The 'American Exceptionalism' of Jay Lovestone and His Comrades
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Journal of Global History Rereading W. E. B. Du Bois
Journal of Global History http://journals.cambridge.org/JGH Additional services for Journal of Global History: Email alerts: Click here Subscriptions: Click here Commercial reprints: Click here Terms of use : Click here Rereading W. E. B. Du Bois: the global dimensions of the US civil rights struggle Eve DarianSmith Journal of Global History / Volume 7 / Issue 03 / November 2012, pp 483 505 DOI: 10.1017/S1740022812000290, Published online: Link to this article: http://journals.cambridge.org/abstract_S1740022812000290 How to cite this article: Eve DarianSmith (2012). Rereading W. E. B. Du Bois: the global dimensions of the US civil rights struggle. Journal of Global History, 7, pp 483505 doi:10.1017/S1740022812000290 Request Permissions : Click here Downloaded from http://journals.cambridge.org/JGH, IP address: 128.111.128.131 on 22 Oct 2012 Journal of Global History (2012), 7, pp. 483–505 & London School of Economics and Political Science 2012 doi:10.1017/S1740022812000290 Re-reading W. E. B. Du Bois: the global dimensions of the US civil rights struggle* Eve Darian-Smith Global & International Studies, University of California, Santa Barbara, USA E-mail: [email protected] Abstract Drawing on the increasingly important insights of historians concerned with global and transnational perspectives, in this article I argue that Du Bois’ international activism and writings on global oppression in the decades following the Second World War profoundly shaped the ways in which people in the United States engaged with race as a concept and social practice in the mid decades of the twentieth century. Du Bois’ efforts to bring his insights on global racism home to the US domestic legal arena were to a large degree thwarted by a US foreign policy focused on Cold War politics and interested in pursuing racial equality not on the basis of universal human rights principles but as a Cold War political strategy. -
The New Popular Front in France
THE NEW POPULAR FRONT IN FRANCE by George Ross The 1978 General Elections may well bring the French Left (and the Communist Party) to power in France. The Right Centre coalition which has ruled France for twenty years has repeatedly demonstrated its inability to deal with the present economic crisis-high inflation, unemployment, low growth-which it has played a major role in creating. As a result it has been rapidly losing support while simultaneously splitting into warring factions. The Union de la Gauche (Communists, Socialists and Left Radicals) has, meanwhile, become an electoral majority in the country (a fact demonstrated both in opinion polls and in the results of the March 1977 municipal elections). Its leaders, Fran~oisMitterrand and the PS (Parti Socialiste) and Georges Marchais of the PCF (Parti Communiste Francais) are now seen as genuine statesmen and as plausible Ministers of France, by a majority of Frenchmen. Its 'Common Programme for a Government of Left Union' is received as a credible platform for resolving the economic crisis and bringing needed change to French society. Rumour has it in Paris that high civil servants have already begun preparing for the arrival of new men in power. The stock exchange has begun to vibrate with fear-and with the beginnings of an investment strike against the Left (a strike which, because it has started so far in advance of the actual election date, has had the effect of undermining the existing regime even further). The Gaullist fraction of the ruling majority has already begun a barrage of anti-Left hysteria against the 'socialo- communist enemy' with its 'Marxist programme' to remove France from the 'camp of liberty'. -
"A Road to Peace and Freedom": the International Workers Order and The
“ A ROAD TO PEACE AND FREEDOM ” Robert M. Zecker “ A ROAD TO PEACE AND FREEDOM ” The International Workers Order and the Struggle for Economic Justice and Civil Rights, 1930–1954 TEMPLE UNIVERSITY PRESS Philadelphia • Rome • Tokyo TEMPLE UNIVERSITY PRESS Philadelphia, Pennsylvania 19122 www.temple.edu/tempress Copyright © 2018 by Temple University—Of The Commonwealth System of Higher Education All rights reserved Published 2018 All reasonable attempts were made to locate the copyright holders for the materials published in this book. If you believe you may be one of them, please contact Temple University Press, and the publisher will include appropriate acknowledgment in subsequent editions of the book. Library of Congress Cataloging-in-Publication Data Names: Zecker, Robert, 1962- author. Title: A road to peace and freedom : the International Workers Order and the struggle for economic justice and civil rights, 1930-1954 / Robert M. Zecker. Description: Philadelphia : Temple University Press, 2018. | Includes index. Identifiers: LCCN 2017035619| ISBN 9781439915158 (cloth : alk. paper) | ISBN 9781439915165 (paper : alk. paper) Subjects: LCSH: International Workers Order. | International labor activities—History—20th century. | Labor unions—United States—History—20th century. | Working class—Societies, etc.—History—20th century. | Working class—United States—Societies, etc.—History—20th century. | Labor movement—United States—History—20th century. | Civil rights and socialism—United States—History—20th century. Classification: LCC HD6475.A2 -
The AFL-CIO Approaches the Vietnam War, 1947-64
LaborHistory, Vol. 42, No. 3, 2001 “NoMore Pressing Task than Organization in Southeast Asia”: TheAFL– CIO Approaches the VietnamWar, 1947– 64 EDMUNDF. WEHRLE* The Vietnam War standsas the most controversial episodein theAFL– CIO’ s four decadesof existence.The federation’s supportfor thewar dividedits membership and drovea wedgebetween organized labor andits liberal allies. By theearly 1970s, the AFL–CIO wasa weakenedand divided force, ill-prepared for adecadeof economic decline.Few, however, recognize thecomplex rootsof the federation’ s Vietnam policy. American organized labor, in fact,was involved deeplyin Vietnam well beforethe American interventionin 1965. In SoutheastAsia, it pursuedits ownseparate agenda, centeredon support for asubstantial SouthVietnamese trade unionmovement under theleadership ofnationalist Tran QuocBuu. 1 Yet,as proved tobe the case for labor throughout thepost-World War IIperiod,its plans for SouthVietnam remained very muchcontingent on its relationship with the U.S.state. This oftenstrained but necessary partnership circumscribedand ultimately crippled thefederation’ s independentplans for Vietnameselabor. Trade unionistsin SouthVietnam foundthemselves in asimilar, although more fatal, bind,seeking to act independently,yet boundto the Americans anda repressiveSouth Vietnamese state. Scholars today oftenportray post-warAmerican organized labor asa partner (usually acompliant juniorpartner) in an accordor corporate arrangement with other “functionalgroups” including thestate and business. 2 While thereis undeniabletruth -
Spartacist No. 41-42 Winter 1987-88
· , NUMBER 41-42 ENGLISH EDITION WINTER 1987-88 .ONE DOLLAR/75 PENCE ," \0, 70th Anniversary of Russian Revolution Return to the Road of Lenin and, Trotskyl PAGE 4 e___ __ _. ...,... • :~ Where Is Gorbachev's Russia Going? PAGE 20 TheP.oland,of LU)(,emburgvs.th'e PolalJdof Pilsudski ;... ~ ;- Me.moirs ofaRevoluti0l.1ary Je·wtsl1 Worker A Review .., .. PAGE 53 2 ---"---Ta bI e of Contents -'---"..........' ..::.....-- International Class-Struggle Defense , '. Soviet Play Explodes Stalin's Mo!?cow Trials Free Mordechai Vanunu! .................... 3 'Spectre of, Trotsky Hau'nts '- " , Gorbachev's' Russia ..... : .... : ........ : ..... 35 70th Anniversary of Russian Revolution Reprinted from Workers ,vanguard No, 430, Return'to the Road of 12 June 1987 ' lenin and Trotsky! ..... , ..................... 4 Leni~'s Testament, •.....• : ••••.•.. : ~ •••....•• : .1 •• 37' , Adapted from Workers Vanguard No, 440, The Last Wo~ds of, Adolf Joffe ................... 40 , 13 November 1987' 'j' .•. : Stalinist Reformers Look to the Right Opposition:, ' Advertisement: The Campaign to \ Bound Volumes of the Russian "Rehabilitate" Bukharin ...•.... ~ .... '..... ;. 41 , Bulletin of the'OpP-osition, 1929-1941 .... 19 , Excerpted from Workers Vanguard No. 220, 1 December 1978, with introduction by Spartacist 06'bRBneHMe: nonHoe M3AaHMe pyccKoro «EilOnneTeHR In Defense of Marshal Tukhachevsky ...,..45 , Onn03M4MM» 1929-1941 ................ .' .... ,". 19 Letter and reply reprinted from Workers Vanguard No'. 321, 14 January 1983' Where Is Gorbachev's Russia -
"Our Attitude Towards the Third Party," by Max Bedacht
Our Attitude Towards the Third Party by Max Bedacht Published in The Daily Worker, Magazine Supplement, Feb. 2, 1924, Section 2, pp. 5, 8. The radical comrades won a great victory at the Convention of the Workers Party [3rd: Chicago: Dec. 30, 1923-Jan. 2, 1924], was the joyful report made by the Volkszeitung to its readers on New Year’s day. And a few days later a leading article crowned the brow of com- rade [Ludwig] Lore with a laurel crown for this “victory” and added that the victory is still not complete and that difficult struggles are ahead. And the discussion thus far in the Volkszeitung seems to represent the heavy blows of the opponent in this hard struggle against the the- ses of the Central Executive Committee. May I remark that something more than an assertion of a report in the Volkszeitung is needed to make the world believe that the Fin- nish language group in alliance with Comrades Lore, [Alexander] Trachtenberg, [Juliet] Poyntz, etc. are all at once promoted to custo- dians of radicalism in the Party. Particularly Comrade Poyntz, who every time she regards her calloused laborer’s fists can suppress only with difficulty a fit of rage against the wicked intellectuals and “non- workers” in the Party.1 1 Bedacht is being sarcastic. Juliet Stuart Poyntz (1886-1937?), the daughter of a lawyer, held a Master’s Degree from Columbia University and was long employed in sundry Left Wing academic and educational ventures. Poyntz worked variously as a researcher for the US Immigration Commission and for the American Asso- ciation for Labor Legislation, as an instructor at the Socialist Party’s Rand School of Social Science, as education director of the International Ladies’ Garment Workers’ Union, and as director of the New York Workers’ School of the Workers Party of America. -
The Left in the United States and the Decline of the Socialist Party of America, 1934–1935 Jacob A
Document généré le 1 oct. 2021 11:01 Labour Journal of Canadian Labour Studies Le Travail Revue d’Études Ouvrières Canadiennes The Left in the United States and the Decline of the Socialist Party of America, 1934–1935 Jacob A. Zumoff Volume 85, printemps 2020 Résumé de l'article Dans les premières années de la Grande Dépression, le Parti socialiste URI : https://id.erudit.org/iderudit/1070907ar américain a attiré des jeunes et des intellectuels de gauche en même temps DOI : https://doi.org/10.1353/llt.2020.0006 qu’il était confronté au défi de se distinguer du Parti démocrate de Franklin D. Roosevelt. En 1936, alors que sa direction historique de droite (la «vieille Aller au sommaire du numéro garde») quittait le Parti socialiste américain et que bon nombre des membres les plus à gauche du Parti socialiste américain avaient décampé, le parti a perdu de sa vigueur. Cet article examine les luttes internes au sein du Partie Éditeur(s) socialiste américain entre la vieille garde et les groupements «militants» de gauche et analyse la réaction des groupes à gauche du Parti socialiste Canadian Committee on Labour History américain, en particulier le Parti communiste pro-Moscou et les partisans de Trotsky et Boukharine qui ont été organisés en deux petits groupes, le Parti ISSN communiste (opposition) et le Parti des travailleurs. 0700-3862 (imprimé) 1911-4842 (numérique) Découvrir la revue Citer cet article Zumoff, J. (2020). The Left in the United States and the Decline of the Socialist Party of America, 1934–1935. Labour / Le Travail, 85, 165–198. -
A Critical Review of Slovo's “Has Socialism Failed?”
South African Communist Party 1990 Crisis of Conscience in the SACP: A Critical Review of Slovo’s “Has Socialism Failed?” Written: by Z. Pallo Jordan. Lusaka, February 1990. Transcribed: by Dominic Tweedie. “Has Socialism Failed?” is the intriguing title Comrade Joe Slovo has given to a discussion pamphlet published under the imprint of ‘Umsebenzi’, the quarterly newspaper of the SACP. The reader is advised at the outset that these are Slovo’s individual views, and not those of the SACP. While this is helpful it introduces a note of uncertainty regarding the pamphlet’s authority. The pamphlet itself is divided into six parts, the first five being an examination of the experience of the ‘socialist countries’, and the last, a look at the SACP itself. Most refreshing is the candour and honesty with which many of the problems of ‘existing socialism’ are examined. Indeed, a few years ago no one in the SACP would have dared to cast such a critical light on the socialist countries. “Anti-Soviet,” “anti-Communist,” or “anti- Party” were the dismissive epithets reserved for those who did. We can but hope that the publication of this pamphlet spells the end of such practices. It is clear too that much of the heart-searching that persuaded Slovo to put pen to paper was occasioned by the harrowing events of the past twelve months, which culminated in the Romanian masses, in scenes reminiscent of the storming of the Winter Palace, storming the headquarters of the Communist Party of Roumania. It beggars the term “ironic” that scenarios many of us had imagined would be played out at the end of bourgeois rule in historical fact rang down the curtain on a ‘Communist’ dictatorship! We may expect that, just as in 1956 and 1968, there will flow from many pens the essays of disillusionment and despair written by ex- communists who have recently discovered the “sterling” qualities of late capitalism. -
The Trade Union Unity League: American Communists and The
LaborHistory, Vol. 42, No. 2, 2001 TheTrade Union Unity League: American Communists and the Transitionto Industrial Unionism:1928± 1934* EDWARDP. JOHANNINGSMEIER The organization knownas the Trade UnionUnity League(TUUL) came intoformal existenceat anAugust 1929 conferenceof Communists and radical unionistsin Cleveland.The TUUL’s purposewas to create and nourish openly Communist-led unionsthat wereto be independent of the American Federation ofLabor in industries suchas mining, textile, steeland auto. When the TUUL was created, a numberof the CommunistParty’ s mostexperienced activists weresuspicious of the sectarian logic inherentin theTUUL’ s program. In Moscow,where the creation ofnew unions had beendebated by theCommunists the previous year, someAmericans— working within their establishedAFL unions—had argued furiously against its creation,loudly ac- cusingits promoters ofneedless schism. The controversyeven emerged openly for a time in theCommunist press in theUnited States. In 1934, after ve years ofaggressive butmostly unproductiveorganizing, theTUUL was formally dissolved.After the Comintern’s formal inauguration ofthe Popular Front in 1935 many ofthe same organizers whohad workedin theobscure and ephemeral TUULunions aided in the organization ofthe enduring industrial unionsof the CIO. 1 Historiansof American labor andradicalism have had difculty detectingany legitimate rationale for thefounding of theTUUL. Its ve years ofexistence during the rst years ofthe Depression have oftenbeen dismissed as an interlude of hopeless sectarianism, -
Politics, Activism and Marxism of the Lovestone Group
CHAPTER 2 Politics, Activism and Marxism of the Lovestone Group Paul Le Blanc The subtitle of Jay Lovestone’s biography captures essential elements of his story – Communist, Anti-Communist, and Spymaster.1 Once the central leader of US Communism, Lovestone was deposed when he crossed swords with the new leader of world Communism, Joseph Stalin, in 1929. He then led a dis- sident Communist group whose anti-Stalinism soured into a thoroughgoing anti-Communism by the end of the 1930s, when the group dissolved. The Lovestone group’s most prominent leaders seemed to live up to the epithet pinned on them by their Stalinist opponents – renegade. Lovestone ended up overseeing a Cold War anti-Communist foreign policy of the American Federation of Labor-Congress of Industrial Organizations (AFL-CIO) in the 1950s and 1960s, and he was up to his elbows in operations of the Central Intelligence Agency (CIA). His second-in-command, Bertram D. Wolfe, became an influential anti-Communist ideologue working for the US State Department, helping to head up the Voice of America, among other things. Will Herberg, editor of the group’s paper, Workers Age, abandoned Marxism to become a Jewish theologian and a very active editorial board member of the conservative journal, National Review.2 What the Lovestone group represented, however, as it went through its various organisational and political incarnations from 1929 to 1940, was something much more complex and interesting. The Communist Party USA (Majority Group) essentially claimed to be the ‘true’ Communist Party, an ori- entation maintained with a somewhat more critical edge by its successor, the Communist Party Opposition. -
Underground and Above: a Memoir of American Communism in the 1920S
Bedacht: Underground and Above 1 Underground and Above: A Memoir of American Communism in the 1920s. by Max Bedacht A section from Max Bedacht’s unpublished memoir On the Path of Life [1967]. The manuscript of this memoir is held by the Tamiment Library at New York University. It appears here through their gracious courtesy and with our sincere thanks. During all this period, the Party was forced to class in shops and in workers’ organizations. These cells function without fanfare. It led a sort of semilegal ex- represented excellent instruments for our work among istence. Formally it was not outlawed. But when you the masses. This form and method of work also al- did Party work you were liable to be sent to prison for lowed to draw militant non-party workers into inti- having violated some “anti-” law or other. mate cooperation. The capitalist propagandists talk so much about Unfortunately, some party members began to like the dictatorship in the workers’ state. As against it, “underground” work. As they practiced it, it was very they claim that capitalist rule grants freedom. But the easy. One had practically nobody to work with or to only difference existing between a workers’ dictator- work on. One’s work was confined to attending some ship and a capitalist democracy is that in the former meetings and to listening to discussion between com- you are legally obligated to help the workers liv/e while rades. The protagonists of that form of party work even in the latter you are legally obligated to help the capi- invented a theory which justified their proposals. -
Interracial Unionism in the International Ladies’ Garment Workers’ Union and the Development of Black Labor Organizations, 1933-1940
THEY SAW THEMSELVES AS WORKERS: INTERRACIAL UNIONISM IN THE INTERNATIONAL LADIES’ GARMENT WORKERS’ UNION AND THE DEVELOPMENT OF BLACK LABOR ORGANIZATIONS, 1933-1940 A Dissertation Submitted to the Temple University Graduate Board in Partial Fulfillment of the Requirements for the Degree DOCTOR OF PHILOSOPHY by Julia J. Oestreich August, 2011 Doctoral Advisory Committee Members: Bettye Collier-Thomas, Committee Chair, Department of History Kenneth Kusmer, Department of History Michael Alexander, Department of Religious Studies, University of California, Riverside Annelise Orleck, Department of History, Dartmouth College ABSTRACT “They Saw Themselves as Workers” explores the development of black membership in the International Ladies’ Garment Workers’ Union (ILGWU) in the wake of the “Uprising of the 30,000” garment strike of 1933-34, as well as the establishment of independent black labor or labor-related organizations during the mid-late 1930s. The locus for the growth of black ILGWU membership was Harlem, where there were branches of Local 22, one of the largest and the most diverse ILGWU local. Harlem was also where the Negro Labor Committee (NLC) was established by Frank Crosswaith, a leading black socialist and ILGWU organizer. I provide some background, but concentrate on the aftermath of the marked increase in black membership in the ILGWU during the 1933-34 garment uprising and end in 1940, when blacks confirmed their support of President Franklin Delano Roosevelt, and when the labor-oriented National Negro Congress (NNC) was irrevocably split by struggles over communist influence. By that time, the NLC was also struggling, due to both a lack of support from trade unions and friendly organizations, as well as the fact that the Committee was constrained by the political views and personal grudges of its founder.