AC Vol 44 No 10
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Nuzr 1 9 6 7 0 3
V V TH E HU1 The President of Zimbabwe, Joshua Nkomo CONTENTS: SMIT- REINFO CED BY SOUT AFRICA - p.1 BIG BID FOR RECOGNITION - p.2 ZIM BABWE Printed and Published by The Publicity Bureau of The Zimbabwe African Peoples Union, P.O. Box 1657, Lusaka (tPhone 72700) Zambia, OcIEW Official Oragn of The Zimbabwe African Peoples Union Registered at the GPO as a newspaper. ZI11BB.BE PEVIEWT EDITORIAL MARCH 25, 1967 NEW TENDENCIES ON THE AFRICAN SCENE The last few. eeks have witnessed very interesting events on the African scene. These events have a bearing on Africa's course towards total political and economic independence as well as its eventual political unity. The French are known, throughout history,'for thei Ocntnental profession of the ideals of fraternity, equality and liberty. It is under thijsentiment that they devised the sophisticated but subtle method of a referendum in French Somaliland. To Africa in particular, and to the world in general, France wanted to present a facade of a French people towering above the filth of colonialist methods by leaving it to the people to choose their own direction by referendum. But deep down the Fiench were caught in the realities of their contradictory elements. French Somaliland is a springboard for their markets along the z East Coast of Africa and far afield across the Indian ocean. It is only convinient for them to keep French Somaliland under their firm control in the face of competition from other trading powers. This ensures a margin of French economic survival. Hence the blackmail of our African brothers in that color7. -
Canada Sanctions Zimbabwe
Canadian Sanctions and Canadian charities operating in Zimbabwe: Be Very Careful! By Mark Blumberg (January 7, 2009) Canadian charities operating in Zimbabwe need to be extremely careful. It is not the place for a new and inexperienced charity to begin foreign operations. In fact, only Canadian charities with substantial experience in difficult international operations should even consider operating in Zimbabwe. It is one of the most difficult countries to carry out charitable operations by virtue of the very difficult political, security, human rights and economic situation and the resultant Canadian and international sanctions. This article will set out some information on the Zimbabwe Sanctions including the full text of the Act and Regulations governing the sanctions. It is not a bad idea when dealing with difficult legal issues to consult knowledgeable legal advisors. Summary On September 4, 2008, the Special Economic Measures (Zimbabwe) Regulations (SOR/2008-248) (the “Regulations”) came into force pursuant to subsections 4(1) to (3) of the Special Economic Measures Act. The Canadian sanctions against Zimbabwe are targeted sanctions dealing with weapons, technical support for weapons, assets of designated persons, and Zimbabwean aircraft landing in Canada. There is no humanitarian exception to these targeted sanctions. There are tremendous practical difficulties working in Zimbabwe and if a Canadian charity decides to continue operating in Zimbabwe it is important that the Canadian charity and its intermediaries (eg. Agents, contractor, partners) avoid providing any benefits, “directly or indirectly”, to a “designated person”. Canadian charities need to undertake rigorous due diligence and risk management to ensure that a “designated person” does not financially benefit from the program. -
Country Advice Zimbabwe Zimbabwe – ZWE36759 – Movement for Democratic Change – Returnees – Spies – Traitors – Passports – Travel Restrictions 21 June 2010
Country Advice Zimbabwe Zimbabwe – ZWE36759 – Movement for Democratic Change – Returnees – Spies – Traitors – Passports – Travel restrictions 21 June 2010 1. Deleted. 2. Deleted. 3. Please provide a general update on the situation for Movement for Democratic Change (MDC) members, both rank and file members and prominent leaders, in respect to their possible treatment and risk of serious harm in Zimbabwe. The situation for MDC members is precarious, as is borne out by the following reports which indicate that violence is perpetrated against them with impunity by Zimbabwean police and other Law and Order personnel such as the army and pro-Mugabe youth militias. Those who are deemed to be associated with the MDC party either by family ties or by employment are also adversely treated. The latest Country of Origin Information Report from the UK Home Office in December 2009 provides recent chronology of incidents from July 2009 to December 2009 where MDC members and those believed to be associated with them were adversely treated. It notes that there has been a decrease in violent incidents in some parts of the country; however, there was also a suspension of the production of the „Monthly Political Violence Reports‟ by the Zimbabwe Human Rights NGO Forum (ZHRF), so that there has not been a comprehensive accounting of incidents: POLITICALLY MOTIVATED VIOLENCE Some areas of Zimbabwe are hit harder by violence 5.06 Reporting on 30 June 2009, the Solidarity Peace Trust noted that: An uneasy calm prevails in some parts of the country, while in others tensions remain high in the wake of the horrific violence of 2008…. -
Fair Measure of the Right to Vote: a Comparative Perspective on Voting Rights Enforcement in a Maturing Democracy
SCHOOL OF LAW LEGAL STUDIES RESEARCH PAPER SERIES PAPER #10-0186 JUNE 2010 FAIR MEASURE OF THE RIGHT TO VOTE: A COMPARATIVE PERSPECTIVE ON VOTING RIGHTS ENFORCEMENT IN A MATURING DEMOCRACY JANAI S. NELSON EMAIL COMMENTS TO: [email protected] ST. JOHN’S UNIVERSITY SCHOOL OF LAW 8000 UTOPIA PARKWAY QUEENS, NY 11439 This paper can be downloaded without charge at: The Social Science Research Network Electronic Paper Collection http://ssrn.com/abstract=1628798 DO NOT CITE OR CIRCULATE WITHOUT WRITTEN PERMISSION OF AUTHOR ———————————————————————————————————— FAIR MEASURE OF THE RIGHT TO VOTE ———————————————————————————————————— Fair Measure of the Right to Vote: A Comparative Perspective on Voting Rights Enforcement in a Maturing Democracy Janai S. Nelson ABSTRACT Fair measure of a constitutional norm requires that we consider whether the scope of the norm can be broader than its enforcement. This query is usually answered in one of two ways: some constitutional theorists argue that the scope and enforcement of the norm are co-terminous, while others argue that the norm maintains its original scope and breadth even if it is underenforced. This Article examines the right to vote when it exists as a constitutional norm and is underenforced by both judicial and non-judicial actors. First, I adopt the position that the scope and meaning of a constitutional norm can be greater than its enforcement. Second, I rely on the argument that underenforcement results not only from judicial underenforcement but also from underenforcement by the legislative and administrative actors that are obligated to enforce constitutional norms to the fullest extent. By employing these two principles, this Article analyzes the underenforcement of the right to vote that has evaded the force of some of the most liberal contemporary constitutions. -
The Competency Based Training (Cbt)
THE COMPETENCY BASED TRAINING (CBT) CONCEPT OF TEACHING AND LEARNING IN THE TECHNICAL UNIVERSITIES IN GHANA: CHALLENGES AND THE WAY FORWARD Prince Charles Acquaha, Elijah Boadu Frimpongb, Julius Kwame Borkloec abc Kumasi Technical University, P. O. Box 854, Kumasi, Ghana Corresponding email: [email protected] Abstract Competency Based Training (CBT) concept of teaching and learning introduced in the technical universities in Ghana has proven to be a very important educational programme in the technical and vocational education in Ghana. It has greatly improved the employability skills of graduates from the technical universities who have gone through this training and it is also helping to address the shortage of skilled and competent workforce needed in the country. In spite of its importance and prospects, there are some challenges in the CBT implementation that require urgent attention. This paper therefore seeks to address these challenges in the CBT concept. Twenty-five (25) academic staff across eight (8) out of the ten (10) technical universities in Ghana were interviewed. The findings revealed that inadequate funding, lack of infrastructural support and lack of policy guidelines and institutional support are the major challenges in the implementation process. The paper discusses these challenges and concludes with some recommendations that would help to improve the CBT concept of teaching and learning in technical universities in particular and the technical and the vocational education in Ghana in general. Keywords: Competency Based Training, Technical University, Ghana Education, CBT Challenges. 1. Introduction The polytechnic education in Ghana has gone through many transformational changes since its establishment in the early sixties (1960s), all with the aim of addressing deficiencies identified in the system. -
From Rhodesia to Zimbabwe.Pdf
THE S.A. ' "!T1!TE OF INTERNATIONAL AFi -! NOT "(C :.-_ .^ FROM RHODESIA TO ZIMBABWE Ah Analysis of the 1980 Elections and an Assessment of the Prospects Martyn Gregory OCCASIONAL. PAPER GELEEIMTHEIOSPUBUKASIE DIE SUID-AFRIKAANSE INSTITUUT MN INTERNASIONALE AANGELEENTHEDE THE SOUTH AFRICAN INSTITUTE OF INTERNATIONAL AFFAIRS Martyn Gregory* the author of this report, is a postgraduate research student,at Leicester University in Britain, working on # : thesis, entitled "International Politics of the Conflict in Rhodesia". He recently spent two months in Rhodesia/Zimbabwe, : during the pre- and post-election period, as a Research Associate at the University of Rhodesia (now the University of Zimbabwe). He travelled widely throughout the country and interviewed many politicians, officials and military personnel. He also spent two weeks with the South African Institute of International Affairs at Smuts House in Johannesburg. The author would like to thank both, the University of Zimbabwe and the Institute for assistance in the preparation of this report, as well as the British Social Science Research Council which financed his visit to Rhodesia* The Institute wishes to express its appreciation to Martyn Gregory for his co-operation and his willingness to prepare this detailed report on the Zimbabwe elections and their implications for publication by the Institute. It should be noted that any opinions expressed in this report are the responsibility of the author and not of the Institute. FROM RHODESIA TO ZIMBABWE: an analysis of the 1980 elections and an assessment of the prospects Martyn Gregory Contents Introduction .'. Page 1 Paving the way to Lancaster House .... 1 The Ceasefire Arrangement 3 Organization of the Elections (i) Election Machinery 5 (i i) Voting Systems 6 The White Election 6 The Black Election (i) Contesting Parties 7 (ii) Manifestos and the Issues . -
CAP. 10:14 Names (Alteration) (Amendment Of
Statutory Instrument 167 of 2020. Names (Alteration) (Amendment of Schedule) Notice, 2020 S.I. 167 of 2020 [CAP. 10:14 Names (Alteration) (Amendment of Schedule) Notice, 2020 City/Town Old Name New Name Hellet Street Shuvai Mahofa Street IT is hereby notifi ed that the Minister of Local Government, Hughes Street Emmerson Dambudzo Mnangagwa Public Works and National Housing has, in terms of section 4(1) of the Names (Alteration) Act [Chapter 10:14], made the following Mutare Aerodrome Road Kumbirai Kangai Road notice:— First Street Maurice Nyagumbo Street Edgar Peacock Road Emmerson Dambudzo Mnangagwa 1. This notice may Be cited as the Names (Alteration)(Amendment Second Street Moven Mahachi Street of Schedule) Notice, 2020. Jelf Road Edgar Tekere Road 2. The Schedule to the Names (Alteration) Act [Chapter 10:14] is amended in Part VII by the repeal of certain names of roads and substitution of the following— “PART VII ROADS, SQUARES, BUILDINGS, ETC., IN URBAN AREAS City/Town Old Name New Name Bulawayo 9th Avenue Simon Muzenda Avenue 12th Avenue Joseph Msika Avenue 6th Avenue up to end of Emmerson Dambudzo Mnangagwa 6th Avenue Extension Way 8th Avenue Liberation Legacy Avenue 3rd Avenue Nelson Kutshwekhaya (N.K.) Ndlovu Avenue 4th Avenue through to 7th John Landa Avenue Street up to King George 5th Avenue Maria Msika Avenue 1st Avenue Lazarus Nkala Avenue 10th Avenue Nikita Mangena Avenue 11th Avenue Daniel Madzimbamuto Avenue 13th Avenue to include Clement Muchachi Road Anthony Taylor Ave 14th Avenue George Nyandoro Avenue Connaught Avenue Cephas Cele Avenue Cecil Avenue continuing Albert Nxele Way up to Wellington Road Fife Street and Queens Queen Lozikeyi Street Supplement to the Zimbabwean Government Gazette dated the 17th July, 2020. -
The Algerian Armed Forces: National and International Challenges
THE ALGERIAN ARMED FORCES: NATIONAL AND INTERNATIONAL CHALLENGES Carlos Echeverría Jesús Working Paper (WP) Nº 8/2004 1/4/2004 Area: Mediterranean & Arab World / Defence & Security – WP Nº 8/2004 (Trans. Spanish) 1/4/2004 The Algerian Armed Forces: National and international challenges ∗ Carlos Echeverría Jesús THE ROLE OF THE ARMED FORCES: FROM INDEPENDENCE TO THE FIRST STEPS TOWARD DEMOCRACY (1962-1988) The Algerian Armed Forces arose from the National Liberation Army (ALN), particularly from the so-called ‘border army’ which, as General Jaled Nezzar recalls in his Memoirs, began to play a dominant role under the command of Colonel Houari Boumedienne in late 1959: this army relentlessly waged war on the French forces deployed on the borders of Morocco and Tunisia until the conflict ended in 1962 (1). Although the creation of the ALN itself dates back to 1954, it was not until the Summam Congress, on August 20, 1956, that its structure was determined and it became considered an instrument for implementing the policies developed by the party: the National Liberation Front (FLN). The internal struggles within the FLN-ALN tandem, both in and outside Algeria, have been described by many authors: both the confrontations within the National Council of the Algerian Revolution (CNRA) and those at the various FLN congresses during and immediately after the war –the Summam Congress (1956), Tripoli Congress (1962) and Algiers Congress (1964)– aimed at taking control of the embryo of the future Armed Forces. According to Mohamed Harbi, the session of the CNRA held in December 1959 – January 1960 was crucial, as it abolished the Ministry of the Armed Forces, replacing it with an Inter-Ministerial War Committee (CIG), directed by military officers of a General Chiefs of Staff (EMG) led by Boumedienne, who went on to become Defense Minister of the first independent government and, starting in June 1965, President until his death in 1978. -
Political Leaders in Africa: Presidents, Patrons Or Profiteers?
Political Leaders in Africa: Presidents, Patrons or Profiteers? By Jo-Ansie van Wyk Occasional Paper Series: Volume 2, Number 1, 2007 The Occasional Paper Series is published by The African Centre for the Constructive Resolution of Disputes (ACCORD). ACCORD is a non-governmental, non-aligned conflict resolution organisation based in Durban, South Africa. ACCORD is constituted as an education trust. Views expressed in this Occasional Paper are not necessarily those of ACCORD. While every attempt is made to ensure that the information published here is accurate, no responsibility is accepted for any loss or damage that may arise out of the reliance of any person upon any of the information this Occassional Paper contains. Copyright © ACCORD 2007 All rights reserved. Apart from any fair dealing for the purpose of private study, research, criticism or review, as permitted under the Copyright Act, no part may be reproduced, stored in a retrieval system, or transmitted, in any form or by any means, electronic, mechanical, photocopying, recording or otherwise, without the prior permission of the publisher. ISSN 1608-3954 Unsolicited manuscripts may be submitted to: The Editor, Occasional Paper Series, c/o ACCORD, Private Bag X018, Umhlanga Rocks 4320, Durban, South Africa or email: [email protected] Manuscripts should be about 10 000 words in length. All references must be included. Abstract It is easy to experience a sense of déjà vu when analysing political lead- ership in Africa. The perception is that African leaders rule failed states that have acquired tags such as “corruptocracies”, “chaosocracies” or “terrorocracies”. Perspectives on political leadership in Africa vary from the “criminalisation” of the state to political leadership as “dispensing patrimony”, the “recycling” of elites and the use of state power and resources to consolidate political and economic power. -
“The World Bank Did It
CDDRL Number 82 WORKING PAPERS May 2008 “The World Bank Made Me Do It?” International Factors and Ghana’s Transition to Democracy Antoinette Handley University of Toronto Center on Democracy, Development, and The Rule of Law Freeman Spogli Institute for International Studies Additional working papers appear on CDDRL’s website: http://cddrl.stanford.edu. Paper prepared for CDDRL Workshop on External Influences on Democratic Transitions. Stanford University, October 25-26, 2007. REVISED for CDDRL’s Authors Workshop “Evaluating International Influences on Democratic Development” on March 5-6, 2009. Center on Democracy, Development, and The Rule of Law Freeman Spogli Institute for International Studies Stanford University Encina Hall Stanford, CA 94305 Phone: 650-724-7197 Fax: 650-724-2996 http://cddrl.stanford.edu/ About the Center on Democracy, Development and the Rule of Law (CDDRL) CDDRL was founded by a generous grant from the Bill and Flora Hewlett Foundation in October in 2002 as part of the Stanford Institute for International Studies at Stanford University. The Center supports analytic studies, policy relevant research, training and outreach activities to assist developing countries in the design and implementation of policies to foster growth, democracy, and the rule of law. “The World Bank made me do it”? Domestic and International factors in Ghana’s transition to democracy∗ Antoinette Handley Department of Political Science University of Toronto [email protected] Paper prepared for CDDRL, Stanford University, CA March 5-6, 2009 DRAFT: Comments and critiques welcome. Please do not cite without permission of the author. ∗ This paper is based on a report commissioned by CDDRL at Stanford University for a comparative project on the international factors shaping transitions to democracy worldwide. -
CIO List Part 2 of 6 Distributed by SW Radio Africa
http://www.swradioafrica.com/news070711/ciolist070711.htm CIA - Intelligence Degree Intelligence Degrees Earn an intelligence degree online at Advance Your Career in Intelligence American Military University. Learn from Past Intelligence Agents www.AMU.APUS.edu/Intelligence www.Henley-Putnam.edu SW Radio Africa news - The Independent Voice of Zimbabwe Part 2 of the leaked CIO list By Lance Guma 07 July 2011 SW Radio Africa continues with Part 2 of the list of Central Intelligence Organisation (CIO) agents working in and outside Zimbabwe. The document is dated 2001 and is a list of ‘operatives’ working at that time. Some agents may have retired or passed away, many are still serving. The serialization of the 480+ names is being done alphabetically over six weeks. At number 42 on the list is Elias Kanengoni, in 2001 just an ‘operative’. He gained notoriety during the 1990 general elections when he shot the late former Gweru Mayor Patrick Kombayi. Kanengoni and a ZANU PF activist, Kizito Chivamba, pumped over six bullets into Kombayi’s groin. Kombayi’s only crime was to contest against Mugabe’s deputy, the late Vice-President Simon Muzenda, for a parliamentary seat in Gweru. Despite both Kanengoni and Chivamba being sentenced to serve a seven year jail sentence they were controversially pardoned by Mugabe, using his presidential powers. Not only was Kanengoni pardoned he has since been promoted, rising through the CIO ranks to Deputy Director General (internal). Last year he was appointed into the ZANU PF Central Committee, sparking protests from the MDC-T that a serving CIO chief should not be taking part in politics. -
The Role of the Supreme Court in the Development of Constitutional Law in Ghana
THE ROLE OF THE SUPREME COURT IN THE DEVELOPMENT OF CONSTITUTIONAL LAW IN GHANA by SETH YEBOA BIMPONG-BUTA i THE ROLE OF THE SUPREME COURT IN THE DEVELOPMENT OF CONSTITUTIONAL LAW IN GHANA by SETH YEBOA BIMPONG-BUTA Submitted in accordance with the requirements for the degree of DOCTOR OF LAW – LLD at the UNIVERSITY OF SOUTH AFRICA PROMOTER PROFESSOR B P WANDA 1 February 2005 ii ABSTRACT The Theme running through this Dissertation is intended to prove that the Supreme Court has a role to play in the promotion, enforcement and sustenance of a proper democratic system of government, good governance and fundamental human rights and freedoms in Ghana. The Study would therefore address the role of the Supreme Court in the development of Constitutional Law in Ghana, with particular emphasis on the court’s contribution to the underlying concepts of the Fourth Republican Constitution of 1992; the guiding principles of constitutional interpretation and the vexed issue of whether the court should adopt a mechanical and literal approach to the interpretation of the Constitution or adopt a liberal, beneficent and purposive approach. The Supreme Court has asserted in the locus classicus decision: Tuffuor v Attorney-General [1980] GLR 637 that the 1979 Constitution as the supreme law, must be construed as a living political document capable of growth. Is there any evidence now to support that claim? The study shall also investigate the question of the power of the Supreme Court to review legislative and executive action. We shall also examine the role of the Supreme Court in the interpretation and enforcement of the Constitution and Fundamental Human Rights and Freedoms in relation to the rights and obligations of the individual and the State with the view to achieving good governance.