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Writing the Californias: Spain and a New History Heidi Kuheim a Thesis Submitted in Partial Fulfillment of the Requirements

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Writing the Californias: Spain and a New History Heidi Kuheim a Thesis Submitted in Partial Fulfillment of the Requirements Writing the Californias: Spain and a new history Heidi Kuheim A thesis submitted in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of Master of Arts University of Washington 2019 Committee: Francisco Robles Donald Gilbert-Santamaría Program Authorized to Offer Degree: Department of Spanish and Portuguese Studies Kuheim 2 ©Copyright 2019 Heidi Kuheim Kuheim 3 University of Washington Abstract Writing the Californias: Spain and a new history Heidi Kuheim Chair of the Supervisory Committee: Francisco Robles Department of Spanish and Portuguese Studies Near the end of the eighteenth century, Spain was struggling to maintain the tenuous hold it had on its colonies on the pacific northwest coast of the American continent. The Official Contemporary Documents of the Spanish Exploration of the Pacific Northwest Coast provide a view into the political theatrical production of sorts that the Spanish empire put on on the pacific northwest coast during its last attempts to explore and populate this area, with the ultimate goal of repairing its damaged national identity and re-writing its own history. Not only was this a chance for Spain to regain its past status as a powerful colonizing nation, but its citizens also had the opportunity to do the same thing for themselves in the Americas. Esteban José Martínez, the author of multiple letters from this collection, is a symbol of the national and personal reinvention that was possible in the New World. Kuheim 4 TABLE OF CONTENTS Introducción………………………………………………………………….……………….… 5 Capítulo I: Cartas para una nueva identidad española…………………………….……………14 Cartas pre-Nutka…………………………….….………………………………..….… 17 Cartas post-Nutka.…………………………….….……………………….………….…31 Capítulo II: El caso de Martínez…………………….….………………………………….……40 Conclusión…………………….………………….….………………………………….………49 Bibliografía………………….………………….….……………………………...…….………52 Apéndice (transcripciones) Martínez, Esteban José; Carta a Manuel Antonio Flórez. 5 diciembre, 1788.………… 56 Martínez, Esteban José; Carta a Antonio Valdés. 5 diciembre, 1788………...…………64 Flórez, Manuel Antonio; Carta a Antonio Valdés. 23 diciembre, 1788….……..……… 70 Copia de la orden instructiva para Martínez. 23 diciembre, 1788..……………..……….77 Junta de Estado, carta a Manuel Antonio Flórez. 14 abril, 1789.………………….…….86 Las embarcaciones del Departamento de San Blas. 1790………………………….…… 87 Los sueldos del Departamento de San Blas. Sin fecha.……………………...……….… 90 Resultas de la ocupación de Bodega por Matute. 1793...……………….…………….…93 Informe interno del gobierno de la Nueva España. 1793.……….………..……...………96 Kuheim 5 Escribir las Californias: España y una nueva historia Introducción Una parte integral de la identidad nacional de España ha sido durante mucho tiempo su estatus, desde el punto de vista europeo, como una nación colonizadora poderosa y exitosa, con territorios en todas partes de la tierra. Durante mucho tiempo se refería a España como el imperio donde nunca se ponía el sol por tantas colonias que tenía bajo su control a la vez (Padrón, 2). Este poder colonial infiere también un poder adquisitivo por medio de los ingresos internacionales de los cuales el imperio gozaba durante los primeros siglos de su colonización de las Américas. Sin embargo, esta época de riqueza monetaria y éxito como colonizadores no duraría por siempre. Aunque durante principios del siglo XVI el imperio español llegó a ser el estado más rico y poderoso del mundo cristiano, durante las últimas décadas del siglo XVI la economía de España entró en un declive del cual no se recuperaría durante casi doscientos años y que cambiaría de forma dramática la narrativa española (Rawlings, 1). El imperio no solo sufrió económicamente, sino que experimentó un cambio negativo en cuanto a la opinión que los demás europeos tenían de España por dichas bajas económicas en conjunto con varios otros factores. Rawlings comenta que para el año 1650 la monarquía española ya no podía mantenerse como un líder internacional y se convirtió en una potencia de segundo nivel (1). Este cambio se sintió en todos los rincones del reino español y afectó la narrativa histórica dentro de España tanto como la imagen de España que se tenía en Europa. Desde el año 711, España había estado tratando de reconquistar los territorios que había perdido a los moriscos que invadieron desde África y ocuparon una gran parte de la península ibérica durante casi setecientos años. Aunque el imperio lo consideraba un proyecto muy Kuheim 6 importante y uno con orígenes divinos, sus métodos violentos y falta de flexibilidad les dio mala fama con los demás europeos. Por esto, mucho antes del siglo XVI ya se había estado formando la semilla de un sentimiento antiespañol que se haría más popular entre muchos países europeos con el paso del tiempo. Este sentimiento antiespañol se manifestó con el apodo de la “leyenda negra” que usaban varios países protestantes norte europeos para referirse a España de manera peyorativa. Este apodo venía de la idea que debido a la historia de interacción que España tenía con los moriscos de la África, algún elemento del “barbarismo” de los moriscos de piel negra se les había pegado y había ensuciado las morales y la reputación de los españoles por siempre (Rawlings, 11). En el año 1542, Fray Bartolomé de las Casas escribió la Brevísima relación de la destrucción de las Indias con el intento de informar a los oficiales que no conocían el Nuevo Mundo sobre lo que les estaba pasando a los habitantes de las colonias que ahora son las Américas. Con su publicación (en 1552, diez años después de su escritura) y traducción a varios idiomas esta obra difundió en Europa la imagen del imperio español y sus servidores como conquistadores innecesariamente brutales quienes eran motivados por una codicia infinita y tenían una sed insaciable por la sangre de inocentes. En Brevísima relación Las Casas invirtió la imagen tradicional de “civilización y barbarie” en cuanto al imperio español y los habitantes de sus colonias en las Américas. La violencia cruel de los colonizadores españoles les convirtió en los “bárbaros” e hizo que los indígenas de las Américas parecieran más “civilizados” que los colonizadores que supuestamente los venían a civilizar. (Rawlings, 16) Esta inversión influyó de forma dramática en la imagen de los españoles desde el punto de vista de los demás europeos y aumentó la imagen de “la leyenda negra.” Kuheim 7 A pesar del incremento en el influjo de metales preciosos de América, empezaron a crecer las deudas del imperio hacia finales del siglo XVI (Payne, 251). Este declive era, en aquel tiempo y lo sigue siendo hoy, un tema de bastante discusión dentro del campo de la historia y la económica de España. Es imposible reducir sus raíces a una sola causa. Sin embargo, la inflación monetaria y el gasto enorme que el mantenimiento de todas las colonias lejanas requería, en combinación con la estructura social de España influyeron en este declive económico que cambiaría la narrativa del imperio durante mucho tiempo (Rawlings, capítulo 2). En el siglo XVII esta recesión económica se convirtió en el tema central en el que se enfocaba un nuevo tipo de historiador español, el arbitrista. Los arbitristas eran una especie de consultantes a la corona española. Trataban de encontrar la razón por la que el imperio estaba sufriendo, recurriendo a argumentos morales y económicos para apoyar sus varias teorías sobre esta baja económica (Rawlings, 32-33). Aunque los arbitristas esperaban que este estudio del declive les brindara alguna respuesta con la cual podrían reparar los problemas del imperio, salir de las deudas, y reafirmar su estatus como gran imperio con control completo de sus cuentas, no sucedió así y el imperio siguió pasando por problemas financieros. Durante este siglo se produjeron muchas teorías sobre cómo sacar el imperio de esta baja, pero desafortunadamente el rey no puso ninguna a la prueba (Rawlings, 47). Aunque a finales del siglo XVII se observaban algunas señas de recuperación económica, la falta de acción por parte del Rey Carlos II sostuvo a la depresión económica y social de España hasta principios del siglo XVIII (Payne, 326-327). El siglo XVIII en la península ibérica empezó con las guerras de sucesión. Aunque su resultado, la entronización de los Borbones, terminó siendo un cambio positivo en cuanto a la economía de España, los gastos producidos por las guerras hicieron que el siglo empezara con una economía que seguía deprimida (Payne, 351). Sin embargo, después de que acabaron las Kuheim 8 guerras de sucesión, la población empezó a crecer y eventualmente un conjunto de variadas reformas borbónicas influyeron en un nuevo repunte económico (372). Las reformas domésticas del reino de Carlos III tenían el fin de mejorar el estado general de la nación y hacerla más “orderly, rational, educated, and productive” (363). Reformas financieras ya se habían implementado al principio del siglo XVIII y más tarde en el siglo el gobierno español hizo un esfuerzo para mejorar el sistema de colección y evaluación de los impuestos, lo cual apoyó el crecimiento de la economía (365). El imperio del Nuevo Mundo mantuvo el control de casi todas sus colonias durante el siglo XVII, solo perdiendo a la colonia de Jamaica en el año 1655 mientras las otras colonias crecieron en productividad y la migración a América aumentó (Payne, 327, 372). Por otro lado, España perdió todas sus colonias del continente europeo antes de finales del siglo XVIII, dejando el imperio con mucho menos colonias de las cuales se tenía que encargar (351). A pesar de esta pérdida de poder en el continente europeo, la economía de España siguió avanzando y por lo general fue un siglo de mejora económica. El siglo XVIII se cerró con el reino de Carlos IV. Su reino empezó con tranquilidad y paz pero, de repente, el ambiente en España se puso tenso con el principio de la Revolución Francesa en 1789. Carlos IV no resultó ser un rey muy apto, como lo había sido su padre, y eligió como primer secretario a Manuel Godoy, quien hizo el trabajo del rey y dirigió el imperio español durante casi 15 años (416).
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