCAflO!I NUA lIlIAN KRA1NIUM BURl - ROM NON—AGRICULTURAL ROAD DISTANCB SiDE 112 125 20 20 10 10 30 27 20 30 10 10 4 40 16 45 60 50 63 58 90 90 78 70 AREA !PA2 304 338 340 004 304 304 34 34 34 32 38 3 4 3 3 4 3 3 1 I PEJPP±iW. 10.000,000 6.000.000 8.000,000 2,000.000 7.200,000 2,000,000 2,000,000 1.000,000 1,200.000 5,000,000 1,200,000 1.000,000 2,000,000 5Qfl)Q 800,000 450,000 550,000 300,000 200,000 350,000 200,000 150,000 100,000 10,000 314 AMPOE AMPOE SAMUTPUAKAN AMPOE BAN BAN BANG BAN BAN BAN NAKHON BAN CHACHOENGSAO BAN BAN BAN. BON AMPOE CHON BAN AMPOE BAN BAN BAN TA KHLONG KHIONG KHLONG HUA PHAVOM KHLONG BANG SI 1-IANTRA HIN SAl HUAN KI-ILONG Cl-IAN BURl PHALO BANG PAK CHIA SAM SI BANG HAl KONG PATHOM LAM RACI-IA SAMAK PRADU RET PHRAN FANG TA SALUT BANG KHWANG KHUN PHU PRAWNT LAMUNG Cl-lAM LOCATiON NUA TI-HAN KRATHIUM BURl ROM NON-AGRICULTURAL ‘ OFF DISTANCE (IN KM ROAD S.) 125 112 20 2() 45 38 27 10 30 20 10 40 10 58 43 10 60 50 70 78 63 18 90 90 AREA ROAD 338 304 340 304 304 304 34 34 32 34 36 4 3 3 3 4 3 3 3 1 1 1 PRICE 4,800,000 1.200,000 1.200,000 (BAFIT) 400,000 800,000 600,0(X) 600,000 400,000 320,000 320,000 200,000 400,000 240.000 60,000 100,000 100.000 30,000 50,000 50,000 20.000 40,000 10,000 2,000 0,000 315 Figure 5.1 d(appendix) Land Prices Non-agricultural area - off road Land Price in Baht (000s) 5,000 4,500 4,000 3,500 3,000 2,500 2,000 1,500 1,000 500 0 o io 20 30 40 50 60 70 80 90 100 110 120 130 140 Distance from BMA (kms.) w H 317 APPENDIX VI List of Acronyms ADB Asian Development Bank AlT Asian Institute of Technology ASEAN Association of Southeast Asian Nations BAAC Bangkok Agriculture and Agricultural Cooperatives BMA Bangkok Metropolitan Administration BMR Bangkok Metropolitan Region BOl Board of Investment CBD Central Business District CBU City Based Urbanization D1W Department of Industrial Works DLD Department of Land Development DTCP Department of Town and Country Planning EBMR Extended Bangkok Metroplitan Region EOI Export Orientated Industrialization ESB Eastern Seaboard FDI Foreign Direct Investment GDP Gross Domestic Product GNP Gross National Product GPP Gross Provincial Product IBRD International Bank for Reconstruction and Development, World Bank TEAT Industrial Estate Authority of Thailand IMF International Monetary Fund JICA ITK MNC ISI NESDB NGO NIDL NHA NSO NIC PADCO ONEB RBU OPM TDRI RRA TNC SD Japanese Indigenous Import National Multi-National National Non-Government New National Newly Planning Region Thailand Rapid Offfice Trans-National Office Sanitary International Rural of Industrializing Substitution of Based District Economic Housing International Statistics and Development the the Technical Appraisal Prime Development National Urbanization Corporation Corporation Organization Authority Division Office and Industrialization Minister Knowledge Country Cooperation Environment Research Social Collaborative of labour Development Institute Board International Board 318