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"A Road to Peace and Freedom": the International Workers Order and The
“ A ROAD TO PEACE AND FREEDOM ” Robert M. Zecker “ A ROAD TO PEACE AND FREEDOM ” The International Workers Order and the Struggle for Economic Justice and Civil Rights, 1930–1954 TEMPLE UNIVERSITY PRESS Philadelphia • Rome • Tokyo TEMPLE UNIVERSITY PRESS Philadelphia, Pennsylvania 19122 www.temple.edu/tempress Copyright © 2018 by Temple University—Of The Commonwealth System of Higher Education All rights reserved Published 2018 All reasonable attempts were made to locate the copyright holders for the materials published in this book. If you believe you may be one of them, please contact Temple University Press, and the publisher will include appropriate acknowledgment in subsequent editions of the book. Library of Congress Cataloging-in-Publication Data Names: Zecker, Robert, 1962- author. Title: A road to peace and freedom : the International Workers Order and the struggle for economic justice and civil rights, 1930-1954 / Robert M. Zecker. Description: Philadelphia : Temple University Press, 2018. | Includes index. Identifiers: LCCN 2017035619| ISBN 9781439915158 (cloth : alk. paper) | ISBN 9781439915165 (paper : alk. paper) Subjects: LCSH: International Workers Order. | International labor activities—History—20th century. | Labor unions—United States—History—20th century. | Working class—Societies, etc.—History—20th century. | Working class—United States—Societies, etc.—History—20th century. | Labor movement—United States—History—20th century. | Civil rights and socialism—United States—History—20th century. Classification: LCC HD6475.A2 -
The SLP and the USSR Alist Tendency” in the World Socialist Movement in the Wake of the Col- Lapse of the Second International
TheThe SLPSLP andand TheThe USSRUSSR From the Bolshevik Revolution To the Nazi-Soviet Pact Socialist Labor Party of America P.O. Box 218 Mountain View, CA 94042-0218 www.slp.org • [email protected] Contents Introduction . 3 1. Response to the October Revolution . 12 2. The SLP and the Third International . 19 3. Stalin, the Purges and World War II . 28 Appendix: De Leon and the 1905 Revolution . 36 2 Introduction The publication of this pamphlet fills a long-felt gap in Socialist Labor Party literature. Drawing on the Party’s internal organizational history as well as its public record, the pamphlet traces the evolution of the SLP’s attitude toward the U.S.S.R. from its first response to the October Revolution in 1917 through its refusal to join the Third Inter- national to its final break with the Soviet Union on the eve of World War II. For the first time, it sets down in one place the SLP’s history on one of the key questions of the 20th century. Since the pamphlet does this quite well, there is no need to restate its contents here. Instead, by way of introduction, the opportunity presents itself to shed some light on one of the secondary themes of the pamphlet, namely the relationship between Lenin, Daniel De Leon and the SLP. Specifically, what did Lenin know of De Leon and the party associated with his name, and in what light should Lenin’s statements on De Leon (statements well known to those familiar with SLP history) be viewed? Although the current pamphlet touches on this topic insofar as it affect- ed the SLP’s early attitude toward Russia, more complete information helps to fill out the picture. -
Membership Application Form Socialist Labor Party of America the Party of Marxism-De Leonism and Socialist Industrial Unionism Established 1890
Membership Application Form Socialist Labor Party of America The Party of Marxism-De Leonism and Socialist Industrial Unionism Established 1890 Please fill out and sign this membership application form and mail it to the National Office: Socialist Labor Party P.O. Box 218 Mountain View, CA 94042-0218 Name: ......................................................................................................................................................... Address: ...................................................................................................................................................... City: ........................................................................................ State/Territory: ........... Zip: ........................ Telephone: ........................................................................ Email: .............................................................. Occupation: ................................................................................................................................................. Age: ........ (Must be at least 18.) Former political affiliation (if any): ................................................................. QUESTIONS TO BE ANSWERED BY THE APPLICANT Have you ever been a member of the SLP? (Check one) Yes. No. If so, why was your membership terminated? (Check one) Nonpayment of dues. Resigned. Expelled. If you resigned, what was the reason? .......................................................................................................... -
"Our Attitude Towards the Third Party," by Max Bedacht
Our Attitude Towards the Third Party by Max Bedacht Published in The Daily Worker, Magazine Supplement, Feb. 2, 1924, Section 2, pp. 5, 8. The radical comrades won a great victory at the Convention of the Workers Party [3rd: Chicago: Dec. 30, 1923-Jan. 2, 1924], was the joyful report made by the Volkszeitung to its readers on New Year’s day. And a few days later a leading article crowned the brow of com- rade [Ludwig] Lore with a laurel crown for this “victory” and added that the victory is still not complete and that difficult struggles are ahead. And the discussion thus far in the Volkszeitung seems to represent the heavy blows of the opponent in this hard struggle against the the- ses of the Central Executive Committee. May I remark that something more than an assertion of a report in the Volkszeitung is needed to make the world believe that the Fin- nish language group in alliance with Comrades Lore, [Alexander] Trachtenberg, [Juliet] Poyntz, etc. are all at once promoted to custo- dians of radicalism in the Party. Particularly Comrade Poyntz, who every time she regards her calloused laborer’s fists can suppress only with difficulty a fit of rage against the wicked intellectuals and “non- workers” in the Party.1 1 Bedacht is being sarcastic. Juliet Stuart Poyntz (1886-1937?), the daughter of a lawyer, held a Master’s Degree from Columbia University and was long employed in sundry Left Wing academic and educational ventures. Poyntz worked variously as a researcher for the US Immigration Commission and for the American Asso- ciation for Labor Legislation, as an instructor at the Socialist Party’s Rand School of Social Science, as education director of the International Ladies’ Garment Workers’ Union, and as director of the New York Workers’ School of the Workers Party of America. -
Questions for the Left
University of Central Florida STARS PRISM: Political & Rights Issues & Social Movements 1-1-1957 Questions for the left Sidney Lens Find similar works at: https://stars.library.ucf.edu/prism University of Central Florida Libraries http://library.ucf.edu This Book is brought to you for free and open access by STARS. It has been accepted for inclusion in PRISM: Political & Rights Issues & Social Movements by an authorized administrator of STARS. For more information, please contact [email protected]. Recommended Citation Lens, Sidney, "Questions for the left" (1957). PRISM: Political & Rights Issues & Social Movements. 330. https://stars.library.ucf.edu/prism/330 CAPITALISM DEFENDS ITSEl.F THROUGH THE SOCIALIST LABOR ~J. PARTY OlGIN 3c Published in October, 1932 for the COMMUNIST PARTY OF THE U. S. A. by WORKERS LIBRARY PUBLISHERS Box 148, Sta. D, New York City ] Capitalism Defends Itself Through The Socialist Labor Party An Expose of What Stands Behind the S L. P. Attack on Comrade William Z. Foster - By MOISSAYE J. OLGIN "How funny this little S. L. P. appears-small vote, nQ' noise, scarcely any publicity, just talking revolution year in and year out." This is how the Socialist Labor Party characterizes itself in its official organ, the Weekly Peo ple. -We agree with the S. L. P. writer about the size of the "party," but we do not agree that it is "funny." A bed-bug is not funny. It may be small, it makes no noise, "scarcely any publicity," it is not dangerous, but it has an odor. Its bite is only a bug-bite, but-it is not funny. -
A Socialist Critique of the “Marxist-Leninist” Left
After the Revolution: Who Rules? A socialist critique of the “Marxist-Leninist” left. Published Online by Socialist Labor Party of America www.slp.org March 2007 After the Revolution: Who Rules? A socialist critique of the “Marxist-Leninist” left PUBLISHING HISTORY PRINTED EDITION ..................................... January 1978 ONLINE EDITION ....................................... March 2007 NEW YORK LABOR NEWS P.O. BOX 218 MOUNTAIN VIEW, CA 94042-0218 http://www.slp.org/nyln.htm Introduction The articles compiled here were prompted by a call for the formation of a “new communist party” issued in June of 1977. The call came from the New York-based radical newspaper, the Guardian, and was one of several proposals for a new party to come out of the U.S. left over the past few years. In a broader sense, however, these articles are not so much a reply to the Guardian as they are a general critique of the theory and programs of the various “Marxist-Leninist” groups. As a consequence, they include an important discussion of basic Marxist concepts and of the fundamental content of a revolutionary socialist program. As mentioned in the text, the pro-Maoist Marxist-Leninist groups enjoyed a period of expansion in the U.S. and Europe during the late 1960s and early ’70s. This expansion came on the heels of the “Great Proletarian Cultural Revolution” in China and the emergence of the People’s Republic from over 25 years of relative isolation. China’s influence, combined with the intense opposition throughout the capitalist world to U.S. imperialism’s war on Vietnam, produced a sizable number of youth whose radicalization was expressed in terms of “Marxism-Leninism Mao Tse- tung1 Thought.” However, those tied to China’s rising star soon found themselves in a dilemma familiar to all who allow bureaucratic governments in Peking, Moscow or elsewhere to do their thinking. -
The Trade Union Unity League: American Communists and The
LaborHistory, Vol. 42, No. 2, 2001 TheTrade Union Unity League: American Communists and the Transitionto Industrial Unionism:1928± 1934* EDWARDP. JOHANNINGSMEIER The organization knownas the Trade UnionUnity League(TUUL) came intoformal existenceat anAugust 1929 conferenceof Communists and radical unionistsin Cleveland.The TUUL’s purposewas to create and nourish openly Communist-led unionsthat wereto be independent of the American Federation ofLabor in industries suchas mining, textile, steeland auto. When the TUUL was created, a numberof the CommunistParty’ s mostexperienced activists weresuspicious of the sectarian logic inherentin theTUUL’ s program. In Moscow,where the creation ofnew unions had beendebated by theCommunists the previous year, someAmericans— working within their establishedAFL unions—had argued furiously against its creation,loudly ac- cusingits promoters ofneedless schism. The controversyeven emerged openly for a time in theCommunist press in theUnited States. In 1934, after ve years ofaggressive butmostly unproductiveorganizing, theTUUL was formally dissolved.After the Comintern’s formal inauguration ofthe Popular Front in 1935 many ofthe same organizers whohad workedin theobscure and ephemeral TUULunions aided in the organization ofthe enduring industrial unionsof the CIO. 1 Historiansof American labor andradicalism have had difculty detectingany legitimate rationale for thefounding of theTUUL. Its ve years ofexistence during the rst years ofthe Depression have oftenbeen dismissed as an interlude of hopeless sectarianism, -
'Our Motto, No Compromise': the Ideological Origins and Foundation of the Communist Party of New Zealand
'Our Motto, No Compromise': THE IDEOLOGICAL ORIGINS AND FOUNDATION OF THE COMMUNIST PARTY OF NEW ZEALAND1 ON 9 APRIL 1921 a small group of people met in Wellington's Socialist Hall to form the Communist Party of New Zealand (CPNZ). The hall had been a focal point of the left wing in Wellington for more than a decade. With the establish- ment of the new revolutionary organization the building was renamed the Communist Hall, symbolizing that the party saw itself embarking on a new path. In continuing to use the old hall, however, it had self-consciously maintained a connection with previous left-wing traditions. This was not simply wishful thinking, for the newly established CPNZ did bring together elements of three revolutionary traditions which had emerged from within the New Zealand Socialist Party (NZSP) during the period 1910 to 1913. The CPNZ is the most important and longest standing organization of the New Zealand left. Yet the party's history has been relatively neglected and misinter- preted. Historians have repeatedly suggested that the New Zealand Marxian Association (NZMA), which represented one of the three revolutionary tradi- tions, was the dominant force in the formation of the CPNZ. Gordon Watson, a prominent communist intellectual during the 1930s, first claimed that the CPNZ grew 'out of the Marxian Association'.2 Another influential account, also originating within the communist tradition, argues that the NZMA was the 'direct forerunner' of the CPNZ.3 These two accounts have served as the basis for the continuing acceptance of the proposition that the NZMA was the crucial contributor to the CPNZ. -
Libertarian Socialism
Libertarian Socialism PDF generated using the open source mwlib toolkit. See http://code.pediapress.com/ for more information. PDF generated at: Sun, 12 Aug 2012 19:52:27 UTC Contents Articles Libertarian socialism 1 The Venus Project 37 The Zeitgeist Movement 39 References Article Sources and Contributors 42 Image Sources, Licenses and Contributors 43 Article Licenses License 44 Libertarian socialism 1 Libertarian socialism Libertarian socialism (sometimes called social anarchism,[1][2] and sometimes left libertarianism)[3][4] is a group of political philosophies that promote a non-hierarchical, non-bureaucratic society without private property in the means of production. Libertarian socialists believe in converting present-day private productive property into the commons or public goods, while retaining respect for personal property[5]. Libertarian socialism is opposed to coercive forms of social organization. It promotes free association in place of government and opposes the social relations of capitalism, such as wage labor.[6] The term libertarian socialism is used by some socialists to differentiate their philosophy from state socialism[7][8] or by some as a synonym for left anarchism.[1][2][9] Adherents of libertarian socialism assert that a society based on freedom and equality can be achieved through abolishing authoritarian institutions that control certain means of production and subordinate the majority to an owning class or political and economic elite.[10] Libertarian socialism also constitutes a tendency of thought that -
Richard Wolff Net Worth
Richard wolff net worth Continue For other people named Richard Wolf, see Richard Wolfe (disambiguation). Richard D. WolfWolf on The Laura Flanders Show, July 2015BornRichard David Wolff (1942-04-01) April 1, 1942 (78 years)9-1973)University of Massachusetts Amherst (1973-present) New School (2008-present) , 1966; M.A., 1967; PhD, 1969) InfluenceMarxEngelsBernstein 3Luxembourg 45Gramsci6'Luk'cs6'Sweezy7'LeninBaranAlthusserBalibarContributionsMarxian EconomicsEconomic MethodologyClassical Analysis Websitewww.rdwolff.com Part of the series onMarcism Theoretical Works Economic and PhilosophicalicManuscripts 1844 Scriptures Feuerbach German Ideology Wages of Labor and Capital Communist Manifesto Eighteenth Brumer Lua Napoleon Grundrisse der Critic Politithen skonomy Contribution to the critic of the political economy Das Capital Criticism of Goth Program Dialectics Nature Philosophy Economic determinism Historical materialism Marx method of Nature Philosophy Economics Capital (accumulation) Crisis theory Raw Exploitation Factors Law Value Manufacturing Forces Scientific Socialism Surplus Product Surplus Value -Form Wages Labor Sociology Base Alienation and Add-on Bourgeois Class of Consciousness Class Fighting ClassLess Society Commodity Fetishism Communist Society Cultural Hegemony Dictatorship of the Proletariat Exploitation Reification of the State Theory of Social Metabolism Working Class History of Anarchism and Marxism Philosophy in the Soviet Union Primitive Accumulation of the Proletarian Revolution Proletarian Revolution World Revolution -
Underground and Above: a Memoir of American Communism in the 1920S
Bedacht: Underground and Above 1 Underground and Above: A Memoir of American Communism in the 1920s. by Max Bedacht A section from Max Bedacht’s unpublished memoir On the Path of Life [1967]. The manuscript of this memoir is held by the Tamiment Library at New York University. It appears here through their gracious courtesy and with our sincere thanks. During all this period, the Party was forced to class in shops and in workers’ organizations. These cells function without fanfare. It led a sort of semilegal ex- represented excellent instruments for our work among istence. Formally it was not outlawed. But when you the masses. This form and method of work also al- did Party work you were liable to be sent to prison for lowed to draw militant non-party workers into inti- having violated some “anti-” law or other. mate cooperation. The capitalist propagandists talk so much about Unfortunately, some party members began to like the dictatorship in the workers’ state. As against it, “underground” work. As they practiced it, it was very they claim that capitalist rule grants freedom. But the easy. One had practically nobody to work with or to only difference existing between a workers’ dictator- work on. One’s work was confined to attending some ship and a capitalist democracy is that in the former meetings and to listening to discussion between com- you are legally obligated to help the workers liv/e while rades. The protagonists of that form of party work even in the latter you are legally obligated to help the capi- invented a theory which justified their proposals. -
Karl Marx: Forty Years After (1883-1923)
University of Central Florida STARS PRISM: Political & Rights Issues & Social Movements 1-1-1924 Karl Marx: Forty years after (1883-1923) Olive M. Johnson Find similar works at: https://stars.library.ucf.edu/prism University of Central Florida Libraries http://library.ucf.edu This Book is brought to you for free and open access by STARS. It has been accepted for inclusion in PRISM: Political & Rights Issues & Social Movements by an authorized administrator of STARS. For more information, please contact [email protected]. Recommended Citation Johnson, Olive M., "Karl Marx: Forty years after (1883-1923)" (1924). PRISM: Political & Rights Issues & Social Movements. 349. https://stars.library.ucf.edu/prism/349 I' - I! I! nUMlLn II* KARLMARX-wm FORTY YEAF *S AmEB (1W-1923.) bOm-~M.j~gl KABL MABX . ~DA~DEIBOP~ - PRfO. CIVU CSNT* I.84 A PUPLISHED BT THE SUCIAL19T LABOR PARTY ~SAUSESTREET MEWYflRH Forty years have elapsed since Karl Marx died and his fame bums even clearer today. To the proletariat of the mrld he is the beacon still. Fools ad frauds have. taken his name in vain but they hwe never been able to drag it in the gutter, Cap i talist economists, proferpm, editors and other apologists of the system have set their #teeth into his economic md historical theoriea dyto hd;that it mr Itheir own teeth and not his the- ories that would break. Co1mm- ists and downs have attempt4 tomakc themse1ves fumy at the expense of Marxism and mate- ridism (bowing nothing abut either) only to discover (if hey had wit enough) that the +j& was on themselves.