October "" 10 Cents
Total Page:16
File Type:pdf, Size:1020Kb
Load more
Recommended publications
-
Media Culture for a Modern Nation? Theatre, Cinema and Radio in Early Twentieth-Century Scotland
Media Culture for a Modern Nation? Theatre, Cinema and Radio in Early Twentieth-Century Scotland a study © Adrienne Clare Scullion Thesis submitted for the degree of PhD to the Department of Theatre, Film and Television Studies, Faculty of Arts, University of Glasgow. March 1992 ProQuest Number: 13818929 All rights reserved INFORMATION TO ALL USERS The quality of this reproduction is dependent upon the quality of the copy submitted. In the unlikely event that the author did not send a com plete manuscript and there are missing pages, these will be noted. Also, if material had to be removed, a note will indicate the deletion. uest ProQuest 13818929 Published by ProQuest LLC(2018). Copyright of the Dissertation is held by the Author. All rights reserved. This work is protected against unauthorized copying under Title 17, United States C ode Microform Edition © ProQuest LLC. ProQuest LLC. 789 East Eisenhower Parkway P.O. Box 1346 Ann Arbor, Ml 48106- 1346 Frontispiece The Clachan, Scottish Exhibition of National History, Art and Industry, 1911. (T R Annan and Sons Ltd., Glasgow) GLASGOW UNIVERSITY library Abstract This study investigates the cultural scene in Scotland in the period from the 1880s to 1939. The project focuses on the effects in Scotland of the development of the new media of film and wireless. It addresses question as to what changes, over the first decades of the twentieth century, these two revolutionary forms of public technology effect on the established entertainment system in Scotland and on the Scottish experience of culture. The study presents a broad view of the cultural scene in Scotland over the period: discusses contemporary politics; considers established and new theatrical activity; examines the development of a film culture; and investigates the expansion of broadcast wireless and its influence on indigenous theatre. -
Helen Crawfurd Helen Jack, Born in the Gorbals District
Helen Crawfurd Helen Jack, born in the Gorbals district of Glasgow in 1877, was the third child of William Jack, a Master Baker, and Heather Kyle Jack, of 61 Shore Street, Inverkip. Her father was a member of the Conservative Party and a member of the Presbyterian Church in Scotland. Helen shared her father's religious views and became a Sunday school teacher. Her siblings were William, James, John, Jean and Agnes. In 1898 Helen married Reverend Alexander Montgomerie Crawfurd, and they had one son, Alexander in 1913. His parish was in a slum area of Glasgow and she was deeply shocked by the suffering endured by the working classes. She wrote to a friend about the "appalling misery and poverty of the workers in Glasgow, physically broken down bodies, bowlegged, rickets." Helen Crawfurd also became very interested in the work of Josephine Butler, particularly The Education and Employment of Women. She became convinced that the situation would only change when women had the vote and in 1900 she joined the National Union of Women's Suffrage Societies (NUWSS), claiming that "if the Mothers of the race had some say, then things would be changed". She held regular meetings in her Glasgow house and took part in protest meetings but she became increasingly frustrated by the lack success of the movement. By 1905 the media had lost interest in the struggle for women's rights. Newspapers rarely reported meetings and usually refused to publish articles and letters written by supporters of women's suffrage. The Women's Social and Political Union (WSPU) decided to use different methods to obtain the publicity they thought would be needed in order to obtain the vote. -
The London Gazette of TUESDAY, the Ytih of DECEMBER, 1947 By
TOnmb, 38161 SUPPLEMENT TO The London Gazette Of TUESDAY, the ytih of DECEMBER, 1947 by Registered as a newspaper THURSDAY, i JANUARY, 1948 CENTRAL CHANCERY OF THE ORDERS David KIRKWOOD, Esq., J.P., M.P., Member of OF KNIGHTHOOD. Parliament for Dumbarton Burghs since 1922. St. James's Palace, S.W.I. For political and public services. 1st January, 1948. The Honourable William John McKELL, K.C., The KING 'has been graciously pleased to Governor-Gerieral of the Commonwealth of signify His Majesty's intention of conferring Australia. Peerages of the United Kingdom on=> the The Honourable Sir Malcolm Martjin« following:— MACNAGHTEN, K.B.E., lately Judge of the High Court of Justice. To be a Viscount:— George Heaton NICHOLLS, Esq., High Commis- The Righti Honourable John SCOTT, Baron sioner for the Union of South Africa in HYNDLEY, \ G.B.E., Chairman, National London, 1944-1947. Coal Board. Lately Controller-General, The Honourable '• .Sir Humphrey Francis Ministry of Fuel and Power, and Chairman, O'LEARY, K.C.M.G., Chief Justice of New Finance Corporation for Industry, Ltd. Zealand. To be Barons:— Sir Valentine George CRITTALL, J.P. For CENTRAL CHANCERY OF THE ORDERS political and public services. OF KNIGHTHOOD. Marshal of the Royal Air Force Sir (William) Sholto DOUGLAS, G.C.B., M.C., D.F.C., St. James's Palace, S.W.I. Comma-nder-in-i&hief and Military Governor, ist January, 1948. Germany, 1946-1947. Sir, Harold Vincent MACKINTOSH, Bt, J.P.; The KING has been graciously pleased to D.L., Chairman, National Savings Com- signify His Majesty's intention of conferring mittee. -
INDEPENDENT LABOUR PARTY REBELS on RED CLYDESIDE Spotlight on Helen Crawfurd & James Maxton in 1910, Keir Hardie, Scottish L
INDEPENDENT LABOUR PARTY REBELS ON RED CLYDESIDE Spotlight on Helen Crawfurd & James Maxton In 1910, Keir Hardie, Scottish leader of the Independent Labour Party (established in 1893) urged a general strike, and especially strikes in the arms and transport industries, should war be declared.1 Outbreak of War When war broke out the Independent Labour Party (ILP) refused to vote in favour of war credits, unlike many of their Parliamentary Labour counterparts.2 Some of the leading campaigners against arms trade profiteering, such as Helen Crawfurd, James Maxton and Philip Snowden, were ILP members. In the second week of war, the ILP published a long resolution unequivocally condemning the belligerent government. It expressed friendship and compassion to workers of all nations: ‘GERMAN WORKERS OUR COMRADES.’ Yet there was no call for protest strikes in the early days of war, despite Hardie’s 1910 resolution.3 Of all the parties represented in Parliament, the ILP took the most anti-militarist stance, yet even it was ambivalent at times. The ILP’s news organ Forward, printed much opposition material under the heading 'Socialist War Points', but it also ran a regular pro-war column by a Clydebank doctor calling himself 'Rob Roy.' With few exceptions, the focus was mostly on capitalist profiteering rather than opposition to the killing industry as such. An example is an article in Forward accusing the government of deliberately starving the state-owned Woolwich Arsenal of work while giving contracts to private firms at higher cost: ‘Great Government Arsenal at Woolwich on Short Time. Profit Plums must be kept for Armament Ring. -
Inventory Acc.3721 Papers of the Scottish Secretariat and of Roland
Inventory Acc.3721 Papers of the Scottish Secretariat and of Roland Eugene Muirhead National Library of Scotland Manuscripts Division George IV Bridge Edinburgh EH1 1EW Tel: 0131-466 2812 Fax: 0131-466 2811 E-mail: [email protected] © Trustees of the National Library of Scotland Summary of Contents of the Collection: BOXES 1-40 General Correspondence Files [Nos.1-1451] 41-77 R E Muirhead Files [Nos.1-767] 78-85 Scottish Home Rule Association Files [Nos.1-29] 86-105 Scottish National Party Files [1-189; Misc 1-38] 106-121 Scottish National Congress Files 122 Union of Democratic Control, Scottish Federation 123-145 Press Cuttings Series 1 [1-353] 146-* Additional Papers: (i) R E Muirhead: Additional Files Series 1 & 2 (ii) Scottish Home Rule Association [Main Series] (iii) National Party of Scotland & Scottish National Party (iv) Scottish National Congress (v) Press Cuttings, Series 2 * Listed to end of SRHA series [Box 189]. GENERAL CORRESPONDENCE FILES BOX 1 1. Personal and legal business of R E Muirhead, 1929-33. 2. Anderson, J W, Treasurer, Home Rule Association, 1929-30. 3. Auld, R C, 1930. 4. Aberdeen Press and Journal, 1928-37. 5. Addressall Machine Company: advertising circular, n.d. 6. Australian Commissioner, 1929. 7. Union of Democratic Control, 1925-55. 8. Post-card: list of NPS meetings, n.d. 9. Ayrshire Education Authority, 1929-30. 10. Blantyre Miners’ Welfare, 1929-30. 11. Bank of Scotland Ltd, 1928-55. 12. Bannerman, J M, 1929, 1955. 13. Barr, Mrs Adam, 1929. 14. Barton, Mrs Helen, 1928. 15. Brown, D D, 1930. -
Whatever Happened to Red Clydeside? Industrial Conflict and the Politics of Skill in the First World War*
JOSEPH MELLING WHATEVER HAPPENED TO RED CLYDESIDE? INDUSTRIAL CONFLICT AND THE POLITICS OF SKILL IN THE FIRST WORLD WAR* SUMMARY: Recent studies of industrial conflict during the First World War have challenged earlier interpretations of working-class politics in Britain. The debate has focussed on the events in west Scotland during the years when the legend of "Red Clydeside" was made. It is now commonplace to emphasise the limited progress of revolutionary politics and the presence of a powerful craft sectionalism in the industrial workforce. This essay discusses the recent research on workplace unrest, popular politics and the wartime state. Although the "new revisionism" provides an important corrective to earlier scholarship, there remain important questions which require a serious reappraisal of the forces behind the different forms of collective action which took place and their implications for the politics of socialism. It is argued that the struggles of skilled workers made an important contribution to the growth of Labour politics on the Clyde. 1. Introduction In the years following the outbreak of the First World War British politics were transformed. Before 1914 the Labour Party appeared as a pale shad- ow of European socialist parties, forming a radical wing of the Liberals with few prospects of independent power.1 Within a decade Labour had as- sumed office with the support of a small Liberal Party. This change in the fortunes of the parties was most vividly illustrated in the west of Scotland, where the urban centres were swept by Labour victories in the early 1920s, giving Scotland a distinctive political identity that has remained intact to the present day.2 At the centre of the debate of the making of class politics in modern Scotland stands the industrial conurbation of "Red Clydeside". -
Socialism, Internationalism and Zionism: the Independent Labour Party and Palestine, C.1917–1939
Northumbria Research Link Citation: Simpson, Paul (2020) Socialism, internationalism and Zionism: the independent Labour Party and Palestine, c.1917–1939. Doctoral thesis, Northumbria University. This version was downloaded from Northumbria Research Link: http://nrl.northumbria.ac.uk/id/eprint/44090/ Northumbria University has developed Northumbria Research Link (NRL) to enable users to access the University’s research output. Copyright © and moral rights for items on NRL are retained by the individual author(s) and/or other copyright owners. Single copies of full items can be reproduced, displayed or performed, and given to third parties in any format or medium for personal research or study, educational, or not-for-profit purposes without prior permission or charge, provided the authors, title and full bibliographic details are given, as well as a hyperlink and/or URL to the original metadata page. The content must not be changed in any way. Full items must not be sold commercially in any format or medium without formal permission of the copyright holder. The full policy is available online: http://nrl.northumbria.ac.uk/policies.html SOCIALISM, INTERNATIONALISM AND ZIONISM: THE INDEPENDENT LABOUR PARTY AND PALESTINE, C. 1917–1939 P.T. SIMPSON PhD 2020 0 Socialism, Internationalism and Zionism: The Independent Labour Party and Palestine, c. 1917–1939 Paul T. Simpson Thesis submitted in partial fulfilment of the requirements of the University of Northumbria at Newcastle for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy Research Undertaken in the Faculty of Arts, Design and Social Sciences May 2020 1 Abstract Using the Independent Labour Party (ILP) as its case study, this thesis examines the relationship between the labour movement’s interpretations of internationalism and its attitudes towards Zionism during the interwar years. -
Filenote Enq 2008/5/2-Pcc
FILENOTE ENQ 2008/5/2-PCC 13 October 2008 ‘Fetters and Roses’ Dinner This was an informal name for a dinner given at the House of Commons on 9 January 1924 for Members of Parliament who had been imprisoned for political or religious reasons. This note is intended to assist identification of as many individuals as possible in a photograph which was donated to the Library, through the Librarian, by Deputy Speaker Mrs Sylvia Heal MP. The original of the photograph will be retained by Parliamentary Archives, while scanned copies are accessible online. A report in The Times the following day [page 12] lists 49 people who had accepted invitations. Some of these were current MPs, while others had been Members in the past and at least two [Mrs Ayrton Gould and Eleanor Rathbone] were to become Members in the future. I have counted 46 people in the photograph, not including the photographer, whose identity is unknown. Mr James Scott Duckers [who never became an MP, but stood as a Parliamentary candidate, against Churchill, in a by- election only a few weeks after the dinner] is described on the photograph as being ‘in the chair’. The Times report also points out that ‘it was explained in an advance circular that the necessary qualification is held by 19 members of the House of Commons, of whom 16 were expected to be present at the dinner’. This raises the question of who the absentees were. One possibility might be George Lansbury [then MP for Poplar, Bow & Bromley], who had been imprisoned twice, in 1913 [after a speech in the Albert Hall appeared to sanction the suffragettes’ arson campaign] and in 1921 [he was one of the Poplar councillors who had refused to collect the rates]. -
Unreliable Narrators and Archival Sources for the Battle of George Square, Glasgow, 31 January 1919
This is the post-refereeing ‘accepted version’ of this paper to be published in volume 25/26 of Scottish Archives, the journal of the Scottish Records Association. The final published version will be accessible through the SRA website, at https://www.scottishrecordsassociation.org/scottish- archives It is reproduced here under the SRA’s Green Open Access policy. __________________________________________________________________________ ‘The evidence has always been there’: Unreliable Narrators and Archival Sources for the Battle of George Square, Glasgow, 31 January 1919 Gordon J Barclay1 ([email protected]) This is the third paper in a series considering aspects of the ‘Battle’: on the primary evidence; on the creation of the mythology; and this, on the historiography. It explores the extent to which the dominant narrative continues to be framed by about a dozen sources written by the strike leaders and their followers from 1919 to the 1980s, and by the Strike Bulletin. It considers how the omission or inclusion of key elements in the story in a range of history texts follows the pattern of these source texts: significant circumstances and events underpinned by evidence are omitted while others, either unevidenced or even fabricated, are repeated uncritically. The apparent preference for and problems arising from telling the story substantially from only one perspective are considered. …the vigour with which this episode has been contested and redefined, the sheer refusal of its ghost to disappear, bears witness to its continuing importance for the way Scots define themselves today.2 This paper grows out of a presentation Louise Heren and I gave at the Scottish Records Association’s meeting at Dundee in 2019 titled ‘The Battle for George Square: hidden in plain sight’. -
The Independent Labour Party and Foreign Politics 1918–1923
ROBERT E. DOWSE THE INDEPENDENT LABOUR PARTY AND FOREIGN POLITICS 1918-1923 The Independent Labour Party, which was founded in 1893 had, before the 1914-18 war, played a major part within the Labour Party to which it was an affiliated socialist society. It was the largest of the affiliated socialist societies with a pre-eminently working-class member ship and leadership. Because the Labour Party did not form an individual members section until 1918, the I.L.P. was one of the means by which it was possible to become an individual member of the Labour Party. But the I.L.P. was also extremely important within the Labour Party in other ways. It was the I.L.P. which supplied the leadership - MacDonald, Hardie and Snowden - of both the Labour Party and the Parliamentary Labour Party. It was the I.L.P., with its national network of branches, which carried through a long-term propaganda programme to the British electorate. Finally, it was the I.L.P. which gave most thought to policy and deeply affected the policy of the Labour Party. I.L.P. had, however, no consistent theory of its own on foreign policy before the war; rather the party responded in an ad hoc manner to situations presented to it. What thought there was usually con sisted of the belief that international working class strike action was capable of solving the major questions of war and peace. That the war affected the I.L.P.'s relationship with the Labour Party is well known; the Labour Party formed an individual members section and began to conduct a great deal of propaganda on its own behalf. -
Class Against Class the Communist
CLASS AGAINST CLASS THE COMMUNIST PARTY OF GREAT BRITAIN IN THE THIRD PERIOD, 1927-1932. By Matthew Worley, BA. Thesis submitted to the University of Nottingham for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy, August 1998. C TEXT BOUND INTO THE SPINE Acknowledgments This thesis would not have beenpossible without the guidance, encouragementand advice of my supervisorChris Wrigley. Professor Wrigley's encyclopaedicknowledge and ever expanding library madethis project a joy to complete.Closer to home, the loving support and patient encouragementof Louise Aikman kept me focusedand inspired whenever the pressuresof study appearedtoo much to bear. Thanks are also due to Chris, Pete and Simon (for a lifetime's friendship), Scott King (for welcome distractions),Dominic and Andrea (for help and camaraderie), Pete and Kath (for holidays), John (for Manchester),my family (for everything) and Toby Wolfe. ii Contents Abstract iv Abbreviations A Introduction: The Communist Party of Great Britain I in the Third Period Chapter One: A Party in Transition 15 Chapter Two: Towards the Third Period 45 Chapter Three: The New Line 82 Chapter Four: The Party in Crisis 113 Chapter Five: Isolation and Reappraisal 165 Chapter Six: A Communist Culture 206 Chapter Seven: Crisis and Reorganisation 236 Conclusion: The Third Period Reassessed 277 Bibliography 281 iii Abstract This thesis provides an analysisof communismin Britain between 1927 and 1932.In theseyears, the CommunistParty of Great Britain (CPGB) embarkedupon a'new period' of political struggle around the concept of class against class.The increasingly draconianmeasures of the Labour Party and trade union bureaucracybetween 1924 and 1927 significantly restricted the scopeof communist influence within the mainstreamlabour As movement. -
John Maclean's Speech from the Dock, May 9Th 1918 Maclean Cross-Examining a Witness
SM john Maclean's Speech from the dock, May 9th 1918 MacLean cross-examining a witness ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS The editor gratefully acknowledges the encouragement of Nan Milton (Maclean); the assistance of staff at the Public Records Office and the National Library of Scotland; and the efforts of many comrades and friends which have made the publication of ACCUSER OF this pamphlet possible. He alone is responsible for the editorial content. CAPITALISM DRAMATIS PERSONAE John Maclean Defendant and 'accuser of capitalism'. Marxist and revolution ary internationalist. Born Pollokshaws, now part of Glasgow, August 24th 1879, of parents evicted from the Scottish Highlands during the 'Clearances'. Second youngest of seven children, three of whom died in infancy. Father died when he was aged eight. Appointed a pupil-teacher, 1896. Graduated from the Free Church Teachers Training College, 1900. Graduated MAin Political Economy from Glasgow University, 1904. Joined Social Democratic Federation (SDF), probably in 1903. Joined Glasgow Teachers' Socialist Society, 1905. Had by then rejected a Calvinistic upbringing for secularism, then atheism, then Marxism. Later described Robert Blatchford's Merrie England as his primary school of socialism, und Marx's Capital as his university. Opposed the sectarianism and jingoism of the SDF leadership, advocating affiliation to the Labour Party and internationalist opposition to war and colonialism. Active in the co-operative movement. Became famous for his public classes in Marxist economics, building some ofthem up to attendances of several hundred. Active in a number of industrial struggles on Clydeside, in Fife, Belfast and elsewhere prior to World War I. Led the internationalist Published by New Pari< Publications, Ltd., wing of the British Socialist Party (formerly the SDF) when 1Q-12 Atlantic Road, London SW9 SHY Printed by Clydeside Press, war was declared in August 1914.