Wikileaks and the Guardian Teaching Note CSJ-11-0041.3
Total Page:16
File Type:pdf, Size:1020Kb
Load more
Recommended publications
-
Oil and Gas Industry Investments in the National Rifle Association and Safari Club International Reshaping American Energy, Land, and Wildlife Policy
JOE RIIS JOE Oil and Gas Industry Investments in the National Rifle Association and Safari Club International Reshaping American Energy, Land, and Wildlife Policy By Matt Lee-Ashley April 2014 WWW.AMERICANPROGRESS.ORG Oil and Gas Industry Investments in the National Rifle Association and Safari Club International Reshaping American Energy, Land, and Wildlife Policy By Matt Lee-Ashley April 2014 Contents 1 Introduction and summary 3 Oil and gas industry investments in three major sportsmen groups 5 Safari Club International 9 The National Rifle Association 11 Congressional Sportsmen’s Foundation 13 Impact of influence: How the oil and gas industry’s investments are paying off 14 Threats to endangered and threatened wildlife in oil- and gas-producing regions 19 Threats to the backcountry 22 Threats to public access and ownership 25 Conclusion 27 About the author and acknowledgments 28 Endnotes Introduction and summary Two bedrock principles have guided the work and advocacy of American sports- men for more than a century. First, under the North American Model of Wildlife Conservation, wildlife in the United States is considered a public good to be conserved for everyone and accessible to everyone, not a commodity that can be bought and owned by the highest bidder.1 Second, since President Theodore Roosevelt’s creation of the first wildlife refuges and national forests, sportsmen have fought to protect wildlife habitat from development and fragmentation to ensure healthy game supplies. These two principles, however, are coming under growing fire from an aggressive and coordinated campaign funded by the oil and gas industry. As part of a major effort since 2008 to bolster its lobbying and political power, the oil and gas industry has steadily expanded its contributions and influ- ence over several major conservative sportsmen’s organizations, including Safari Club International, or SCI, the National Rifle Association, or NRA, and the Congressional Sportsmen’s Foundation. -
HARD, SOFT and DARK MONEY Introduction Early Political Scandals
HARD, SOFT AND DARK MONEY Introduction Early political scandals involved money used for bribery or buying votes. Modern day scandals involve the appearances of corruption depending where gifts and campaign money came from. The U.S. Supreme Court has made a number of controversial decisions expanding the amounts of money in politics by characterizing political donations and expenditures to be exercises of freedom of speech. Among other results, those decisions have created a large and growing category of election related donations and contributions called “dark money.” Important Terms Defined Terms relating to money in politics that are used in this paper have definitions more exactly set out by law. These terms are fully addressed in the MIP paper Definitions for Money in Politics, Disclosure Requirements for PACs The relationships of PACs to their disclosure requirements are shown in the chart below. May Funding Disclosure Donations coordinate Corporations Sources required limited with can donate candidate Political parties PAC’s Super Pac’s 527’s 501(c)’s Dark Money Twenty-nine types of corporations are listed in §501(c) of the Internal Revenue Code (IRC) as qualified for nonprofit status. Social Welfare Organizations under §501(c) (4), Labor Unions under §501(c)(5), and Trade Associations under §501(c)(6) of the Internal Revenue Code are not required to report from whom they get their donations. Hence these donations are referred to as dark money. Since social welfare or business interests often intersect with political issues, these groups are allowed to use funds to influence elections, but there is otherwise no dollar limit on how much that can be, and they only need to report the majority of their expenditures in general terms. -
Before the FEDERAL COMMUNICATIONS COMMISSION Washington, DC 20554
Before the FEDERAL COMMUNICATIONS COMMISSION Washington, DC 20554 Complaint of ) ) Campaign Legal Center, Common Cause, and ) Sunlight Foundation ) ) Against ) ) Hearst Properties, Inc., licensee of WISN-TV, ) Milwaukee, Wisconsin ) ) For Violations of the Communications Act ) §317 and FCC Rule 47 CFR §73.1212 ) To: Media Bureau COMPLAINT The Campaign Legal Center, Common Cause, and Sunlight Foundation1 file this complaint regarding violations of the Communications Act and the Federal Communications Commission’s (“FCC”) regulations by Hearst Properties, Inc., licensee of WISN-TV. WISN-TV is an ABC broadcast television station in Milwaukee, Wisconsin. In November 2015, WISN-TV aired political advertisements identified as paid for by Independence USA PAC (“Independence”). Despite the fact that even a cursory search of the public record would have shown that Michael Bloomberg is the sole funder of Independence USA PAC, WISN-TV did not identify Michael Bloomberg as the sponsor of the advertisements or, evidently, make inquiry of Independence USA of its sources of funding, and instead identified the sponsor of the ads as “Independence USA PAC.” On November 19, 2015, while the advertisements were still running on WISN-TV, Complainants provided evidence directly to WISN-TV establishing that Independence USA PAC 1 Descriptions of these organizations can be found in Exhibit A. was not the ad’s true sponsor.2 Specifically, Complainants provided evidence that Michael Bloomberg has provided 100 per cent of Independence’s funding since its creation. -
Wikileaks and the Institutional Framework for National Security Disclosures
THE YALE LAW JOURNAL PATRICIA L. BELLIA WikiLeaks and the Institutional Framework for National Security Disclosures ABSTRACT. WikiLeaks' successive disclosures of classified U.S. documents throughout 2010 and 2011 invite comparison to publishers' decisions forty years ago to release portions of the Pentagon Papers, the classified analytic history of U.S. policy in Vietnam. The analogy is a powerful weapon for WikiLeaks' defenders. The Supreme Court's decision in the Pentagon Papers case signaled that the task of weighing whether to publicly disclose leaked national security information would fall to publishers, not the executive or the courts, at least in the absence of an exceedingly grave threat of harm. The lessons of the PentagonPapers case for WikiLeaks, however, are more complicated than they may first appear. The Court's per curiam opinion masks areas of substantial disagreement as well as a number of shared assumptions among the Court's members. Specifically, the Pentagon Papers case reflects an institutional framework for downstream disclosure of leaked national security information, under which publishers within the reach of U.S. law would weigh the potential harms and benefits of disclosure against the backdrop of potential criminal penalties and recognized journalistic norms. The WikiLeaks disclosures show the instability of this framework by revealing new challenges for controlling the downstream disclosure of leaked information and the corresponding likelihood of "unintermediated" disclosure by an insider; the risks of non-media intermediaries attempting to curtail such disclosures, in response to government pressure or otherwise; and the pressing need to prevent and respond to leaks at the source. AUTHOR. -
Signature Redacted Certified By: William Fjricchio Professor of Compa Ive Media Studies Thesis Supervisor Signature Redacted Accepted By
Manufacturing Dissent: Assessing the Methods and Impact of RT (Russia Today) by Matthew G. Graydon B.A. Film University of California, Berkeley, 2008 SUBMITTED TO THE DEPARTMENT OF COMPARATIVE MEDIA STUDIES IN PARTIAL FULFILLMENT OF THE REQUIREMENTS FOR THE DEGREE OF MASTER OF SCIENCE IN COMPARATIVE MEDIA STUDIES AT THE MASSACHUSETTS INSTITUTE OF TECHNOLOGY JUNE 2019 C2019 Matthew G. Graydon. All rights reserved. The author hereby grants to MIT permission to reproduce and to distribute publicly paper and electronic copies of this thesis document in whole or in part in any medium now known or hereafter created. S~ri' t A Signature red acted Department of Comparative 6/ledia Studies May 10, 2019 _____Signature redacted Certified by: William fJricchio Professor of Compa ive Media Studies Thesis Supervisor Signature redacted Accepted by: MASSACHUSETTS INSTITUTE Professor of Comparative Media Studies _OF TECHNOLOGY Director of Graduate Studies JUN 1 12019 LIBRARIES ARCHIVES I I Manufacturing Dissent: Assessing the Methods and Impact of RT (Russia Today) by Matthew G. Graydon Submitted to the Department of Comparative Media Studies on May 10, 2019 in Partial Fulfillment of the Requirements for the Degree of Master of Science in Comparative Media Studies ABSTRACT The state-sponsored news network RT (formerly Russia Today) was launched in 2005 as a platform for improving Russia's global image. Fourteen years later, RT has become a self- described tool for information warfare and is under increasing scrutiny from the United States government for allegedly fomenting unrest and undermining democracy. It has also grown far beyond its television roots, achieving a broad diffusion across a variety of digital platforms. -
How the Kremlin Weaponizes Information, Culture and Money by Peter Pomerantsev and Michael Weiss
The Menace of Unreality: How the Kremlin Weaponizes Information, Culture and Money by Peter Pomerantsev and Michael Weiss A Special Report presented by The Interpreter, a project of the Institute of Modern Russia imrussia.org interpretermag.com The Institute of Modern Russia (IMR) is a nonprofit, nonpartisan public policy organization—a think tank based in New York. IMR’s mission is to foster democratic and economic development in Russia through research, advocacy, public events, and grant-making. We are committed to strengthening respect for human rights, the rule of law, and civil society in Russia. Our goal is to promote a principles- based approach to US-Russia relations and Russia’s integration into the community of democracies. The Interpreter is a daily online journal dedicated primarily to translating media from the Russian press and blogosphere into English and reporting on events inside Russia and in countries directly impacted by Russia’s foreign policy. Conceived as a kind of “Inopressa in reverse,” The Interpreter aspires to dismantle the language barrier that separates journalists, Russia analysts, policymakers, diplomats and interested laymen in the English-speaking world from the debates, scandals, intrigues and political developments taking place in the Russian Federation. CONTENTS Introductions ...................................................................... 4 Executive Summary ........................................................... 6 Background ........................................................................ -
ASD-Covert-Foreign-Money.Pdf
overt C Foreign Covert Money Financial loopholes exploited by AUGUST 2020 authoritarians to fund political interference in democracies AUTHORS: Josh Rudolph and Thomas Morley © 2020 The Alliance for Securing Democracy Please direct inquiries to The Alliance for Securing Democracy at The German Marshall Fund of the United States 1700 18th Street, NW Washington, DC 20009 T 1 202 683 2650 E [email protected] This publication can be downloaded for free at https://securingdemocracy.gmfus.org/covert-foreign-money/. The views expressed in GMF publications and commentary are the views of the authors alone. Cover and map design: Kenny Nguyen Formatting design: Rachael Worthington Alliance for Securing Democracy The Alliance for Securing Democracy (ASD), a bipartisan initiative housed at the German Marshall Fund of the United States, develops comprehensive strategies to deter, defend against, and raise the costs on authoritarian efforts to undermine and interfere in democratic institutions. ASD brings together experts on disinformation, malign finance, emerging technologies, elections integrity, economic coercion, and cybersecurity, as well as regional experts, to collaborate across traditional stovepipes and develop cross-cutting frame- works. Authors Josh Rudolph Fellow for Malign Finance Thomas Morley Research Assistant Contents Executive Summary �������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������� 1 Introduction and Methodology �������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������� -
The Pentagon Papers Case and the Wikileaks Controversy: National Security and the First Amendment
GW Law Faculty Publications & Other Works Faculty Scholarship 2011 The Pentagon Papers Case and the Wikileaks Controversy: National Security and the First Amendment Jerome A. Barron George Washington University Law School, [email protected] Follow this and additional works at: https://scholarship.law.gwu.edu/faculty_publications Part of the Law Commons Recommended Citation 1 Wake Forest J. L. & Pol'y 49 (2011) This Article is brought to you for free and open access by the Faculty Scholarship at Scholarly Commons. It has been accepted for inclusion in GW Law Faculty Publications & Other Works by an authorized administrator of Scholarly Commons. For more information, please contact [email protected]. V._JB_FINAL READ_NT'L SEC. & FA (DO NOT DELETE) 4/18/2011 11:10 AM THE PENTAGON PAPERS CASE AND THE WIKILEAKS CONTROVERSY: NATIONAL SECURITY AND THE FIRST AMENDMENT JEROME A. BARRON † INTRODUCTION n this Essay, I will focus on two clashes between national security I and the First Amendment—the first is the Pentagon Papers case, the second is the WikiLeaks controversy.1 I shall first discuss the Pentagon Papers case. The Pentagon Papers case began with Daniel Ellsberg,2 a former Vietnam War supporter who became disillusioned with the war. Ellsberg first worked for the Rand Corporation, which has strong associations with the Defense Department, and in 1964, he worked in the Pentagon under then-Secretary of Defense Robert McNamara.3 He then served as a civilian government employee for the U.S. State Department in Vietnam4 before returning to the United † Harold H. Greene Professor of Law, The George Washington University Law School (1998–present); Dean, The George Washington University Law School (1979– 1988); B.A., Tufts University; J.D., Yale Law School; LL.M., The George Washington University. -
The Authorised History of MI5 by Christopher Andrew (Book Review)
Lobster 58 The Defence of the Realm The Authorised History of MI5 Christopher Andrew Page 134 Winter 2009/10 Lobster 58 London: Allen Lane, 2009, £30 Covering the same area as the Hennessy/Thomas book but with access to more recent MI5 documents, Andrew does at least refer to the dissenters named in the preceding paragraph. This is a thousand pages long and will be of major interest to academic students of British intelligence and political history for years to come. Discounted from sellers like Amazon, this is a seriously good buy. But I’m not an academic and my interests are political. I looked initially at two areas: what it said about MI5’s relationship with the British left since WW2, and particularly the role of the CPGB in British politics; and the so-called Wilson plots. Let’s take the left first. Elsewhere in this issue is my contribution to the Campaign for Press and Broadcasting Freedom’s book on the 1984 miners’ strike. In that I repeat for the umpteenth time Peter Wright’s story in Spycatcher that MI5 knew about the covert Soviet funding of the CPGB in the 1950s and neither exposed it nor tried to stop it. Wright is rubbished repeatedly by Andrew and he does not refer to this claim of Wright’s. However on p. 403 he writes this: ‘The Security Service had “good coverage” of the secret Soviet funding of the CPGB, monitoring by surveillance and telecheck the regular collection of Moscow’s cash subsidies by two members of the Party’s International Department, Eileen Palmer and Bob Stewart, from the north London address of two ex-trainees of the Moscow Radio School.’ This isn’t dated but from the context it is the early 1950s. -
The New York Times Paywall
9-512-077 R E V : JANUARY 31, 2013 VINEET KUMAR BHARAT ANAND SUNIL GUPTA FELIX OBERHOLZER - GEE The New York Times Paywall Every newspaper in the country is paying close, close attention [to the Times paywall], wondering if they can get readers of online news to pay. Is that the future, or a desperate attempt to recreate the past?. Will paywalls work for newspapers? — Tom Ashbrook, host of On Point, National Public Radio1 On March 28, 2011, The New York Times (The Times) website became a restricted site. The home page and section front pages were unrestricted, but users who exceeded the allotted “free quota” of 20 articles for a month were directed to a web page where they could purchase a digital subscription. The paywall was launched earlier on March 17, 2011, in Canada, which served as the testing ground to detect and resolve possible problems before the global launch. The Times website had been mostly free for its entire existence, except for a few months in 2006–2007 when TimesSelect was launched. Traditional newspapers had been struggling to maintain profitability in the online medium, and they were eager to see how the public would react to the creation of a paywall at the most popular news website in the U.S. Martin Nisenholtz, the senior vice president of Digital Operations at The Times, was optimistic about the willingness of users to pay: I think the majority of people are honest and care about great journalism and The New York Times. When you look at the research that we’ve done, tons of people actually say, “Jeez, we’ve felt sort of guilty getting this for free all these years. -
GEORGETOWN LAW INSTITUTE for PUBLIC REPRESENTATION Directors 600 New Jersey Avenue, NW, Suite 312 Hope M
GEORGETOWN LAW INSTITUTE FOR PUBLIC REPRESENTATION Directors 600 New Jersey Avenue, NW, Suite 312 Hope M. Babcock Washington, DC 20001-2075 Angela J. Campbell Telephone: 202-662-9535 Michael T. Kirkpatrick Fax: 202-662-9634 Benton Senior Counselor Andrew Jay Schwartzman Staff Attorneys Meghan M. Boone Justin Gundlach Daniel H. Lutz* Aaron Mackey July 6, 2015 Cathy Williams Federal Communications Commission 445 12th Street, SW Washington, DC 20554 via email to [email protected] and [email protected] RE:` Information Collection regarding Local Public Inspection Files and Political Files OMB Control Number 3060-0215 Dear Ms. Williams, The Campaign Legal Center, Sunlight Foundation, and Common Cause (“CLC et al.”) are writing to strongly support the continued collection of information under FCC Rules 47 CFR §§ 73.3526 and 73.3527 (local public inspection files) and §76.1701 and §73 1943 (political files). They also offer some suggestions to enhance the quality, utility, and clarity of the information collected. The information in the public inspection file is necessary for the Commission to carry out its public interest responsibilities The Notice correctly states that the public and FCC use public file information to evaluate licensee performance, ensure that broadcast stations address issues of concern to their communities of license, and ensure that stations comply with Commission policies concerning licensee control. 80 Fed. Reg. 26048 (May 6, 2015). To serve these functions, it is essential that the public have access to the information in the public files. Requiring television stations to make their public inspection files available online has greatly improved public access. -
Conflicted: the New York Times and the Bias Question Epilogue CSJ-10
CSJ‐ 10‐ 0034.2 PO Conflicted: The New York Times and the Bias Question Epilogue New York Times Executive Editor Bill Keller’s rebuttal ran adjacent to Ombudsman Clark Hoyt’s column on the Times’ website on February 6, 2010. Neither Hoyt’s column nor Keller’s response ran in the paper. Keller opened by offering a quick and forceful endorsement of the Times’ Jerusalem bureau chief, Ethan Bronner. Then Keller argued that the decision to keep Bronner in Jerusalem was made out of respect for open‐minded readers who, he said, Hoyt improperly implied were not capable of distinguishing reality from appearances. He noted that the paper’s rulebook properly gave editors wide latitude to act in conflict of interest cases. Indeed, he continued, a journalist’s personal connections to a subject could contribute depth and texture to their reporting. As examples, he cited C.J. Chivers, Anthony Shadid, and Nazila Fathi. However, he chose not to go into detail about their biographies. Nor did he write about columnist Thomas Friedman and the instances in which he was touched by the Israeli‐Palestinian conflict. Instead, Keller observed that, as a reader, he could discern nothing in these journalists’ reporting that betrayed their personal feeling about the issues they covered. Finally, he closed with the argument that the paper had to be careful not to capitulate to partisans on either side of a conflict. To submit to their demands would rob the paper of experienced journalists like Bronner, whereas in fact the partisans were incapable of fairly evaluating him. This did not mean, he said, that he was denying the significance of Bronner’s family connections to Israel.