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AUTHOR Miles, Christine TITLE Bilingual Children in Special Education: Acquisition of and Culture by British Pakistani Children Attending a School for Pupils with "Severe Learning Difficulties." PUB DATE 1996-00-00 NOTE 156p.; M. Phil.(Ed.) Thesis, of Birmingham, England. PUB TYPE Dissertations/Theses - Masters Theses (042) EDRS PRICE MF01/PC07 Plus Postage. DESCRIPTORS *Bilingual Education; *Bilingualism; Communication Skills; Cultural Awareness; Cultural Influences; Elementary Secondary Education; Family Influence; Foreign Countries; *Language Acquisition; Language Fluency; *Mental Retardation; Minority Group Children; Mothers; Parent Child Relationship; Preschool Education; *Special Education IDENTIFIERS Asians; Great Britain; *

ABSTRACT The context and processes of language acquisition in bilingual, bicultural British-Pakistani and British-Asian children (ages 2-19) attending a school for severe learning difficulties (SLD) were investigated. The first study compared 20 children with SLD who had a proficiency in speaking English and in their mother tongue (, Punjabi, , or Pushto). In the second study, the language acquisition processes were observed in 10 children who initially attended the nursery department and were not talking in any language. In the third study, a video was made of early language and communication in two British-Asian infants with SLD. The video was shown to mothers of children with SLD, who had widely varying reactions to the ideas conveyed and play activities shown. Results of the studies indicate that school support of mother tongues was highly important in facilitating some children's language acquisition. Knowledge, beliefs, and attitudes of teachers and families appear to be crucial in providing or hindering access to mother tongue learning. Suggestions are made for enhancing awareness of the linguistic and cultural issues among school management, staff, and families; for improving school practice, largely by better use of existing resources; and for further research. Appendices include information about bilingualism and bilingual education. (Contains over 700 references.)(Author/CR)

******************************************************************************** Reproductions supplied by EDRS are the best that can be made from the original document. ******************************************************************************** tr) CN1 O Ct (-21 BILINGUAL CHILDREN INSPECIAL EDUCATION: ACQUISITION OF LANGUAGEAND CULTURE BY BRITISH PAKISTANICHILDREN ATTENDING A SCHOOL FOR PUPILSWITH 'SEVERE LEARNING DIFFICULTIES'

by

CHRISTINE MILES

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Points of new or opinions stated in this docu- ment do not necessarily represent official TO THE EDUCATIONAL RESOURCES OERI Position or policy INFORMATION CENTER (ERIC) )

M.Phil.(Ed.) Thesis, Universityof Birmingham

Reformatted Version: Rf2.2

Birmingham, UK, 1996

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2 BILINGUAL CHILDREN IN SPECIAL EDUCATION: ACQUISITION OF LANGUAGE AND CULTURE BY BRITISH PAKISTANI CHILDREN ATTENDING A SCHOOL FOR PUPILS WITH 'SEVERE LEARNING DIFFICULTIES'.

Abstract

The context and processes of language acquisition in bilingual, bicultural, British Pakistani and Asian children attending a 'Severe Learning Difficulties' school were investigated. Three studies developed, with an extended literature review:(1) Comparison of twenty children's proficiency in speaking English and mother tongues (Urdu, Punjabi, Hindko, Pushto).(2) Language acquisition processes were observed, through two years, in another ten children initially attending the nursery department and not talking in any language. Home patterns of mother- child communication were studied. Mothers received support and information.(3) A video was made of early language and communication skills in British Asian infants. It was shown to mothers, who had widely varying reactions to the ideas conveyed and play activities shown. The children had a great diversity of experiences and outcomes in terms of language abilities.School support to mother tongue was found highly important in facilitating some children's language acquisition. Knowledge, beliefs and attitudes of teachers and families appear to be crucial in providing or hindering access to mother tongue learning. Suggestions are made for enhancing awareness of the linguistic and cultural issues, among school management, staff and families;for improving school practice, largely by better use of existing resources; and for further research.

3 CONTENTS

Ch.l.INTRODUCTION

1.1 Definitions 1.2 Personal Interest 1.3 Bilingualism in Special Education(i) In 1.4 Bilingualism in Special Education(ii) Return to England 1.5 Is There A Problem? 1.6 Development of Research Plans 1.7 Outline of Fieldwork 1.8 Right To Do This Study

Ch.2.LANGUAGE ACQUISITION & CHILDREN WITH SEVERELEARNING DIFFICULTIES

2.1 Theoretical Basis of Language Practices in Special Schools 2.1.1 Skinner: the behavioural approach 2.1.2 Chomsky 2.2 More Recent Developments In Theory & Practice 2.2.1 Meaning 2.2.2 Social communication 2.3 Developments in Practices in Special Schools 2.3.1 Pre-verbal communication 2.3.2 Learning to talk. Using words toexpress meanings 2.3.3 Signing 2.3.4 Inclusive Education 2.4 Parents, Children & Professionals 2.4.1 Approved models of parenting 2.4.2 Schools and home 2.4.3 Interaction with 'normally developing' and 'delayed' Children 2.4.4 Professionally designed training courseson communication skills for parents 2.5 Summary of Issues Arising. Relevant to Bilingual Children with Learning Difficulties

Ch.3.BILINGUALISM & BILINGUAL EDUCATION

3.1 Bilingualism - International Perspectives 3.1.1 Elite bilingualism 3.1.2 Minority bilingualism 3.1.3 Family bilingualism 3.1.4 Informal bilingualism 3.2 Attitudes to Bilingualism 3.3 Current Perspectives On Community Bilingualism 3.4 Bilingual Families 3.4.1 Separating 3.4.2 Difficulties in becoming bilingual 3.4.3 Simultaneous bilingual acquisition at home and school 3.5 Current Views of the Effects on Individuals of Bilingualism 3.5.1 Language and cognitive skills 3.5.2 Educational achievements of bilingual children 3.5.3 Language proficiency 3.5.4Cognitive benefits of bilingualism 4 3.5.5 Varieties in mother tongue 3.5.6 Emotional stress 3.6 Summary of Issues Relevant to Bilingual Children with Learning Difficulties

Ch.4.ISSUES IN BILINGUAL & SPECIAL EDUCATION

4.1 Political & Legal Issues Affecting Bilingual Education 4.2 Policies Towards Minority Children in Britain 4.2.1 Language policies 4.2.2 Other policy issues 4.3 Language. Culture & Identity 4.4 Culture in the Classroom 4.5 Parental Choice of Language 4.5.1 Language of school 4.5.2 Language within the home 4.6 Models of Education For Children Speaking Minority Languages 4.6.1 Interpreting the results of research 4.6.2 Monolingual education - in second language 4.6.3 Bilingual education 4.6.4 Some approaches used in England 4.7 Bilingual Programmes for Children with Language/Learning Difficulties 4.8 Assessment 4.8.1 Assessment for identification of special educational needs 4.9. Summary of Issues Relevant to Bilingual Children with Learning Difficulties

Ch.5.CHILD-REARING. CULTURE & LANGUAGE

5.1 Why Examine Culture? 5.2 What Is A Child? 5.3 Care and Authority 5.4 How Do Caregivers & Related Adults See Their Role? 5.5 Cross-Cultural Views of Learning and Play 5.6 Gender Differences 5.7 Language Socialization 5.8 Language Socialization & Schools 5.9 Children of Pakistan 5.9.1 The middle class ideal 5.9.2 The Islamic ideal 5.9.3 Village observations 5.10 How are Differences/Delays in Development Perceived in Pakistan? 5.11 Effects of Migration 5.12 The Pakistani Community in Britain 5.13 Changes in Child Rearing Patterns due to Migration 5.14 Contact with Services for Children with Disabilities 5.15 Summary of Relevant Points

Ch.6.PRACTICAL INVESTIGATION OF LANGUAGE ACQUISITION OF CHILDREN WITH SEVERE LEARNING DIFFICULTIES: METHODOLOGY & DESIGN

6.1 First Thoughts: Search for a Question 6.2 Broader Perspectives

a 6.3 Action Research 6.4 Issues of Context & Design 6.4.1 Ethnographic research methods 6.4.2 Interviews 6.5 Ethical Issues in Changing Practices at Home 6.6 Initial Research Design

Ch.7.A STUDY OF RELATIVE PROFICIENCY IN USING ENGLISH & MOTHER TONGUE

7.1 Preparatory Issues 7.2 What Aspect of Language To Examine? 7.3 Mean Length of Utterance 7.4 Methods of Collecting Material 7.5 Selection of Subjects 7.6 Involvement of Colleagues in the Research 7.7 Discussions with Parents 7.8 Summary of Children's Language Use 7.9 Detailed Observations 7.9.1 Children speaking English only 7.9.2 Children using only MT 7.9.3 Children using both MT & English 7.10 Discussion 7.10.1Comments on research design 7.10.2 Comments on the children

Ch.8.BILINGUAL INTERVENTION WITH A GROUP OF NURSERY /INFANT CHILDREN

8.1 Selection of Children 8.2 Overview of Work at the School 8.2.1 Language teaching 8.3 Observation & Work with Children 8.4 Overview of Work with Mothers: Initial Interviews 8.5 Ongoing Action with Mothers 8.5.1 Information available for mothers 8.6 Action & Results 8.7 Summary of Mothers' Responses to Pragmatics Profile 8.8 Summary of Children's Progress 8.9 Changes In Practices at the School 8.10 Some Conclusions

Ch.9.PRODUCTION & USE OF AN INFORMATIVE VIDEO

9.1 Parental Training Programmes 9.2 Purpose of the Video 9.3 Making the Video 9.4 Results of Showing the Video 9.4.1 Showing the video to individuals 9.4.2 Showing the video to groups 9.5 Discussion

Ch.10. CONCLUSIONS & RECOMMENDATIONS 6 10.1 Factors Affecting Language Acquisition of BilingualChildren 10.1.1Range of experiences 10.1.2Parents' interaction with their children 10.1.3School experiences 10.1.4 Emotional factors in bilingual language acquisition 10.2 Effects of Bilingualism on Cognitive Abilities 10.3 Effects of Supporting MT Use in School 10.4 Assessment Issues 10.5 Teachers' Attitudes to Bilingualism and Minority Children 10.6 Providing Information to Parents 10.7 Suggested Approaches to Facilitate Bilingual Support in Schools 10.8 Recommended Goals and Action 10.8.1 Home and pre-school focus 10.8.2 Classroom focus 10.8.3 Assessment and school management focus 10.8.4Policy, research, advisory and professional training focus 10.8.5 Media and campaign focus

APPENDICES

Appendix 1. LANGUAGES SPOKEN BY THE FAMILIES

Appendix 2. SOME HISTORICAL GLIMPSES OF BILINGUALEDUCATION Appendix 3. POLITICS & BILINGUAL EDUCATION

Appendix 4. SOME EXAMPLES OF BILINGUAL EDUCATION

Appendix 5. DEVELOPMENT OF THE PAKISTANI COMMUNITY INENGLAND Appendix 6. BILINGUALISM AND THE BRAIN Appendix 7. RESPONSES TO THE 'PRAGMATICS PROFILE'

Appendix 8. VIDEOSCRIPT (ENGLISH VERSION)

BIBLIOGRAPHY Chapter 1. INTRODUCTION community as 'MT'. Some people of Pakistani This study investigates the context and origin will say that Urdu is their MT, while processes of language acquisition for bilingual, speaking a Punjabi at home. bicultural children attending schools for children with 'Severe Learning Difficulties' Severe learning difficulties. Many children (hereafter `SLD schools'). Weaknesses in acquire the label 'severe learning difficulties' current practices are identified and models for well before the statutory school age and more effective intervention are considered. without formal tests of their learning ability. The topic should concern most British teachers Delayed development is usually identified by of children having 'severe learning medical personnel, and, following statutory difficulties', as most parts of Britain have procedures, arrangements are made for some families using minority languages.It placement in special schools. At the time of has still broader relevance, as Cazden, Snow this study some children were placed before & Heise-Baigorria (1991) estimate that 60% of reaching the age of two years. Before the the world's children live in bilingual or implementation of the 1970 Education Act in multilingual environments. April 1971, such children were deemed incapable of benefitting from school education. The Warnock Report (Department of The Act resulted in the formation of a Education and Science, 1978, p.322, para. category of school which, for the first time, 18.15) listed 13 areas urgently needing made educational provision available for all research, including"the problems of children children in England and Wales. The term with special educational needs whose first severe learning difficulties was preferred by language is not English." The National the Warnock Committee (Department of Curriculum Council (1991) acknowledged the Education and Science, 1978, p.43 para. 3.26) need of some children for bilingual teaching to 'mental handicap' or 'educationally sub- support, and the value of group work in normal'. mother-tongue for speakers of minority languages. The implications of this for SLD The term 'severe learning difficulties' has schools need to be considered. been used above in apostrophes, or with some other qualification, to signal its problematic 1.1Definitions nature, especially with respect to children of In this study, the term bilingual is used for language minority groups. Hereafter the children who have daily exposure to two or apostrophes will not appear. more spoken languages, i.e. the language(s) in everyday use at home, and English, the The term 'special educational needs' is medium of communication, teaching and used to refer to children in need of additional therapy at school. This usage includes as support during their education as a result of `bilingual' those children who do not yet learning difficulty or sensory impairment. In express themselves verbally in any language, Britain this does not include children whose as well as those who are 'bilingual' in the need for support results solely from lack of more conventional sense of speaking two knowledge of English as a second language. languages interchangeably. Romaine (1989) and Abudarham (1987) review and discuss `' or 'Asian'. No one term some other uses of the term 'bilingual', but accurately and acceptably describes families my definition is closer to that of Duncan where some members migrated to Britain from (1989, p.20), that a bilingual person is one Pakistan, some were born in Britain of migrant who lives in"a situation where both parents, some were born of British parents languages are continually needed for effective who consider themselves ethnically Pakistani, living". or culturally Asian, and other combinations. Terms in this study vary with context, but The term Mother Tongue is here used for intend to be politically neutral. that language normally used by parents in their everyday family interactions. It is not 1.2 Personal Interest necessarily the language which the child first My interest in this topic arose during the learns to speak, as her first recognisable words period 1978-1989, while running a school in may be spoken in English at school. For this Pakistan for children with special educational reason'mother tongue' (hereafter abbreviated needs, most of whom had severe learning MT) is preferred to 11' and '1.2' which difficulties or language delays. Pupils' families commonly appear in the bilingualism used a total of six languages. My policy of literature. This use of MT also differs from using MT with each child while developing that sometimes made by members of some their verbal communication skills resulted ethnic minority communities, who may refer from my understanding, at that time, of to the official, formal language used by their theories of learning and language acquisition,

18 and the school's aim of preparing children for other unrelated languages, including Persian, a life largely within their family and languages of the mountain areas such as community groups. This approach was Chitrali or Shina, or those of other provinces influenced by experience of educational such as Sindhi or Seraiki. attitudes to the Welsh language during my childhood, and awareness of the changes of At my suggestion, the teachers began by opinion that have taken place in Welsh addressing each child in the language of the educational circles on the value of bilingual child's family. Once children had established education. However, this multilingual policy any one language as a means of was unusual and potentially controversial in communication they would start to pick up the Pakistan. Most special schools use the national other languages from classmates informally. language, Urdu, the MT of less than 8% of the When children could speak 'fluently', as population. I tried with little success to find judged subjectively by the individual teacher, theoretical justification for, or examples of, a Urdu was used more often, because literacy similar multilingual approach in use in skills were taught in Urdu. Skills in Urdu were countries with more developed special required for possible transfer to mainstream education systems. schools. On return to England I worked in, and Two pupils had Chitrali MT, but no staff visited, schools with a substantial proportion member spoke Chitrali. One of these pupils of ethnic minority pupils, where all teaching already had sufficient Urdu to be able to work took place in English, following English in that language. The other was accompanied cultural norms. Bilingual support, where to school by his cousin, until his family available, was not used in a planned, effective engaged a Pushto- speaking servant to care for way for those children with limited language him and it became more appropriate to use and communication skills.Seeing pupils of that language. Later we enrolled Nerjish, a communities failing to pupil with Persian MT.. One teacher also had acquire adequate verbal skills in any language, Persian MT, but Nerjish had no Persian- I found myself questioning current practice in speaking peers at school. She was one of the schools. Absence of support for children's few pupils who failed to acquire spoken MTs seemed likely to be a factor affecting language, over two years or more, though she their acquisition of language skills. used signs and gestures and showed other competencies. 1.3 Bilingualism in Special Education(i) In Pakistan The case of Nerjish caused me to , capital of the North-West Frontier question my policy - would it have been better Province (NWFP) is a multilingual city. Most if all children had been addressed in one men speak at least three languages during a language in school? Hearing several languages normal day's activities, switching from one to in use at any time might be particularly another without apparent concern for any confusing to some children. However the external standard of correctness. Women, as a success of the policy with most pupils, and result of cultural norms of gender segregation, their families' satisfaction with this, appeared often speak only one language. Education is to outweigh possible disadvantages. normally conducted in Urdu, apart from elite private English-medium schools, though Urdu 1.4 Bilingualism in Special Education(ii) is the MT of less than 1% in NWFP (Federal Return to England Bureau, 1990, p.87). Rauf (1975) made a plea On return from Pakistan I spent some months for the early years of education to be in supply teaching in Yorkshire schools where children's MT, but there is no indication of 50% or more children were of Pakistani any change. Many of our pupils'normal' origin Some of these children reminded me of siblings did not attend school, and few of their Nerjish. They did not speak, but had mothers had done so. Official literacy levels in comprehension skills in two languages and the NWFP are 25.9% for all men and 21.9% other non-verbal skills apparently at a higher for urban women, but only 6.5% for all level than monolingual non-speakers. Some women (Federal Bureau, 1990, p.85). pupils had MT abilities unknown to the school. One young man, Shahid, often The three languages most commonly muttered to himself. The school had no spoken in Peshawar are Pushto, Hindko, and member of staff who spoke Shahid's MT, but Urdu, with a sizeable minority of Punjabi an interpreter was engaged for an hour to speakers. Most of the staff could speak all listen to him. She reported, correctly, that four of these languages, while I formally Shahid was not using recognisable words. 1 studied Urdu and Pushto, and informally started talking to him in his MT, and after acquired some Hindko and of Punjabi. some days he started responding in short, There are also minority communities speaking correct sentences, and sometimes initiated conversation. However, after two weeks he children had learnt to speak their MT, created became angry and abusive if I used his MT. problems for acquisition of language. The Perhaps he resented my demands, or felt his view was expressed that these children have privacy threatened. He had reached 18 years been identified as having severe learning without anyone demanding that he difficulties, which suffices to explain all their communicate. (His parents reported that he did language and communication problems. This not talk, but no detailed investigation had been attitude may be linked to the fact that schools made). lack the resources, or do not see reasons to allocate resources, to provide MT support to 1.5 Is There A Problem? language minority children who cannot yet As my interest developed, I asked teachers and talk, so it is simpler not to identify such needs. other professionals for their views on the Some professionals working with children language needs of children from minority identified as having learning difficulties appear language homes. Those described here were to believe that it is 'politically incorrect' to collected informally at different times and identify minority children as having needs places, and are not the results of a planned different to children from the majority survey. Many teachers thought it too hard for community - even if the failure to do so children to learn two languages. Most means disregarding a central principle of teachers in England have little experience of modern special education, i.e. meeting speaking two languages. Unlike the situation individual needs. in Wales and most parts of the world, in England the speaker of two languages is Some argued that there are educational considered talented. This viewpoint hardly and/or linguistic reasons for the present encourages teachers to help children with monolingual practice. One teacher suggested learning difficulties to become fluently that children make better progress if they do bilingual. Such a view of the intellectual not hear their MT at school, so that they will demands of bilingualism is not confined to have clearly defined contexts for each England. Even in Belgium, where children are language. Some teachers and therapists normally taught both official languages, those expressed the view that any difficulties which with learning difficulties may be excluded arise through bilingualism can be solved by from lessons in the second language (Merry, teaching children a third languagea manual 1989, p.390). sign vocabulary. I enquired which language teachers None of the teachers with whom I considered more important, if children were discussed these issues had made any study of not to be encouraged to be bilingual. Most issues related to bilingualism, and most had no expressed the view that English is of more specialised knowledge of language importance in adult life, so use of other development. There was clearly a need for this languages should not be encouraged. This knowledge to be made available to teachers. assumes that the skills needed for use in the child's future life outside the home, as a client The present study aims both to clarify key of services for people with disabilities, should issues relating to bilingual children in special take priority over learning skills for schools, and to identify ways in which present participation in family life. Some teachers resources might be used more effectively. In regretted that children's families could not the present economic climate, this will be reinforce the language teaching received in necessary before suggesting approaches English at school. Only one regretted that requiring increased expenditure. schools could not reinforce what the child had learnt at home. Some teachers appeared to 1.6 Development. of Research Plans assume that language is acquired mainly at This study is exploratory, there being little school, rather than through interactions at reported research on the needs of bilingual home. children with severe learning difficulties. While there is little literature directly on this Some teachers' reasoning was apparently topic, there are many related subjects, the influenced by their socio-political views, study of which might produce relevant perhaps a well-intentioned wish to encourage insights. Figure 1 (next page) shows ethnic minority families to become better seventeen related topics which I decided to integrated into British society, or sometimes explore, in an extended literature survey, from hostility to any family practices that searching for possible implications for deviate from an imagined norm. bilingual children in SLD schools. This literature search resulted in some insights, not I asked whether teachers thought that a all of which were reflected in the fieldwork. school's entirely monolingual approach, using English in teaching and therapy before Figure 1: Topics related to my research.

Legal Framework for Education of Bilingual Children International Neurological Perspectives Effects & on Bilingualism Linguistic Organisation

Bilingual Education Models and Theories

V Bilingual BILINGUAL CHILDREN Emotional & Language in SLD SCHOOLS Social Effects Disability of Bilingualism & Biculturalism

Assessme Language Acquisition of young Bilingual Children Attitudes to Bilingualism & Multiculturalism

Nornial Processes of Language Acquisition Language Acquisition of Children with SLD

Cross-Cultural attitudes to Child Development of Children's Rearing & Language Language at home & in Disability school

MINORITY PARENT PARTICIPATION IN EDUCATION OF CHILDREN with SLD

Minority Experiences of Education and Society Parent Participation in Education of Children with SLD

1.1 The topics focused on three main areas: to read, and to explore mothers' opinions language acquisition and teaching in SLD of the views expressed and activities schools (Chapter 2), bilingualism (Chapters 3 shown. and 4) and linguistic minority parents and their participation in their children's special 1.8 Right To Do This Study education (Chapter 5). Some topics were The ethics of studies of minority communities, found to have less practical significance at this made by people who may be perceivedas stage. These appear in Appendices 2-6. belonging to more powerful, dominant communities, have been questioned. A While the literature search is written in a conference in Yugoslavia recommended that: traditional form, preceding my descriptions of "A precondition for majority group practical fieldwork, in fact my reading took researchers to work in the interests of place before, during and after completing the migrant minorities and escape from fieldwork. Topics covered were influenced by ethnocentricity is that they have first my practical findings, as well as shaping the hand experience, affectively and directions of practical work. cognitively, of using the language and living in the culture of the My initial focus was on language in minorities." (Skutnabb -Kan gas, 1990, schools. I planned to examine the effects of p.97; citing Murdzeva-Skaric, 1987, the present monolingual practice on language p.178). acquisition and to explore alternatives. I aimed to increase opportunities for parental Apart from my own secondary education involvement in their child's education, with as a Welsh child in a monolingual, parents providing MT language work monocultural English boarding school, I alongside the school's English work. I did not believe that my experience of living and wish to take an intrusive approach, believing working for 11 years in Pakistan, where I that parents' interactions with their children learnt four languages, taught some 200 belong to themselves, not to a 'school children with special educational needs, and programme'. However, the aim of providing advised over 2,000 Pakistani families, qualifies 'culturally appropriate' information to parents me according to these suggested criteria. about language development, so that they Moreover, the purpose of this research is to could help their children, became a large part explore ways in which a group of children, of the study. This resulted in the investigation described as having severe learning of language interactions between family difficulties, can be provided with more members and their child and led to some effective services. While this may not unexpected findings about mothers' concepts currently be a priority for their community of their role in relating to their children. leaders, it is of considerable concern for the children's parents, and should also be so for 1.7 Outline of Fieldwork teachers. I know of no studies on bilingualism The fieldwork took place in a large, all-age (2 of children with severe learning difficulties 19 years) SLD school, and in pupils' homes. within Pakistan. None appear in the The families of 80% of pupils at the school bibliographies of M. Miles (1991), Venkatesan originated in the Indo-Pakistani subcontinent. & Vepuri (1995), Linguistic Society of The research developed into three studies, (1990), nor have British Asian teachers or (Chapters 7, 8 and 9). researchers yet published research in this area. 1. In the first study the proficiency of National Institute (1987) reports the children in speaking English and their MT perceptions of a group of Pakistani special was compared. teachers regarding the relative advantages of 2. The second study involved observing a MT or of Urdu medium literacy teaching. group of children over a two year period. When the study began, these children attended the nursery department and had not yet started to talk in any language. The processes of language acquisition were observed. Mothers were included in the study. They were visited, their patterns of communication with their child were discussed, and they were given support and information. 3. For the third study a video film was prepared, concerning early language and communication skills. It was shown to mothers, to test its effectivenessas an information medium for mothers unable

4 Chapter 2. LANGUAGE ACQUISITION & CHILDREN WITH SEVERE LEARNING DIFFICULTIES This chapter explores some theories of rewarded by the adult's attention and further language acquisition, and research relating to communication. the teaching of language to children with severe learning difficulties. The purpose of Skinner's work on language has been this literature study is to provide a framework strongly criticised by other linguists since for understanding practice in SLD schools and Chomsky (1959) reviewed Verbal Behaviour. to search for implications for the needs of Harris (1990) and Goldbart (1988) note that bilingual children acquiring language while Skinner's theories were not based on attending SLD schools. observations of children acquiring language. He failed to explain how a child quickly starts 2.1 Theoretical Basis of Language Practices using word combinations without being taught in Special Schools in a structured way. Nevertheless, Kiernan (1988, p.51; 1992), Goldbart (1988) reinforcement clearly plays a part in the and Harris (1988, 1990) find that much current acquisition of basic communication skills. A practice of teaching language and child is unlikely to continue trying to communication skills in SLD schools is not communicate if she never receives any based on modern theories of language response. Skinner's theory sees language as a acquisition. They note that many language skill which is learnt, so is amenable to programmes in special schools are largely intervention when learning is delayed; but based on Skinner's behavioural approach Goldbart (1988) thinks it impossible to teach proposed in 1957; or Chomsky's grammatical natural conversational skills by these methods. theories following his 1959 response to Harris (1990, p.70), while recognising that Skinner. Some teaching schemes base their behavioural methods can be effective in assessment methods and choice of teaching changing children's 'language behaviour', objectives on Chomsky's grammatical points out that children may learn to produce structures, while using Skinner's behavioural phrases in formal training sessions, but be methods as teaching techniques. Harris (1988) unable to use them spontaneously elsewhere. found that many teachers had little awareness of more recent theoretical developments Skinner's comments on the possible regarding language acquisition. effects of immersing a child in a second language are, however, noteworthy. He argued 2.1.1 Skinner: the behavioural approach that a child is 'punished'(i.e. no Skinner published his theory of language reinforcement is given) by a lack of response acquisition in Verbal Behaviour (1957). He to her attempts to communicate, and this could saw language as a form of behaviour which a result in a general reduction of communicative child learns to repeat when her action is behaviour (Skinner, 1957, pp.167-168). From reinforced. He rejected the idea of language a behavioural perspective, the child with as an expression of internal meaning, looking delayed language should be reinforced for instead at the stimuli preceding, and type of talking and communicating. From this it can reinforcement following, an utterance. be deduced that, during the early school years, Language has practical functions. A child bilingual staff should be available to learns that by making a sound she can cause encourage all the child's appropriate attempts something pleasurable to follow: after making at communicating; and to help monolingual one sound an action may occur, or the child staff develop sensitivity to different cultural receives something; a different sound results in modes of expression, so that they may respond emotional satisfaction through contact with appropriately to children's efforts even with another person. Skinner suggested that a child minimal personal knowledge of the second acquires speech by being reinforced at first for language. making any sounds, but gradually she is rewarded only for sounds that are accepted by Larsen-Freeman & Long (1991, p.55) the language community in which she lives, write that from a behavioural position, second and she learns to echo sounds she hears others language learning (in the 'normal' educational making. However, while Skinner's 'behaviour system, when first language skills are already modification' approach became part of school established) was viewed as practice, his ideas on the 'functions' of "a process of overcoming the habits language were ignored by teachers (Harris, of the native language in order to 1990). Children would be 'rewarded' in ways acquire the new habits of the target inappropriate for the language behaviour they language." were supposed to be learning, e.g. being given The bilingual person would thus use one a sweet for saying "Hello", rather than being language in one environment, while a different environment would trigger a change of 513 language. However, on the basis of Skinner's to their delay in other cognitive skills; other own writing it would appear that the child children have particular difficulties which with limited communication skills would be result in their pattern of language development less likely to learn to talk when immersed in a appearing different, or 'disordered'. (Kiernan, second language. 1985, pp.588-603; Ronda!, 1988, 1985; Kamhi & Masterson, 1989; Miller, Chapman & 2.1.2 Chomsky Mackenzie, 1981). An understanding of Chomsky described language in grammatical normal processes of language development terms. He suggested that children are born should form a basis for teaching in SLD with an innate language learning potential, the schools. Bloom & Lahey (1978) and Crystal Language Acquisition Device (LAD), which (1982, 1989) provide means of identifying enables them to acquire the rules of a how some children's skills diverge from those particular language from experience and found in normally developing children and observation of that language in use. From this approaches for overcoming their difficulties. perspective people with severe learning difficulties would be regarded as having 2.2.1 Meaning "impaired, delayed or even non- Many linguists (e.g. Bloom, Bowerman, existent language acquisition Nelson, Clark, writing from the 1970s to the devices". (Goldbart, 1986, p.156). present) have focused their studies on ways The LAD is often connected with the idea of a children use language to express meaning. The `critical period' for language acquisition, a relationship between language and cognition, view proposed by Lenneberg (1967), although how children attach meanings to words, and Singleton (1989, pp.221-227) suggests that this the ways in which children learn to combine was peripheral to Chomsky's own position. words to express ideas, are still being studied, While grounds may exist for the 'critical in growing depth. This area is relevant to the period' idea in first language acquisition, child learning to express meanings while Singleton (1989) finds no reason why this learning two languages concurrently. should apply also to second language learning. Nevertheless the 'critical period' idea has The Piagetian approach regards cognitive influenced second language teaching by development as preceding language: words are justifying a sense of urgency - especially when learnt to express concepts which have already applied to speakers of minority languagesto been acquired (Crystal, 1987, pp.234-235; begin the second language as early as possible. Anisfeld, 1984). This would imply that the In practice this is often taken to mean school bilingual child learns a single concept, then entry or before, when applied to speakers of two ways of expressing it. Whorf (1956) minority languages learning a majority suggested that concepts develop in accordance language, although Kessler (1971) thought the with language experience, so that speakers of LAD functioned until the child was about different languages would also develop a twelve years old. Chomsky (1959) noted the different cognitive framework. This appears to ease with which children pick up a second imply that the bilingual child would develop language from other children on the street. two separate cognitive frameworks. Vygotsky Writers such as Cummins (1984) and Wong is also understood to suggest that cognitive Fillmore (1991) also note the rapid pick-up of development is dependent on language, while social uses of a second language, but indicate being shaped by social and cultural that several years may elapse before children experiences (Foley, 1991, Smith, 1993). More can use their second languages in cognitive recently, Kamhi & Masterson (1989), Cromer learning (see Section 3.5.3). (1991), and Bowerman (1981, 1985, 1989) suggest that both language and concept 2.2 More Recent Developments In Theory develop together, with bi-directional influence. & Practice Bowerman (1989, pp.142-159) finds evidence Since the 1970s there has been much progress for the forms of language influencing concepts in theoretical studies of child language of spatial relationships such as those expressed development. Recently these have resulted in in English by In/Out/On/Off/Under/Over. the development of materials for teachers in SLD schools such as those of Coupe & Some writers have found a distinction Goldbart (1988), Aherne & Thornber (1990) between two early ways of using words. and Harris & Wimpory (1991). Actual Anisfeld (1984) refers to 'signs' and influence on school practice is, however, less `symbols'; Barrett to 'context bound' and clearly evident. `non-context bound' words (1986; Barrett & Diniz, 1989; Harris et al, 1988). The 'signs' or Many of the children attending SLD `context-bound' words are "only used in a schools follow the same patterns of language single highly specific behavioural context" acquisition as 'normally developing children', (Barrett, Harris & Chasin, 1991, p.21), their delay in acquiring language being similar

6, while the 'non-context bound words' are the difference between 'receptive' and linked to a mental representation or `expressive' language. Kiernan (1988) points `prototype' object. A process of negotiation out, and Kamhi & Masterson (1989) refer to takes place where a child may use a word in experimental evidence, that some children unconventional ways, 'overextending' or have greater delay in language production than `underextending' (Bloom, 1973; Bowerman, in comprehension. 1976, 1989; Anisfeld, 1984) until her `prototype' is modified to conform to that in Nelson (1981) suggests that, for all use within her language community. children, learning the mechanics of sound Bowerman (1989, p.139) suggests that the use production may delay the first use of words. of a word which is overextension in one The different aspects of memory, 'recognition' language reflects appropriate use in another and 'recall', may also play a part in this delay. language, e.g. the use of a single word to A child may 'recognise' a word which she express fingers and toes in some languages. hears, while unable to 'recall' it. Anisfeld Children who experience different language (1984, p.25) suggests that 'recall' requires environments at home and in school have internal representation while 'recognition' more limited experience of the ways in which requires only a response to a familiar stimulus. a word may be used, and so their use of words Bloom (1993) suggests that, at first, recall will may remain 'context bound' for longer, occur only in a situation that replicates the delaying the formation of internalised original stimulus. Later recall will become concepts. easier as the child compares her perception with an internalised image. Intuitively it would appear easier to acquire a concept and expression in one Differences between receptive and language and, once that is used correctly, learn expressive language may be greater when the appropriate expression in the other children have less personal or social language, rather than attempting to acquire the motivation to communicate. Some children concept using two languages concurrently. with learning difficulties have less interest in Pearson & Fernandez (1994), studying twenty communicating than is considered 'normal'. `simultaneous' bilingual children up to the age There are considerable cultural differences in of 30 months, found they first learned words adult's expectations of children's in one language, then, weeks or months later, communication. Chapter 5 reviews different started to use the equivalent word in the other cultural patterns of child language language. Children were not reported as socialisation; but there is also a great range acquiring two words for the same item at the between different social groups or individuals same time. Parallels might be drawn from within one culture. studies of children learning mathematical concepts. Adetula (1989) and Cardelle-Elawar 2.2.2 Social communication (1990) found much benefit in children learning The relationship between language and social mathematics first in their MT rather than the interaction has been emphasised by writers second language usually used in schools. Once such as Halliday and Bruner. A child's wish the concepts were mastered in the MT, the or need to communicate with others is seen as necessary second language words and phrases having a central role in learning to talk. were readily acquired. Song & Ginsberg Language is seen as developing from a baby's (1988) also reported that Korean children early forms of communication, supported and found it hard to learn two counting systems at directed by caregivers. the same time. Paulston (1990) distinguishes between learning words to express a concept Most reported work in the area of social (for which she accepts MT may provide interaction is based on studies of children and necessary support) and learning a new item of their caregivers in European or American vocabulary, such as the word for 'capital contexts, which diverge considerably from letter' which is purely a label. In the latter socialisation patterns of some other cultures case she suggests that learning the first (see Chapter 5). Vygotsky's work in the language equivalent is irrelevant. However, in Soviet Union, in the 1920s and 1930s, has the early stages of language acquisition, become better known in the west in the 1980s vocabulary is related to conceptual through translations. This has drawn further development. Paulston's argument applies only attention to the close relationship between to vocabulary items whose use is limited to culture and the learning of language (Sutton, the school context. 1988). Vygotsky saw learning as taking place when a child is enabled by the support of The language acquisition research another person to perform actions or achieve described above focuses mostly on children's results she could not achieve unaided. He use of language. Teachers of children with wrote of the 'Zone of Proximal learning difficulties, however, often emphasise Development', those actions which can be

15 performed when supported, but not if unaided pointing gesture develops from an (Tharp & Gallimore, 1988). unsuccessful reaching attempt. Children gradually learn that certain sounds and actions Halliday (1975) recorded his son's early produce predictable responses. Watson & utterances and analyzed the different functions Knight (1991) write of applying this by for which they were used, from the age of six responding 'creatively' to children with very months when severe learning difficulties by imputing "he uses his voice to order people meaning to certain behaviour. However, about, to get them to do things for cultural differences between home and school him; he uses it to demand certain may result in different responses, so that the objects or services; he uses it to pre-linguistic child learns two separate codes make contact with people, to feel of communication. close to them;" (p.11). Thus, a child is encouraged to acquire Following his studies of Vygotsky, Bruner language skills by parents and carers suggested that the child develops language responding to his attempts to communicate when support, or 'scaffolding', is provided with them. Halliday (1975) listed the through a LASS - Language Acquisition following functions used by a young child in Support System (Bruner, 1986; Bruner & communication: Bornstein, 1989). Bruner emphasised the Instrumental - expressing 'I want'. importance of social routines such as those Regulatory `Do that' or developed in games like 'peekaboo', finding Interaction - greetings, names, games, picture naming games. Routines enable expressions of the child to acquire skills of shared attention togetherness. and joint action with another person - the child Personal awareness of self, 'here learns both to communicate with another I come'. person, and how to communicate some Heuristic seeking information, meaning or message. The child gradually `tell me'. learns to interpret the adult's meaning, within Imaginative `let's pretend'. the context of these routines. Informative telling others things. These routines play an important part in Halliday had hypothesised that these the infancy of children of culturally dominant functions would be acquired in the order groups in Western society, yet they are far listed. Observing his son, however, he found from universal. Heath (1989, p.342) points out that the first four functions were acquired that children still learn to talk in societies concurrently. The Heuristic and Imaginative where such games are not played. Snow functions followed; the Informative function (1989, p.93) suggests that children from was achieved much later. The first six different backgrounds and cultures take functions took place in a shared context, different routes toward language acquisition. whereas giving information involves use of However, she also suggests that language without other supports. Language is "Just as culture defines what at first an expression of shared experience; the constitutes normal social interaction Informative function enables language to it also defines what constitutes become an alternative to this experience. normal language ability. It is naive to expect uniformity, either in Halliday supposed that the first functions facilitative features or in definition of of a child's communication are independent of optimal outcome, given the deep, any particular language, but are features of life serious effect of culture on these in all cultures. The child is, however at the matters" (Snow, 1989, p.93). same time constructing"a model of the culture of which he is himself a member" In all cultures, most children learn to talk, (ibid., p.66.) This process is under way by the according to a pattern and time scale typical time the child is nine months old, so that the for their society. However, the situation of child's "meaning potential develops as the children belonging to minority groups is that, representation of the social system and of his at certain public moments such as entry to own place in it" (ibid., p.66). school, they are likely to be measured by the patterns of development of the dominant It is suggested (Price, 1989; Bruner, 1975, groups in their society. Sutton (1988) refers to Trevarthan, 1974; Halliday, 1975), that even Vygotsky's work showing how members of before children consciously communicate, some Central Asian cultural groups developed carers respond to certain of their actions and styles of language and cognitive patterns sounds as though they were meaningful. For which disadvantaged them within the Soviet example, Bruner (1975, following Vygotsky, system of education. Even when test items see reprint edition, 1991) describes how the were translated and pictures changed to take

8 ii s3 into account local culture, most minority first weeks at school, but cultural unfamiliarity children scored poorly. Kayser (1990) shows is likely to increase the emotional demands how children from minority cultures may be (Trueba 1989, 1991a, 1991b). defined by professionals from the dominant culture as having a language 'disorder' when There remain some conflicts between their language use conforms to the patterns of proponents of cognitive approaches to their own ethnic group. language development and those emphasising the continuum with early forms of social Writers who focus on the cognitive communication (Snow, 1989, p.83). aspects of child language acquisition see Bowerman (1989) and Bloom (1993)argue language and thought as developing together. that many of the 'meanings' children learnto Bloom (1993) writes of language developing express cannot easily be explained by their from the child's thoughts and feelings, and her interactive needs, and that the development of social need to share these. However, writers language is distinct from the communication who focus on social and communicative of 'affect'. Approaches to teaching children in aspects of language see the language of SLD schools should take both perspectives thought as developing from the language learnt into account; however, many such children for communication. Vygotsky saw childrenas first need to develop basic strategies for social first acquiring social communication skills. communication. Language learnt for communication was later used for 'egocentric' or private speech. Vygotsky used this term for the speech used 2.3 Developments in Practices in Special by children at play, which often seems Schools incomprehensible to others. He argued (reprint translation 1988) that this 'egocentric speech' 2.3.1 Pre-verbal communication has a primarily social role, as it may be Some children attending SLD schools do not interpreted by others and responses made. talk. New approaches to teaching Eventually it leads to 'inner speech', the form communication skills have developed from of thought. recent research into babies' patterns of communications. Coupe, Barton & Walker A young child in a special school may be (1988), developing a programme for pre-verbal at the stacze of producing 'egocentric speech', children in a special school, list the following while at play. Vygotsky stressed the `meanings' which they teach children to importance of supporting egocentric speech in communicate, initially by a look, gestureor order to develop 'inner speech', the vehicle for vocalisation, and when communication is thought and cognitive development. He noted established, by using signs or words: (reprinted translation,1988) that children's Existence (acknowledging an objector production of egocentric speech stoppedor person's existence by naming, touching, was greatly reduced if they were placed with pointing or looking); Disappearance (a children speaking another language. Children verbal comment such as 'gone'or a speaking a minority language cannot have gesture or look); Recurrence; their egocentric speech interpreted and Non-existence; Location (commenting on developed for them by play companions who or requesting change in the position of an do not speak that language. In myown object); Possession; Rejection; Denial; observation, once a child has experienced two Agent; Object (the person or object language environments, even a bilingual adult affected by an action); Action; and may find it hard at times to ascertain which Attribute. (ibid., pp.77-80). language the child is speaking, in order to support and join in her play. How might a child whose home experience is linguistically and culturally The effect of emotional factors on different from the school be affected by sucha language acquisition has rarely been programme? The child is acquiring one considered by researchers, as pointed out by `system' (including gesture, face and body Vygotsky (1956, cited by Hood Holzman movements), at home, which is an effective 1985) and Bloom (1993). Bloom, ina research means of communication, but is then being study to examine the effects of children's taught a different system at school. emotional states, suggests that physical expression of emotion competes with While some writers (e.g. Eibl-Eibesfeldt, expression of speech, both requiring cognitive 1988) suggest that early facial expressions effort. A child who is feeling strong emotions (smiling and crying) always elicit similar is more likely toexpress herself non-verbally. responses and so develop similar meanings in Children more readily learn touse language in all cultures, these expressions will begin to be emotionally undemanding situations.All modified by the culture within a few months. children are likely to experiencestress in their Gesture, facial expression, volume and tone of

9 voice, tempo and rhythm of speech, patterns ofcease planning the curriculum around the laughing, crying, sighing, gaze movements, needs of the individual child. body postures all vary cross-culturally (Poyatos, 1988). Indeed Raffler-Engel (1988) Mahoney, Robinson & Powell (1992) suggests that a baby's earliest nonverbal recommend a less directive approach, at least behaviour may be influenced 'in utero' by the for younger children, with teachers providing mother's patterns of movements and voice appropriate opportunities for experience and patterns. responding to and exploiting the child's own interests. Kiernan (1992, p.95) describes the Watson & Knight (1991) and Coupe, teacher's job as "setting occasions for Barber & Murphy (1988) recommend close communication" and "encouraging"rather observation to identify a child's personal ways than "directing" the child's expression. of communicating. Such an approach should be an effective way of overcoming cultural 2.3.3 Signing and individual differences in the child's Some schools use signing as an approach to behaviour, particularly if the teacher works in teaching language skills. However, methods of cooperation with the child's family. The teaching a signed vocabulary are subject to teacher also needs to be sensitive to how a similar limitations as programmes for culturally different child may interpret her encouraging verbal development. Harris (1988, behaviour. Teachers may have facial p.12) found that the usual method of teaching expressions and tones of voice that are signs follows a behavioural approach, which, unfamiliar and possibly alarming to the child. as already noted, bears little relation to current If frightened or discouraged, children are less theories of the acquisition of communication likely to try to communicate. skills. Kiernan (1985) asserted the value of signing for those apparently unable to speak. 2.3.2 Learning to talk. Using words to He found evidence that the learning of signing express meanings is sometimes accompanied by the development Many children at SLD schools are at the stage of speech, but a causal relationship could not of using single word utterances. Teachers be proven. Harris (1990, p.219) suggests that usually aim to help them expand their signing is, in effect, learning another language, vocabulary and build longer sentences; but and is unlikely directly to help the MacDonald & Gillette (1988, p.229) suggest development of spoken language by children that a more effective approach would be to with learning difficulties. Nevertheless, if a encourage a habit of communicating and child can learn to use signs more easily than interacting with others. Kiernan (1988, 1992), speech, she is thereby provided with a means Goldbart (1988) and Harris (1988, 1990) are of communication that is valuable in itself. unenthusiastic about the emphasis in many classrooms on naming activities, often based Kiernan (1988, p.52) noticed that teachers in picture books. Progressive approaches, such emphasise the teaching of naming when using as that of Aherne & Thornber (1990), and signs; children are required to produce a sign Harris & Wimpory (1991) now focus more on in response to the teacher's request. He the social and interactive skills required in doubted whether children who have learnt a talking. vocabulary in this way will have the necessary skills to sign spontaneously. However, while these new approaches were developing, many other changes occurred Clibbens (1993) examined natural in schools, some of them enforced by legal processes of sign acquisition, seen in deaf requirements. The National Curriculum, children interacting with deaf parents. He testing, integration programmes, development studied strategies for gaining children's of a technology curriculum, records of attention and for teaching the position and achievement plans, local management issues movement required for the `sign'; then used and other effects of recent Education Acts, these processes with children having Down's have taken priority over updating teaching Syndrome. These 'natural' methods appeared methods in the light of current research and more effective in teaching children to sign theories, unless the school or individual spontaneously. teachers were highly motivated. None of the literature on teaching of Some schools have moved from a signing gives any reason to suppose that there behavioural, checklist-dominated approach, but are any particular benefits for bilingual failed to find a structured alternative, such as children in learning to sign in addition to their the interactive approach outlined by Harris spoken languages (which some teachers, in (1993). Without the support of developmental informal discussion, had suggested would be lists some teachers remain unaware of their the case). pupils' strengths, interests and needs - and so 2.3.4 Inclusive Education an alternative route to skill acquisition. Pre- The current debate about inclusive education is school programmes such as Head Start in likely to result in more children with learning America aimed to overcome such supposed difficulties being educated within mainstream `deficiencies' (Zigler & Anderson 1979). provision. Mainstream schools are more often Valentine & Stark (1979, pp.297-301) showed reported to have a positive attitude to the range of attitudes towards parental bilingualism and to develop approaches which participation in different Head Start projects- take into account children's ethnic and some planners saw projects as giving training linguistic background, as described below in in parenting to economically poor parents Sections 4.4, 4.5, 5.8. Children with learning (assumed to be poor also in parenting difficulties will have classfellows able to talk abilities);while other projects are actually normally, some of whom share the same MT. controlled by parents. Classfellows who are developing more rapidly should, in theory, be able to provide adequate 2.4.2 Schools and home models of both the languages being acquired In practice, many children have more by bilingual children, and to provide support stimulating experiences of language at home in the culturally unfamiliar situation. However, than at school. Wells (1981) and Tizard & Lewis (1990) found that the more able peers Hughes (1984) compared British pre-school did not generally provide opportunities for the children's language experience at home, and in children with learning difficulties to develop schools and nurseries, demonstrating that their interaction skills, a finding shared by children have more opportunities for Ware et al (1992), except where activities developing language in the former than the were carefully chosen and directed by the latter. There was limited pupil-teacher teacher. Hirsch ler (1994) describes an interaction in schools. The usual activity American experiment in training pre-school consisted of teachers asking, and children children in methods of interacting with answering, questions to which the teachers `second language learners' in their classes, already knew the answers. which was very effective. A similar approach could be used to enable children to help The view that linguistically stimulating children with special educational needs. environments were restricted to middle-class homes was rejected by Tizard & Hughes 2.4 Parents, Children & Professionals (1984). They found working-class British mothers providing stimulating linguistic 2.4.1 Approved models of parenting environments, although differences in style Theories of child language acquisition have and content were apparent in comparing been based on studies of parent-child middle-class and working-class homes. They interactions, generally in middle-class noted that working-class children were less European or North American contexts. communicative at school than middle-class Observations have usually been of mother and childrenyet at home they demonstrated more child, with no siblings present. From these an than adequate skills, and were receiving more `approved' model of parent-child interaction stimulation than they received at nursery. has grown, which is believed to facilitate language acquisition. The model expects the 2.4.3 Interaction with 'normally developing' adult to take a responsive, non-directive role. and 'delayed' children She (it is usually assumed to be the mother) McConachie (1986), Conti-Ramsden (1989), interprets the baby's movements and sounds Price (1989) and Davis et al (1988) reviewed and the child's words, building on the literature relating to differences, in mother- expressions and helping the child forward. In child interaction patterns, between mothers talking to the child, she speaks slowly, using with a 'normal' child and those with a child short, simple utterances, with exaggerated with learning difficulties or language delay. pitch and stress, talking about shared activities Results have not all been consistent. Some (Price, 1989, p.190). In addition to frequent found mothers of children with delayed conversational interactions, it is expected that language/learning difficulties to be more the mother will also play structured games and `directive' than mothers of 'normal' children, read or tell stories. using language largely to control their child's activities, and making few comments A greater emphasis on a socio-cultural describing the context they are sharing with view of language acquisition may result in the child, or to which the child might respond professionals taking a view that some parents, verbally. Some studies found mothers more including some from ethnic minorities or from directive only when engaging the child in economically weaker social classes,are structured tasks; while others found no `deficient', failing to provide what difference from maternal interactions with professionals regard as desirable patterns of normal children of a similar language level. interaction, rather than 'different', in providing Conti-Ramsden (1989) points to the need to be

11. JL aware of individual differencesbetween American majority culture. However, `mentally-handicapped' children, and between Srivastava et al (1978) also found that Indian individual parents. Conti-Ramsden & Dykins mothers of children with learning difficulties (1991) examined the difference in interactions communicated less with their children and between a mother and two of her childrena provided less encouragement to their children language-impaired child and a normal sibling to talk than did mothers of 'normal' children. of the same language development stage. Their results showed consistent patterns of 2.4.4 Professionally designed training interaction within the same family. courses on communication skills for parents Mahoney (1988) and Hanrahan & Langlois Mahoney (1988) describes his series of (1988) describe parent training programmes studies (Mahoney, 1983; Mahoney, Finger & designed to reduce maternal over- Powell, 1985) of mothers' interactions with directiveness. Other programmes train parents children having Down's syndrome. The to teach interactive skills, such as looking mothers of the most communicative children together, turn-taking, appropriate play, were those who "enjoyed interacting" with the responsiveness to child's attempts to children and were least directive (Mahoney, communicate (e.g. McConkey et al, 1982; 1988, p.204). In 1983 Mahoney found the McConkey & Price, 1986). children's communication skills were primarily related to the extent to which mothers The comparative effectiveness of different responded to child-initiated communication. types of parental training programmes has Mothers who ignored the child's attempts to seldom been evaluated from the point of view communicate were themselves ignored by the of the child's progress. Girolametto (1988) child. Children whose mothers used a didactic used control groups, and found that children or instructional style, however 'stimulating' whose parents had been trained in becoming they attempted to be, were the least more responsive and less directive talked more responsive. Mahoney (1988) reported that than children of a control group. mothers of the inactive children made the most demands, for action or for the child to change Mahoney (1988) suggests that the results her focus of attention, and that their requests of programmes to modify parents' interactive were at the highest levels of difficulty. He behaviour usually show that parents who are divided requests into 'easy', 'moderately already responsive towards their child make difficult' and 'difficult' and found (p.208) that the most progress, while those with the lowest mothers of inactive Down's children made base-line scores make the least. demands nine times more difficult than did the mothers of normal children. There remains a distinction between programmes for parents based on 'teaching' or It is sometimes suggested that over- 'therapy' sessions, and those which focus on directiveness may be a response to, rather than the need to take advantage of opportunities to a cause of, the child's passivity (McConachie, communicate, and engage in meaningful 1986, p.132). Kalverboer & Wijnroks (1992) activities throughout the day rather than setting and Watson & Knight (1991) suggest that the aside times and places for 'teaching' language. child's lack of response during infancy results Theoretical controversies seem likely to in parents becoming less interactive. Price maintain this distinction, possibly in a (1989) and Marfo (1990) do not find sufficient oppositional rather than complementary way evidence that maternal use of 'directives' is (Sigel, 1983). However, it is more appropriate itself damaging. McConachie (1986, p.134) to match programmes to parents' perceptions argues that of their role, rather than to the preference of "directiveness and sensitivity [in professionals. responding to the child] can be shown to be quite different McConachie (1991) showed that dimensions", programmes are more likely to be effective if while Marfo (1990, p.540) notes studies which they start from the same philosophical basis of have shown no correlation between child care as that held by the parents. directiveness and responsiveness. They regard Traditional programmes are effective only responsiveness to the child's attempts to where parents share a "teaching-oriented communicate as the crucial feature influencing philosophy of child-care". McConachie interaction, and do not see a 'reduction of suggests it may be possible to develop directives' as necessarily facilitating this. programmes matching the philosophy and patterns of life of parents who take a different

. All the studies above which refer to view of their role. parent-child interaction with children with language or learning difficulties have been made in the context of European and North

4 0 2.5 Summary of Issues Arising, Relevant to MT, the child may learn how to express Bilingual Children with Learning these skills using the second language. Difficulties The field research will try to demonstrate Studies in children's acquisition of language the children's relative proficiency in their over the past 30 years have resulted in MT and English. numerous controversies. These will doubtless continue, the overview of research literature 8. Different cultural patterns of parent-child demonstrating the complexity of the field. The interaction may accompany different following issues are identified as of concern patterns of child development. However, regarding bilingual children, and some assessment for educational placement questions are identified for consideration usually accords with the developmental during field research. norms of the dominant culture. As a result of this a child may find herself in a 1. Both the traditional, behavioural school where the curriculum is designed viewpoint and the modern social- for less able children, teacher expectations communicative models of language are low, and her peers cannot provide development predict that ignoring suitable opportunities for social and children's attempts to communicate will linguistic development. More flexibility in have negative effects on their language school placement could result in transfer, development. To make appropriate if this were seen to be appropriate; responses, teachers need an adequate however some children will not have the knowledge of their pupils' MTs. This may opportunity to demonstrate their potential require a bilingual person to spend some within an SLD school. The field research time in the classroom, observing children may identify some children placed in an and explaining their actions and SLD school because of culturally vocalisations to the teacher. The field inappropriate assessment procedures. research may provide insights into children's responses to the language they 9. A child may have more comprehension hear in the classroom and the effect on skills than expressive language in her MT. children of teachers' responses (if any) to Her overall language development could their attempts to communicate in their be facilitated if she had encouragement to MT. develop her use of this language in school. The fieldwork will identify 2. Within an SLD school, peers are unable children who have comprehension skills to provide good models of language skills in their first language, which, with in any language. The field research will support would enable the child to learn to identify whether any children appear talk more quickly. particularly disadvantaged by this. 10.Teachers should not generalise about 3. The emotional stresses of an unfamiliar, which language will be more useful to culturally different environment may pupils in their future lives. Schools should inhibit language learning. beware of making assumptions about this. 4. A child starts to learn about language Studying the relative proficiency of long before she starts to talk.Differences children in their MT and English may be in facial expression, body language and an indicator of the relative effectiveness voice intonation patterns are a 'second of school and home as environments for language' for children. language learning. (Results will not be generalisable to other schools, using more 5. Unfamiliar patterns of movement, facial effective methods, and homes can be expressions and sounds may be expected to vary - but certain factors may interpreted as threatening by a child. be identified as influencing results.) 6. Some teachers believe there is an early 12. The research literature gives no reason to `critical period' for second language suppose that signing helps the child to learning, but there is no evidence for this acquire two languages. Field research in the research literature. may produce further insights into this. 7. The relationship between cognition and language suggests that adults should use a child's most advanced language skills (which will almost always be MT) to facilitate her cognitive development. Once cognitive skills are established using the Chapter 3. BILINGUALISM & BILINGUAL EDUCATION

This chapter examines issues and research on In some countries (e.g. Belgium, bilingualism and practices in bilingual Switzerland) two or more languages are education. These are examined to find accorded equal official status. However, implications for children regarded as having individuals and communities within such severe learning difficulties, growing up in countries are often monolingual in practice, situations where they experience two even if they have studied a second language at languages. school. 3.1 BilingualismInternational 3.1.1 Elite bilingualism Perspectives Some bilingual people speak the language of Attitudes to bilingualism are shaped by an 'elite' or politically dominant group as their experience. Different communities and first language. They may be a small minority, individuals have very different experiences of e.g. speakers of European languages in former bilingualism. Many English people have little colonies, or belong to a privileged section of experience of bilingual communities, and are society, e.g. those with high-status unaware that, in global terms, it is their international work. Sometimes speakers of a experience which is unusual. dominant language choose to have their children educated bilingually or in a second It is estimated that 60% of the world's high-status language. Elite bilingual education children are growing up to use more than one has a long history (see Appendix 2). It language (Cazden et al, 1991). Bilingualism continues today at international schools, set up occurs in a wide range of contexts. Social and for children of diplomats, but used also by the political relations are defined by the status of host community, a well documented example the various languages. Following Fishman being the European schools (Baetens (1967; 1980) a distinction is often made Beardsmore & Kohls, 1988). between 'bilingualism' and `diglossia'. Bilingualism refers to the individual's ability 3.1.2 Minority bilingualism to use more than one language, while diglossia Most speakers of minority languages belong to occurs in communities where more than one politically and economically weaker groups language is used for different purposes. such as migrant workers and their children, or Peshawar, Pakistan, is a diglossic (or indigenous minorities e.g. Sami in Finland, multiglossic) community, in which a person Australian 'aborigines', Romany speakers with Pushto MT may use Pushto with family throughout Europe, Native Americans. and friends, Hindko with other friends and Children may need to learn a second language tradespeople, Urdu and/or English in to gain access to education and employment. educational contexts and for business or There may be pressures to reject their home professional matters, and in prayer. In language, values and culture in order to be diglossic societies there is often a 'high' form more acceptable to the dominant group, or to of language for formal use and a 'low' form achieve upward mobility. Romaine (1989, for casual interactions- many Punjabi' p.218) cites the seventeenth century policy speakers in Pakistan regard Pujabi as a 'low' towards Highland Scots, and recent policies form, using Urdu as the 'high' form. towards minorities in Papua New Guinea, Kurds in Turkey, and Finns in part of Sweden. The term dialect is generally used to In all these situations, official policy has been refer to regional or societal variations ofa to eliminate minority language and cultural language, which have differences in identity. vocabulary and/or grammatical features as well as pronunciation (Crystal, 1987). For Generally, speakers of minority languages political or historical reasons some languages, need to learn majority languages to gain full though distinct, are not recognised as such; access to the resources of society (legal, and vice versa. Romaine (1989) notes that educational, health, employment), while only a Breton, distinct from French according to few majority language speakers choose to linguistic criteria, is regarded as a dialect learn the languages of their minorities. within France; while mutually intelligible forms such as Swedish and Norwegianare Some indigenous minorities gradually counted as separate languages. The status of acquire status for their languages, leading to languages and dialects in India and Pakistan is greater social acceptance, e.g. Welsh in Wales particularly complicated (see Appendix 1). over the last 150 years, and French in Canada. Non-standard 'dialects' usually have lower Their bilingualism may acquire some of the status than standard forms. characteristics of elite bilingualism.

't 2 3.1.3 Family bilingualism efforts of the French Academy to limit use of Some families consciously choose to bring up English loan words. Language changes, their child bilingually within the home (see resulting from contact with other linguistic Section 3.6). The child usually learns her two communities are perceived negatively. languages more or less simultaneously. While this is unusual in many countries, Grimes Something similar happened in recent (1985) describes South American groups years in some former colonial countries when whose customs require marriages between a particular form of language was chosen as members of tribes speaking different the ; it became codified, and languages: all children are bilingual. grammars and dictionaries were produced. The chosen variety was taught in school, and 3.1.4 Informal bilingualism speakers of other languages and dialects In many parts of the world, bilingualism is a suddenly became 'minority language necessary social skill for most members of the speakers'. Appel & Muysken (1987, p.52) community. Language skills are acquired in an refer to Whiteley's description of how this informal way, rather than through schools occurred in Tanzania, and Scheiffelin (1987b) (Illich, 1981, p.27; see also Appendix 1). records how four dialects of Bosavi coexisted Khubchandani (1979) describes the pattern of on an equal basis until one was selected for North Indian 'dialects', which may be literacy, giving speakers of this 'standard' mutually incomprehensible from one village to form social advantages. another; the men are able to speak less localised forms as they move further from 3.2 Attitudes to Bilingualism home, while women generally remain at Historically, education for children of minority home using only the local dialect. Hamers & groups was usually provided only in the Blanc (1989) also cite Gumperz & Wilson's majority language. These children were (1971) description of Kupwar, a border town thought to be harmed intellectually and of South India, divided into four distinct emotionally by their bilingualism. Flawed language groups, with most men of the town research 'confirmed' this when children were speaking all these languages. My own tested in their weaker language. Test items observations in Peshawar were similar. Men included 'cultural' knowledge, and urban spoke at least the three main languages, using middle class children were compared with a more 'standard' form of their MT. Women rural children from non-literate homes, or spoke the dialect of their village, which recent migrants. (See Appendix 2). differed from that of villages a few miles away. Popular attitudes to bilingualism still reflect some of these historical views (Hakuta, In many countries the formalisation of 1991; Baker, 1988; Appel & Muysken, 1987, grammar, with production of prescriptive p.101). Children in many countries are still textbooks and separation of 'standard' forms punished by teachers for speaking their MT in from commonly spoken dialects, resulted in a school. British parents may still be advised by change in perceptions of language. Illich professionals against bringing up their children (1981) argues that before the production of bilingually (Romaine, 1989, pp.213, 218). grammars and dictionaries, spoken languages Many British schools may resemble that as opposed to the classical languages - did not described by Warner (1992), with a staffroom have formally defined `grammar'; someone ranging from the "Ban Bengali" faction, who could travel through , Spain and Portugal, discouraged any use of, or reference to, modifying their style of speech and writing to minority languages and culture, to the English conform to local practice without formal teacher who based her lessons on the study of study. Bengali poetry.

The recognition of a single standard form Ideas about language are influenced by of a language has led to its use being political views. Romaine points out that in connected to social position and privilege. Western Europe and most Anglophone Crystal (1987, pp.2-4) writes of the countries, at some stage in their history, `prescriptive' tradition of grammar, and the minority groups have been seen as academies founded to 'purify' various "threats to cohesion of the state and [national languagesbeginning with the Italian leaders]have therefore tried to eradicate both Academy founded in 1582. Attempts to found the speakers and their language" (Romaine, an English academy, to 'fix' the language and 1989, p.6). Concerns that the ethnic loyalty of prevent change were unsuccessful. Fears for members of minority groups may be more language 'purity', and about the effects of one powerful than their sense of national identity language on another, are still current, as in the have been voiced in Britain periodically, e.g.

1523 relating support of cricket teams to national 3.3 Current Perspectives On Community loyalty; and also in the USA throughout its Bilingualism history. The 1980s saw a movement in the Where two or more languages are in contact, USA. opposed to the enhancement of ethnic change is likely in both or all of them. identity of children of immigrant communities, Whichever language they are using, many and the introduction of 'English Only' policies speakers include features derived from the in some states (see Appendix 3). other language. Language mixing is often stigmatised by speakers of a 'purer' form of Monolingual speakers of majority one language. Romaine reports this amongst languages may have little sympathy for the Punjabi speakers in Britain. However, Hamers strong feelings minority language speakers & Blanc (1989, p.153) refer to Kachru's often hold regarding the preservation of their (1978) description of the situation in many languages. Skutnabb-Kangas (1991, p.26) uses parts of India where or regional the example of attitudes to language in languages are regarded as 'higher' when Sweden. Swedish speakers, never having had intermixed with English, Persian or their 'right' to use their language challenged, depending on context. fail to perceive any value in maintaining minority languages; while Finnish speakers All aspects of language are affected by generally regard the maintenance of their contact: phonology, intonation, and stress language as very important. patterns may be carried from one language to the other. Lexical borrowing occurs, syntax Minority Language teaching may be seen may be affected, and so may non-verbal as a 'luxury', both financially(Paulston, features of language.' 1990), and in terms of pupils' time (Khan, 1991). Appel & Muysken (1987) also point to All these atypical uses may become negative attitudes often held by minority standard in the bilingual community. language speakers themselves, who may want However, parents or other adults may dislike second language education for their children children's use of less 'standard' forms. because they see it as necessary for social Teachers may be concerned that children's use mobility. Rodriguez (1982, 1992), an of English does not conform to standard American writer of Hispanic origin, argues patterns. However, suppression of the MT is against bilingual education, demanding that unlikely to help children acquire a more minority children become part of the standard form of English. Opportunities for American mainstream even at the expense of more formal study of the MT would enable their emotional well-being and family children to compare features of their two relationships. languages, and thus enable them to consciously choose whether to use the Overall, such attitudes are not conducive standard form or bilingual-community form of to the development of bilingual education for both languages. children with learning difficulties. Teachers may fear that using two languages is 'too 3.4 Bilingual Families hard' for such children, and any time spent on A few detailed studies have been made of the MT development could be better spent on language acquisition of children brought up other 'basic' skills. In a recent case study, bilingually, usually where one parent has been therapists claim that "the use of Korean in the a professional linguist - with consequences for home was an impeding factor in Kevin's the type of language experience offered to the progress []. His parents were encouraged to child. use English in the home." (Weintraub et al, 1991; p.271) In countries with an Romaine (1989, pp.166-168) lists six assimilationist policy towards minority groups, patterns of acquisition, some of which derive the MT is considered expendable, a luxury from Harding & Riley (1986). The following which children with learning difficulties are relevant here: cannot afford. 1. Parents speak different first languages, one being the language of the wider Miller & Abudarham (1984, p.198) community. Each speaks her/his own report, of services for bilingual children with language to the child (e.g. Leopold, 1939, communication difficulties, that the biggest 1949). This is usually a conscious hurdle is"the ignorance that often leads to decision by the family. Kravin (1992) prejudice through active blocking and passive suggests that use of a language only by indifference. This often denies recognition of one parent at home may be insufficient to the wishes and requirements of the ethnic maintain its development. While living in minorities." the US, a child used Finnish only with his

16 24 mother. When he visited Finland and people's language use (Fantini, 1985, p.44). Sweden he was unable to use Finnish with peers, or with other, perhaps niore The age at which children separate their demanding, adults. two languages continues to be a central issue in bilingual research, and lack of separation is 2. Non-dominant home language. Parents sometimes regarded as a problem (Pacheco, have different MTs, one of which is the 1983). Genesee (1989, pp.161-162) found that dominant language of the community. although infants do mix elements from both Both parents use the non-dominant their languages, they are able to"differentiate language with the child (e.g. Fantini, two languages from the earliest stages of 1985). This is also often a deliberate bilingual development and can use their `policy' decision. two languages in functionally different ways". 3. Non-dominant home language without Genesee suggests (1988, 1989) that, while community support. Parents share the some mixing may be a result of a process of same MT, which is not that of the `overextension', much use of mixed forms community (e.g. most migrant families). results from the child being presented with 4. Mixed languages. Parents are bilingual mixed models of language. Romaine also and the community is bi- or multi-lingual. suggests (1989, p.184) that where parents (This is the situation in many parts of the practise switching or mixing languages in a world including parts of Pakistan and single conversation the child takes longer to India). become aware of speaking two distinct languages. Lanza (1992) found that Siri, at 3.4.1 Separating languages two years, used more lexical mixing when A feature of simultaneous bilingualism which speaking Norwegian with her father than when has concerned many linguists has been the speaking English with her mother. This question of when a child becomes aware of seemed to be because the mother discouraged using two different languages. Following the mixing, while the father used mixed forms first reported detailed study of a bilingual himself. Lanza regarded the mixing as an child (Ronjat, 1913) the recommended appropriate response to context, rather than a approach was 'one person / one language', so failure to differentiate language. Siri, however, that the child could more easily 'separate' her sometimes used Norwegian grammatical forms two languages. This approach is still when speaking English but not vice versa. recommended by writers such as Appel & This was interpreted as a consequence of Muysken (1987, p.98). Others such as Fantini Norwegian being her dominant language at (1985) prefer 'one environment I one this time. Levy (1983) observed no language language'. mixing when Yair used Hebrew, and only two words (`lo' for 'no' and `ze' for 'this') when Leopold (1939, 1949) brought up his Yair used English in day-care. daughter, Hildegard, on one person / one language principles. Up to the age of two she Genesee (1988, 1989) reviews evidence made utterances that were often a mixture of that children are aware of different phonetic languages (ibid., Vol.3, p.186), with words systems and intonation patterns within a few chosen, Leopold believed, sometimes on the weeks (or even days) of birth. He cites a study basis of ease of pronunciation. At 1;11 she in which Mehler et al (1986) found that 4-day was still using German words to English old infants from French-speaking families speakers, both parents and outsiders (3, p.175). showed a preference for French speakers over Fantini's son Mario grew up being addressed Russian speakers. An earlier study (Mehler et by both parents and nursemaids in Spanish, al,.1978) showed that 4- to 6-week old infants but heard English with outsiders including recognised their mother's voice if she used her parental grandparents, and attended an English normal intonation, but not if she spoke in a nursery from the age of two. Mario was aware monotone. of the differences in language from an early age. At 1;8-1;10 he would imitate Spanish but 3.4.2 Difficulties in becoming bilingual not English. At 1;10 he responded to guests Kamiol (1992) suggests that Orren began to addressing him in Spanish, but ignored those stutter severely as a result of 'cognitive addressing him in English. He first spoke overload' when aged twenty five months. He Spanish at 1;4, but used no English until 2;6. was bilingual in English and Hebrew and was For two months he used some words already constructing sentences in both inconsistently- possibly when he did not languages, translating spontaneously and know the equivalent word in the other switching language in response to other language- but by 2;8 the languages were fully speakers. Orren stopped stuttering when he separate, and he began to comment on other dropped one language. Hebrew differs from

17 25 English far more than the differences between another, resulting in.an integrated family two European languages or between English culture, perhaps with features reflecting the and other Indo-European languages, including different cultural origin of members. All those of Pakistan and North India. However, children become accustomed to individual the stuttering might have been a 'normal' differences and gender roles, and integrate period of non-fluency unrelated to Orren's these in their patterns of socialisation. Fantini bilingualism. His problems are not replicated (1985, p.26) refers to differences in child by other children in the literature of bilingual rearing norms and verbal socialisation patterns language acquisition. Wright & Sherrard within his family, which had to be negotiated. (1994) found the percentage of Asian children In his view, the mother's preferences generally receiving therapy for stuttering to be lower were followed. than the percentage of Asians in the general population. 3.5 Current Views of the Effectson the Individual of Bilingualism 3.4.3 Simultaneous bilingual language A survey of research into the effects of acquisition at home and school bilingualism demonstrates the ha7ards There are important differences between the resulting from comparison of very diverse experiences of simultaneous language groups. Personal experience of language acquisition of children growing up in bilingual learning and/or bilingualism is also likely to homes and those of children who, not yet affect researchers' views. Bialystok (1991, p.6) being able to talk, are introduced to a second suggests that many researchers in the 1970s language in school. Children with a learning and 1980s were keenly seeking positive effects difficulty may not be able to talk, but they for bilingualism, but now that bilingualism is already have considerable experience of one viewed more positively, researchersare free to language, on which it should be possible to accept whatever results their research produce. build. However slowly, they have started to Baker (1988) complains of methodological pick up some of the non-verbal aspects of weaknesses and the lack of replication of their MT. They have begun to recognise research. He also suggests that those studies patterns of sound, perhaps words or maybe which failed to demonstrate clear advantages recognition of the significance of patterns of of bilingual education may not have been intonation and pitch. They have learnedsome published. Issues relating to interpreting patterns of appropriate response- when to research on bilingual education are considered vocalise, move or smile and when to be silent further in Section 4.6.1. or still. A child starting school enters a community of a different nature from her 3.5.1 Language and cognitive skills home, with a different underlying value It is now widely recognised by linguists that system. She experiences patterns of bilingualism "may have majorconsequences interactions which do not match the patterns for children's intellectual development" she is learning to recognise and use, and her (Bialystok, 1991, p.5).Earlier studies (see attempts to communicate may go Appendix 2) were designed in sucha way that unrecognised.She has to make sense of this, disadvantages were attributed to bilingualism. often without support from a bilingualperson Methodological developments, such as who can understand and interpret her attempts matching for socioeconomic class, givingtests to communicate. If she does speak, her . in the child's MT, starting with Peal & utterances may not even be recognised as Lambert (1962), found positive effects of speech. Skutnabb-Kangas (1984, p.23-28) bilingualism. A number of developments in describes the considerable problems linguistic theory also led to more positive experienced by some children attending expectations of the effects of bilingualism. nurseries where a language different to that of their home is used; and the changes in their Bowerman (1989) describes how, by the behaviour once the language of their home is 1960s, linguists became more aware of the introduced in the nursery. similarity between languages, whereas previously they had emphasised differences. In most bilingual families described in the Early semantic development was regardedas literature, both parents understood both following the same pattern regardless of languages and could respond to their child's language. The skills underlying all languages communications, whichever language she were seen as more important than the used. Appel & Muysken (1987, p.98) differences between languages. Cummins recommend this as a necessary condition for (1984, p.143) illustrates this by adapting deciding to bring up a child bilingually. The Shuy's (1978, 1981) iceberg metaphor, members of a multilingual/multicultural distinguishing household are likely to have influencedone "the "visible", quantifiable, formal

18 aspects of language (e.g. (1989, pp.232-36) has linked the term to pronunciation, basic vocabulary, earlier views of limited language capacity and grammar) and the less visible and Macnamara's 'Balance Hypothesis? (see less easily measured aspects dealing Appendix 2). Baker (1993, p.10) points out with semantic and functional that, in some contexts, semilingualism has meaning." acquired a politically loaded, negative The visible aspects differ between languages, connotation. while the invisible are shared. Experience with either language develops this underlying The terms 'additive bilingualism' and proficiency, benefitting both languages. In `subtractive bilingualism' (from Lambert, terms of this model, children in SLD schools 1974, 1977, 1981) are now preferred. In some need effective approaches to building on their `additive' situations bilingualism is seen to invisible foundation skills, i.e. a child's produce positive effects. In other situations, as knowledge of her MT. the second language develops, skills in the MT are lost. The different outcomes are ascribed While earlier proponents of bilingualism to the value given to MT by family, school thought it advisable to maintain a separation and community, and the opportunities to between the bilingual child's languages, it is continue developing the MT. Bilingualism is now more generally held that a child learns a `subtractive' when the community, family or second language more easily if skills used in individual devalues its own language and the MT can be utilised in learning the second culture. The more prestigious language is language, (Winchester, 1985; Dodson, 1985). expected to replace the MT (Lambert, 1977; The benefits of doing so outweigh any Hamers & Blanc, 1989, p.56). The child is not disadvantages resulting from the child able to relate her experiences before, or sometimes using a word or grammatical outside, school to her experiences there. structure inappropriately. Children may themselves reject their language and culture, and in doing so the individual 3.5.2 Educational achievements of bilingual devalues her learning and experience in it. children Hamers & Blanc (1989, p.209), Cummins There is ample evidence of both high and low (1991b) and studies reviewed by Cummins achievement amongst bilingual children. (1984, pp.110-112) suggest that a child's Hamers & Blanc (1989, pp.48-52), Romaine performance relates directly to opportunities (1989, pp.104-6) and Diaz & Klingler (1991, for MT development. Lemmon & Goggin p.170) review studies demonstrating that (1989) found that bilingualstudents bilingualism enhances cognitive development maintaining a high level of Spanish MT skills (see Section 3.5.4). Children of Chinese or performed better, in English medium Japanese ethnic origin in USA have higher education, than those who retained only a low average academic achievement than the white level of Spanish skills. Pacheco (1983) majority (Flynn, 1992). The Inner London reported changes in over-all 'intelligence' Education Authority CSE and 0-level results scores in a ten year old child when she began for 1987 showed pupils of Indian origin to receive instruction in Spanish, although it achieving the highest scores, with other ethnic was thought she had become 'English minority pupils also achieving higher levels dominant'. than 'white' British (ILEA Research and Statistics, 1990). Factors other than language affect educational achievement. Parekh (1988) However, many children speaking a points to the diversity of sub-communities minority language are observed to have low from the Indian sub-continent now living in educational performance. Both Cummins and England as a possible explanation for the Skutnabb-Kangas in earlier work follow differences in achievement reported from Hansegard (1975) in using the term different studies. Some families originate in semilingualism to refer to a situation where a traditionally non-literate rural communities, bilingual person is fully competent in neither with low economic status. Experiences of of her languages. MT development is some such families are considered in Chapter incomplete, having been disrupted by the 5. Other families may have high status origins, introduction of the second language. Other with a tradition of supporting their children's features include reduced vocabulary and education and expectation of high incorrect grammar (HansegArd, 1975, cited in achievement. Some encourage their child's Skutnabb-Kangas 1984) and a tendency to MT development, others do not, while yet morphological simplification (Appel & others have English as their MT. Pupils of Muysken, 1987, p.107). Some writers do not East African Asian origin are recognised as a find semilingualism a useful concept. Romaine particularly high achieving group (Tomlinson,

19 27 1992; Smith & Tomlinson, 1989, pp.245,253, more complex forms, and materials were not cited by Figueroa, 1992, p.412), yet may be adapted to their linguistic and cultural needs. categorised officially as 'Indian' and possibly `Pakistani'. Figueroa suggests that this was a Other studies, however, find advantages factor affecting data such as the ILEA results in early experience of the second language. cited above. Lapkin, Hart & Swain (1991) found early immersion more effective than middle Cummins (1984) hypothesised the immersion (see Section 4.6.1) for French existence of threshold levels of competence immersion of English-speakers in Canada. necessary in both languages so that children Romaine (1989, p.215) refers to 'some may reap positive benefits from bilingualism. evidence' for phonological benefits from early Children who have not achieved a second, acquisition. Johnson & Newport (1989) found lower threshold, suffer negative effects from Chinese and Korean speakers who had being educated through their weaker language. migrated to the USA in childhood more Romaine (1989, p.239) points to the difficulty proficient in English grammar than those who of testing for such thresholds. However, some arrived later. studies suggest that children introduced to their second language at a later date make Diaz & Klingler, (1992), discuss Diaz more rapid progress than those immersed at an (1985), who found that at the early stages of early age (Cummins, 1984, p.110). Skutnabb- second language acquisition, in a bilingual Kangas & Toukamaa (1976) found that kindergarten and first grade, all children, Finnish children, migrating to Sweden when regardless of initial language level, made aged 10-12, did better than those born in considerable advances in cognitive skills (as Sweden or migrating at an earlier age. measured on a non-verbal intelligence test, Romaine (1989, p.251) refers to the success of Raven's Matrices). Cummins (1991a) argues immigrant Mexican students who have had that this finding does not counter his some years of schooling in Mexico, when thresholds theory. Diaz studied pupils in a compared with those born in the USA. In the bilingual education programme, where both Carpintaria Spanish-only programme languages were developing. Cummins regards (Cummins, 1984, p.148) children attending this continuing development of both languages (who were all Spanish dominant) scored as the essential factor for positive effects. considerably higher on school readiness tests Diaz's subjects were learning a second than those attending bilingual programmes, language, while continuing to use their MT for with scores close to those of English-speaking academic learning, while Cummins was children. Their scores were higher in both considering the effects of learning by the Spanish and English tests than Hispanic medium of a second language. children who had attended either bilingual or English programmes. Geva & Ryan (1993) suggest that the acquisition of second language skills may These results would support the threshold depend on factors such as intelligence and hypothesis, as children's MT skills were better memory, rather than MT skills. They studied established by the time the second language pupils attending a bilingual English/Hebrew was introduced. Skills learnt in the MT were school in Canada. This was a fully 'additive' transferred to the second language rather than situation. There was no danger of children's being learnt for the first time through the learning being delayed until they had sufficient medium of the second. John-Steiner (1985), proficiency in the second language, or of arguing for later introduction of second children rejecting their out-of-school cultural language teaching, suggests that, once the first learning. However, where children can have language is sufficiently well developed, access to teaching only by learning a second cognitive strategies can be used to facilitate language, difficulties with any of these factors second language development. A further could be cumulative. Academic second reason for higher achievement of children language skills may be acquired more slowly initially educated in their MT is that older by children with weaker memory or children's self-esteem might be better `intelligence', so access to a broad curriculum established than that of children who had the is reduced.Skinner (1985) suggested that a experience of low achievement during their requirement to use the second language early school years. The quality of their early exclusively restricts a child's ability to think: educational experiences may also be a factor. she can formulate only those thoughts which Verhallen et al (1989) and Appel (1989a) she knows how to express in the second demonstrated how migrant children in the language. This limit on thought and acquisition did not have opportunities to of knowledge would not occur in a child develop their language skills to use cognitively working through her MT.

20 28 3.5.3 Language proficiency before her immersion in Hebrew at 1;10. Ten Cummins (1984, p.136 referring to Cummins, months later she did so in Hebrew, at 2;8. 1979) first distinguished between Basic Structures may be easier to acquire in one Interpersonal Communicative Skills (BICS) language than the other. For example, Slobin and Cognitive/Academic Language Proficiency (1985, p.16) suggests that postpositions are (CALP). This distinction supposedly explains more readily acquired than prepositions; the how children may relatively rapidly acquire Indo-European languages of Pakistan and enough second language for normal social India use postpositions, while Western interaction, while language proficiency for European languages use prepositions. academic work takes much longer. Cummins (1991b) refers to research indicating a 3.5.4 Cognitive benefits of bilingualism requirement of four years for Hamers & Blanc (1989, pp.48-52), Romaine "socioeconomically advantaged" students to (1989, pp.104-6) and Diaz & Klingler (1991, achieve 'grade norms' in academic use of p.170) describe tests on which bilingual English; others take five or more years. Later, children have shown superior results to (1984, pp.138-139), he regarded the monolinguals. These have included various BICS/CALP distinction as oversimplified, and standardised tests of verbal or non-verbal proposed to represent language proficiency intelligence, tests of verbal originality, along two continua: cognitively demanding / divergent thinking, creative thinking, Piagetian undemanding; and context embedded / context concept-formation tasks, perceptual tasks, reduced (where meaning can be negotiated by language tasks requiring separation of form those conversing as against situations where and meaning of a word. Cognitive advantages meaning cannot be negotiated or deduced). He of bilingualism appear to be linked to regards communicative skills as context enhanced development of `metalinguistic' embedded and generally cognitively awareness and skills (Diaz & Klingler, 1991; undemanding, while academic skills are both Sharwood Smith, 1991). `Metalinguistic' cognitively demanding and context reduced. awareness refers to the child's awareness of her language skills and to certain tasks and Hamers & Blanc (1989, p.75-76), argue skills related to understanding what language that a child should use her MT for cognitively is (rather than merely using it), i.e. using demanding activities and to formulate new language to describe language. For example, a ideas; later, she can learn to express these bilingual child may, at anearly age (as seen ideas in her second language. If she does not in Section 3.4.1) become aware of speaking have the experience of using language for two distinct languages, and discuss which cognitive purposes and has not acquired a language she is using. particular cognitive skill it is very hard to learn simultaneously a new function of The separation of a word's meaning from language, a new concept and a new form of its sound, the relative importance of meaning language to express it. and sound, and the arbitrariness of names and other forms have been shown to be achieved Many children at SLD schools have not earlier by bilingual children in studies yet learnt the basic social uses of language in reviewed by Appel & Muysken (1987, p.109- their MT. Is it similarly hard for them to learn 111), and Diaz & Klingler (1991, pp.172-175). these functions of language at the same time Leopold (1949) reported that Hildegard related as learning a new language? Would they more stories without using stereotyped words, at an rapidly and effectively learn them if they used age where most children recite stories using their MT first?Piper (1987) pointed out that the forms they have heard and memorised. the language needed for cognitive skills builds on the foundation of language developed for Studies suggest that bilingual children are personal communication. The latter skills, if more aware of grammatical errors than learnt in one language easily transfer to monolingual children (Bialystok, 1991, p.134), another; but if they have not been learnt the and more aware of words as separate items necessary base is missing. Piper suggested that within sentences, so that they more easily these skills are more easily learnt at home, but count words in a spoken sentence. Malakoff & if they need to be taught at school they will be Hakuta (1991, p.144) suggest that translation acquired more effectively if taught in the MT. skills may develop as soon as a child uses any words in two languages. Levy (1983) reported When a child has acquired a cognitive that Yair, at the age of two, managed simple skill in one language, there may be a delay tasks such as translating "go to sleep", before acquiring the same competence in the "more", "take a walk", in his other language. second language. Kamiol (1990) found that Rueda (1983) found metalinguistic skills in Karen could express causality in English bilingual children who were mildly retarded to

21 2 9 be superior to those of matched monolingual that the child becomes increasingly 'disabled' children, but more general cognitive with time, understanding and articulating less advantages were not observed because of the and participating less in lessons. Cognitive, design of the study, in which bilingual linguistic and academic skills deteriorate over children were compared with monolinguals time. This may reflect a phenomenon matched for IQ score. Baker (1993, p.128) described by Sinason (1992) where the maintains that this research needs "thorough `handicapped' child's experience of being replication ". devalued leads to a 'secondary handicap' more severe than the first. 3.5.5 Varieties in mother tongue Trueba (1989) argues that the MT component 3.6 Summary of Issues Relevant to in education should be in the dialect used in Bilingual Children with Learning the child's home, rather than a more standard Difficulties variety. Similarly Winchester (1985, p.72) 1. Attitudes. The literature finds that writes of the importance of"encouraging teachers and parents may hold beliefs respect for each other's mother tongue as about children's bilingualism which are actually spoken by the children themselves". not supported by recent language (Emphasis added). research. Teachers may believe that minority languages should be replaced by A possible factor in high achievement of the majority language; or may regard some UK children of Indian origin, compared bilingualism as for the 'elite' rather than with those of Pakistani or Bangladeshi origin, children with learning difficulties. Parents might be that when Punjabi-MT children of may hold similar views, devaluing their Indian origin attend community-organised MT, or they may recall their experience language lessons, outside school hours, they of informal bilingualism in their home study the same dialect as that used at home. country, where it was usual to speak more Pakistani Punjabi-MT children receive than one language. Attitudes of community education in Urdu and Arabic; professionals and parents may affect the Sylhetti speakers in standard Bengali. No experiences of the children studied in the figures are available correlating children's fieldwork. achievement with attendance at such language 2. Teachers should not assume that English classes. Many other factors also have a is necessarily more important for a child bearing on the issue, such as parents' than learning to communicate with her educational and socio-economic strengths, family. child rearing practices, level of cultural 3. There is no evidence that bilingualism has compatibility between home and school, and harmful effects on cognitive development minority community attitudes to schools. or language acquisition. There is evidence of positive effects, as long as the 3.5.6 Emotional stress development of both languages is Trueba (1989, p.20) writes of the stress encouraged. Development of MT skills resulting from facilitate second language development. "difficulty in relating previous 4. New skills are best learnt through the knowledge and experiences acquired MT. The child's cognitive development through the mother language to the may be delayed by discouraging use of new knowledge and experiences of MT for general educational purposes. the school". While it appears that children benefit The child may have little opportunity to from learning a second language, there is understand what is required by classroom evidence of beneficial effects from activities, or their purpose, leading to high delaying teaching other subjects, levels of stress which make acquisition of the especially cognitive skills, through a second language more difficult. Trueba second language until the MT is well suggests three mechanisms by which some established. While most normally children cope with this sort of stress: developing children acquire basic 1. Withdrawal from active participation in conversational skills at home, most lessons children at SLD schools have not done so 2. Anxious attempts to comply with and would benefit from MT support to demands, often by mimicking other facilitate this. children's behaviour, without 5. If a teacher is aware of MT expressions understanding whether or not that which a child uses, she will be able to behaviour is appropriate. respond appropriately. 3. Manifestations of anger. 6. School staff speaking minority languages Trueba suggests that a result of stress may be should, where possible, adapt their usage

22 3 to fit the dialect spoken by a child's `chippan' (chips). family, and not 'correct' a child's usage to conform to a higher-status dialect. Formulas such as polite forms (Appel & Muysken, 1987, p.147), and rules affecting use of 'please' and `thank you' (rarely used in normal social conversation in Issues arising that may be further illuminated several Pakistani languages), may be transferred between during fieldwork or from other areas of languages. Syntax may be affected, e.g. word order and literature: use of articles in one language may take the pattern usual to another. Idiomatic expressions may be translated literally and classification systems interchanged - Welsh 1. Do bilingual children in SLD schools grass is 'blue', whereas the sky in Pushto is 'green'. demonstrate metalinguistic skills, and is Appel & Muysken (1987, p.148) refer to some of the non- there any way in which they can compare verbal features of language such as body distance and their languages? gesture, which the bilingual person may also use in ways 2. Do bilingual children in SLD schools unfamiliar in the language being spoken. have problems in separating their languages? Is it important for them to be able to do so? 3. How do teacher and parent attitudes to bilingualism affect the children's experiences? 4. What are the effects of the children's experiences on their cognitive development? 5. Are there any indications that the children suffer emotional effects from their experience of immersion in a monolingual school? 6. Would support for the children's MT in school produce the positive results which would be predicted by the literature?

Notes

1. The terms 'Punjabi' and 'Panjabi' are interchangeable. Writers with Indian connections often prefer 'Panjabi'. I have become more familiar with 'Punjabi', and use this except when making direct quotations.

2.Phonological mixing can result in some sounds being pronounced differently, they may not be differentiated or be overdifferentiated or consonant clusters not pronounced according to the usual rules (Romaine, 1989, p.52). Examples from Urdu/Punjabi include the retroflex palatal 'T', which is often used in place of the English Urdu and Punjabi distinguish between this 'T' and the softer, dental T, but not between the English sounds 'v' and 'w' (their own sound being slightly different from both). Urdu speakers often find difficulty in starting words with the consonant cluster `sk' and may add an initial T or place a vowel between the consonants. In the bilingual community these features may switch between languages.

Differences in stress and intonation can lead to misunderstanding. Biggs & Edwards (1991) note Indians' habit of raising the voice when ending an utterance, while the native British lower theirs. This leads to misunderstandings, as innocent utterances may be interpreted as rude. Questions may be interpreted as statements and vice versa. Trueba (1989) describes how Native Americans interpret white peoples' voice level as indicating anger and hostility, and white Americans interpret Native American voice levels as indicating shyness or unfriendliness.

Lexical borrowing may lead to the assimilation of words, which then are used according to the morphological rules of the borrowing language. Romaine (1989, p.59) gives the example of the Punjabi use of

23 Chapter 4. ISSUES IN BILINGUAL. & SPECIAL EDUCATION

This chapter examines further issues in communities themselves. Hamers & Blanc bilingual education, and issues relating to (1989, p.192) believe these conclusions special education, again searching for resulted from the Swann Committee having implications for children at SLD schools. "completely misinterpreted research data on mother-tongue teaching and bilingual 4.1Political & Legal Issues Affecting education".Parekh (1988, p.65) suggests that Bilingual Education the Committee's emphasis on English was An international view of political and legal "with the full cooperation of its Asian issues appears in Appendix 3, showing how members", who wished to present Asian policies on provision for bilingual children children as high achievers, needing no special have been, and still are, made on political, help. As noted earlier (Section 3.5.2), there is ideological grounds without acknowledging the great diversity of Asian 'sub-communities' in results of language acquisition research. Britain. Some groups do achieve higher results than the average for all white British children. Since 1953, UNESCO has called for Spokespersons may themselves be more likely primary education to be provided in children's to belong to higher achieving groups, and thus MTs (UNESCO, 1953); yet in many parts of to be appointed to public committees. the world this is available for comparatively few children. Members of some minority The Local Government Act, 1966, Section communities wish to integrate with the 11, enabled local authorities to seek majority culture, so see no value in reimbursement from central government of a transmitting their language and culture to their proportion (initially 50%, later 75%) of children. Others wish to maintain their ethnic expenditure incurred in providing services to and linguistic identity, and, in some countries, Commonwealth immigrants. Expendable on may arrange community education classes to any such provisions, in practice 80% was used this end. It is, however, the majority for education (Department of Education and community that has the political and financial Science, 1985), focusing mainly on extra power to determine the nature of the formal teachers, with some support education system. for MT development. Richardson (1993) and Keel (1993) describe how, in the 1980s, 4.2 Policies Towards Minority Children in Section 11 programmes covered Britain multiculturalism throughout the curriculum, 4.2.1 Language policies contact with parents and community groups, The Bullock Report A Language for Life and antiracist initiatives. Stricter guidelines, (Department of Education and Science, 1975) introduced in 1992, re-emphasised English encouraged schools to support children's home teaching. Community language teaching is no culture and language: longer eligible for Section 11 support, while "no child should be expected to cast reductions in funding and changes in the off the language and culture of the administrative structures will probably further home as he crosses the school reduce this support in the later 1990s (Keel, threshold, nor to live and act as 1993). though school and home represent two totally separate and different An EEC Directive on the Education of cultures which have to be kept firmly Migrant Workers (77/486/EEC) in 1977 apart." (p.286, para. 20.5). required Member States to provide MT Bullock called for a curriculum reflecting the teaching to children of migrant workers. child's life outside school, for books reflecting Initially this applied only to children of EEC children's experiences, their countries of nationalities, but it was extended to children of origin, religion and culture. While emphasising all 'migrant workers'. Poulter (1986, p.178) English teaching, Bullock recognised the value pointed out that this extension carried no legal of bilingualism and suggested that schools force. Moreover, most minority families of "wherever possible should help maintain and Commonwealth origin have taken British deepen[children's] knowledge of their nationality, so do not qualify for privileges mother-tongues." (pp.293-4, para.20.17) granted to 'migrant workers'. Saifullah Khan (1980) notes the opposition of teachers' unions By contrast, the Swann Report Education to implementing the EEC directive, as for All (Department of Education and Science, financial cuts in education were causing 1985) recommended that schools should focus unemployment for trained monolingual on teaching English, while MT teaching teachers, so posts for bilingual teachers would should be conducted out of school by minority divert money from expanding more general

24 32 services. Poulter (1986, p.176) suggests that through the medium of Welsh in Key stage 1 no official action resulted because of policy "will have developed skills and makers' reluctance to reinforce social divisions knowledge about language similar to through separate teaching arrangements. If MT those taught through English, and education were available for EEC nationals, will generally display a growing but not for other ethnic groups,"this could confidence in their use of language." amount to breach of the Race Relations Act (ibid., p.32) 1976 and hence be unlawful." (Poulter, 1986, and that during Key stage 2 the teacher will pp.178-179) "encourage pupils to transfer their skills in, and knowledge and understanding of one Recent Education Acts (1989, 1993) language to the other" and will "draw pupils established a legal framework of governmental attention in a structured and systematic way to control over the education provided to all the similarities and differences between the children. Teaching must accord with National languages" (ibid., p.32). These would surely Curriculum requirements, and children's be desirable outcomes for all bilingual progress is measured by Standard Attainment children. While Welsh speaking children are Tasks (SATs). The English non-statutory given the opportunities of developing guidelines (Department of Education and `additive' bilingualism within the education Science, 1990) stated that system, this is clearly not the intention for "Children come to school already minority children in England. with a background language, sometimes more than one language. The difference between the status of The programmes of study emphasise Welsh bilingualism and that of other the need to build on this and to minorities is the result of long campaigns by provide children with opportunities to Welsh speakers. Welsh has gained status, to extend and develop their use of the point of being a core subject in the English" (p. Al, para. 1.6) National Curriculum in Wales. Bilingualism is Furthermore, seen as a social and educational advantage, to "Schemes of work should be be cultivated. While political action and prepared bearing in mind the needs individual identity in Wales has focused on of bilingual children. Home language language issues, MT or bilingual education has support can facilitate bilingual pupils' not played a significant part in the concerns of access to the curriculum and thereby migrant ethnic minority community leaders in enhance their learning of English." England, who have focused on other issues, (p. C2, para. 2.9) mentioned below. Circular Number 11, Linguistic Diversity and the National Curriculum (National Curriculum 4.2.2 Other Policy Issues Council 1991) developed these themes. Department of Education & Science Circular 7/65 (1965) permitted children to be However, the 1994 English curriculum `dispersed' so that an individual school would draft order made no reference to the needs of not exceed 33% immigrant children (Lynch, bilingual children. The original draft order 1986, p.45). Homan (1992, p.67) reports that contained a statement, which was removed by this policy was "abandoned after objections the School Curriculum and Assessment by parents and community leaders." More Authority's ruling council. Its sole non-white recently, parents of Pakistani and Bangladeshi member, Mrs Shahwar Sadeque, "played an origin in Bradford have campaigned to send important role in persuading the council to their children to upper schools outside the scrap the clause" inner city area, to 'white', middle class on the grounds that "any special statement for schools (Holdsworth, 1993). bilingual pupils would lower teachers' expectations of their abilities" (Blackbume, Issues such as dress (girls covering their 1994, p.3). legs, Sikh boys wearing turbans), school meals observing religious dietary regulations, The published orders included the clause: the segregation of sexes, particularly for sport "where appropriate, pupils should be or swimming, and the provision of an option encouraged to make use of their for single sex education, have been expressed understanding and skills in other as priorities by ethnic minority leaders. languages, when learning English." Currently some publicity is given to the issue (Department for Education, 1995 of Islamic schools. Homan (1992, pp.65-6'7) p.2). and Wahhab (1989) describe parental concern This contrasts with the statements referring to regarding their children's exposure to the Welsh bilingualism, stating that pupils taught `corrupting influence of the permissive

25 society' in schools. Some believe that Muslim Canadian, and the pressures and tensions to values are undermined in state schools, where choose between possible allegiances. She adolescent girls are not segregated from boys, describes emotional factors affecting her respect for religion and parents is hardly choice of language. Skutnabb-Kangas (1984, encouraged, and the social climate does not pp.42-55) described how the MT is often support traditional family values. Sarwar linked to the emotions and that second and (1993) expresses the frustration of other languages do not hold such emotional that no Muslim school has obtained Voluntary content. Status, i.e. government financial support on the same basis as church schools. Homan Saville-Troike (1989) writes that children (1992) suggests that while 'separation' has a are not motivated to acquire a second language negative value in Western liberal thought, in from teachers when they do not identify with Islam, as in Judaism, it has desirable the values those teachers represent. She reports connotations of 'holiness'. 'Multicultural' that Hispanic boys in the USA do not acquire approaches to education are not appreciated the style of speech taught by their teachers, from some Muslim perspectives (Vine, 1992, which they perceive as 'effeminate', but prefer p.180; B. Shaw, 1992, p.140) and multifaith the 'Black English' dialect of their peers. education is disliked as encouraging children Piper (1987) suggests that a child might adopt to question their religion and value system, the negative view of teachers and peers rather than providing a 'nurturing' approach -towards his home culture, thereby rejecting his (Wahhab, 1989; Parker-Jenkins, 1991). family and its values. Piper further describes the effects of a family choosing not to transmit The above issues, rather than MT their language to their child (Section 4.5.2). education, have achieved publicity. Nevertheless surveys of parents (Section 4.5.1) Feuerstein (1980) described children have found that most parents wanted their whose families or communities gave no value children to receive Urdu or MT tuition at to their own cultural heritage, and so failed to school. transmit these. His term for this situation, `cultural deprivation' is often rejected as it is 4.3 Language, Culture & Identity thought to imply a valuation of one culture as Children of minority groups may become inferior to another. This was not Feuerstein's aware at an early age that they are 'different' intention. He worked with children who lacked from some of their peers in language, dress any culture, as cultural transmission from one and many other features of their lives. Many generation to the next was disrupted. He teachers speak and behave differently from argued that the child's learning is mediated adult members of their families. A sense of through the forms devised by that particular `ethnic identity' enables the child to know the culture, the games, stories and songs of reason for these differences and that she and childhood and also the underlying value her family are not 'inferior' because of them. systems expressed by these and in many (A person belonging to a majority community interactions between parent and child. may not become aware of having an 'ethnic' Disruption may occur when children are identity until she experiences living with a refugees, separated from their family, or when group of people different in culture, and value parents experience stresses preventing them system.) from performing their parenting role as they wish. It may occur when, in their society of Aboud (1987) suggests that children are origin, culture transmission was customarily aware of their ethnic identity by the age of effected by grandparents, older children or a four. However, there are differences in the wider community, who are not present in the experience of ethnic minority children, some new society, while parents do not realise the of whom are actually in the majority in their need to take up this role themselves. Other schools, while others may be isolated. parents may see little point in transmitting cultural experiences and values to children The choice of language made by a who are growing up in a very different bilingual person may demonstrate the extent of society, not realising that the children thus her identification with her community of miss opportunities to learn essential cognitive, origin (Saville-Troike, 1989; Giles & St social and language skills. Jacques, 1979; Verma, 1988). Use of the majority language, in the company of other 4.4 Culture in the Classroom speakers of the minority language, may be Trueba (1989, p.36) believes teachers and regarded as disloyalty to family and friends. peers may send minority students"indirect Dailey (1992) writes of the sense of dual messages about their own incompetence and identity she experienced, as a bilingual the lack of value of their home culture and

26 3 language." fail to make clear what is required, but they may model behaviour which is opposite to that The Spindlers' study of 'Roger Harker' which they wish the children learn. Trueba showed this man, seen by himself and his (1991b, p.49) writes of the "overwhelming superiors as a caring and competent teacher, effort required from the minority child to preferentially identifying with children sharing adapt to a new set of values and a new his cultural background. He was a white symbolic system of communication." middle-class 'Anglo' American. His pupils included Mexican Americans, Anglo Weber & Tardif (1991a) describe the Europeans and Japanese Americans. 'Harker' concern of English speaking children in was unaware of the extent to which his own French immersion (Section 4.6.1) to predict cultural orientation affected his relationships what the teacher required of them. Children with children, the opportunities he gave them, from minority communities meet situations and the effects on their self-esteem. where they are unable to predict what teachers "He was never mean or cruel to the expect. When teachers are ignorant of pupil's other children. It was almost as value systems and language, situations which though they weren't there." (Spindler Trueba (1989) calls 'degradation' experiences, & Spindler, 1982, p.26). i.e. a child's feelings of humiliation from being unable to understand the teacher's Similarly, Biggs & Edwards (1991) found less demands and through being required to behave teacher-initiated interaction with Asian pupils in a way contrary to the cultural norms she than white pupils in a UK primary school. has already learnt. Trueba suggests that a Ogilvy et al (1992) found staff using a less child, faced with a new language and strange interactive, more controlling, style with Asian cultural demands, can lose self esteem, leading children than those of Scottish ethnicity in a to a "process of becoming disabled at school" nursery school. (1989, p.23).

Teachers' lack of response to pupils may The child may sense disapproval of the arise from cultural differences between their culture of her family, and perceive the school patterns of interaction, making it difficult for as a hostile environment. She will then the teacher to control (and thus approve) withdraw from participation in activities, and interactions.Corson (1992) refers to children especially from any discussion relating to her who are not socialised to compete for an home experience (Cline & Baldwin, 1994). adult's attentionso will not raise their hands or approach the teacher - or who may regard Corson (1992) gives interesting examples silence and inaction in the presence of an adult of modifications made to classroom practices, as necessary to showing respect. In some accommodating cultural values. Some cultures it is normal to look at the speaker to American schools have adapted to the indicate attention; in other cultures this is Hispanic distaste for public praise, others to regarded as impolite, and the listener Native American children's ways of indicating demonstrates that he is paying attention by when they were listening and their preference looking away. Black children in the USA for working in a large group without a often use loud voices for informal interactions, teacher's direct supervision. and are thus regarded as disruptive by teachers schools have adapted to Polynesian who have different expectations.Michaels disapproval of individual competition for (1981) observed a teacher in a mixed race personal achievement.Corson refers to two classroom who often failed to see the point of strategies, 'privatisation' and 'personalisation' black children's discourse and made proposed by Cazden (1988) for teaching inappropriate comments and mistimed children from minorities. Privatisation is a questions. Michaels suggested that teachers do strategy to avoid 'face threatening' situations, not instruct children in the patterns and style avoiding public displays of what children do of discourse they wish them- to produce, but not know, making necessary corrections in regard them as less able if they do not private. Personalisation refers to being intuitively discover what is required. courteous towards children, using affectionate forms of address, phrases showing "clear Gregory (1993) also demonstrated how respect for the rights and dignity of children". teachers, when teaching reading, expect Corson (1991) also notes Cazden's suggestion children to understand what is required of that, when a child has been speaking, the them, without explicit instructions. Pupils who teacher observe a "wait time" of at least three share the same cultural assumptions as their seconds, to be sure that the child has finished. teachers can conform to what is required, but others cannot. She found that teachers not only Knight (1994) suggests an alternative

27 0 3 approach, where children are taught to be address him in English - greatly limiting their bicultural, cultural differences being discussed opportunities to interact. As a result, Michael openly and in depth. Her aim is to reinforce had acquired very little language and basic the culture of the home, while children learn communicative skills when he started school. to understand and function confidently within `public culture'. From discussion with a teacher from Skye, Grant (1988, p.158) shows the However, Skutnabb-Kangas (1991) difference in teaching children fluent in MT believes that cultural adaptation by schools compared with those who have had limited will not meet the needs of bilingual children. language experience because their parents tried She finds little cultural difference between to protect them from the struggles of Finnish and Swedish homes in Sweden, yet bilingualism: Finnish speaking children are clearly "In our area practically all the disadvantaged in Swedish-medium education. parents are fluent mother tongue Gaelic speakers. They all speak 4.5 Parental Choice of Language English too, of course, but often not 4.5.1 Language of school quite so well. About half of them Minority groups differ in the language they speak to their children only in prefer for their children's education. Romaine Gaelic, right from the start, and the (1989, p.232) found that in Berlin, Turkish children will come to school at five parents wanted their children to be educated in with practically no English and good German from the beginning Of primary school, Gaelic. No problem: we build on the while Greek parents preferred the first years of Gaelic, teach them English as well, primary education to be in the MT alone. and in a couple of years they are completely fluent in both. But the Although minority community leaders in other half speak to their children only England have not prioritised MT education, in English, and they come to school several studies have shown parents preferring with no Gaelic and poor English. it. Saifullah Khan (1980) found some parents They are a problem, for they have no opposed to MT classes during regular school strong base on which to build any time, but other researchers have found many language." in favour. Asian parents in the sample studied in Sandwell and Birmingham by Clark, Barr & A number of surveys among Asian Dewhurst (1984) mostly would like MT tuition families in England report that siblings often in school rather than evening supplementary choose to talk together in English (Clark, Barr classes, a finding also by Stopes-Roe & & Dewhurst 1984; Dosanjh, 1976; Stopes-Roe Cochrane (1990). Mirpuri speakers in Saltley, & Cochrane, 1990). Birmingham were concerned that their children should learn Urdu at school (Joly, Where children are perceived as having 1984). Moffatt (1991) found that all the language or learning difficulties they may be mothers in her survey would prefer Urdu- excluded from interactions in the MT, even if medium education. Parents generally prefer other family members rarely use the second children to be taught the 'high' form of language together. Ameer's family, living in community language (Russell, 1986); thus Pakistan, always used Pushto except when Pakistani Punjabi or Mirpuri speaking parents speaking to him (Miles, 1993). They felt that wish their children to learn Urdu rather than because of Ameer's delay in acquiring the actual MT. language, it was more appropriate to use Urdu (the official language) with him. He 4.5.2 Language within the home increasingly used abnormal patterns of stress Some parents believe, and may be advised by and pitch when speaking, he started to use professionals, that it is best to use only the inappropriate phrases and developed some language of the majority community with their emotional problems. When his teacher children. Thus parents may address children succeeded in enabling Ameer to speak Pushto only in their limited version of the second (which Ameer understood well) he soon language. Piper (1987) describes the problems overcame his emotional/behavioural of a small boy, Michael, whose parents difficulties, and within a few weeks made believed that he should only learn English - rapid progress in both languages. though they spoke very little English themselves. Instead of talking to him, they 4.6 Models of Education For Children gave him opportunities to listen to English on Speaking Minority Languages television and records of English children's Children speaking minority languages may be songs. They spoke Italian together, but tried to educated in MT, or in their second language,

28 or bilingually, according to different models. immersion, or 'submersion'. Serpell (1993, In some countries only primary education is p.96) writes that the reported success of available in MTs, secondary and further bilingual immersion programmes in Canada education being in the official language was a factor in the abandonment of indigenous (Flamers & Blanc, 1989). However, migrant language primary education in Zambia, so that groups and politically weak indigenous groups English became the sole language of school seldom have this option, and the debate is education. usually between bilingual and majority language monolingual education. Skutnabb-Kangas (1986) related the difficulties in interpreting research to 4.6.1 Interpreting the results of research conflicting research paradigms, opponents of Research results regarding different types of bilingual education looking only at hard educational provision may appear quantitative evidence for improved second contradictory, until it is realised that children's language skills, generalising results from experience of bilingualism and/or biculturalism `additive' to 'subtractive' situations and from are often very different, and cannot be easily foreign language learning to second language compared. learning, while proponents of bilingualism followed more qualitative approaches, giving One example is the frequent reference to regard to context and looking at a broader `immersion education'. In England and often range of consequences. Secada (1990) suggests the USA, 'immersion education' refers to a that the greatest benefits of bilingual education situation where the teacher and other children are motivational, resulting in increased High are speakers of the majority language, and all School completion, attendance and activities take place in the majority language. reduced criminal involvement by members of Proponents of bilingual education generally minority communities. He states that similar prefer the term 'submersion' education to effects are recognised as justifying the Head describe this experience (Cummins, 1984; Start programme for pre-school children, Appel & Muysken, 1987; Baker, 1993). although research has found Head Start to However, there is a substantial research produce little lasting improvement in academic literature based on bilingual French skills. `immersion' in Canada. In this system, the teacher shares the language and culture of the 4.6.2 Monolingual education - in second pupils. While the teacher uses the second language language exclusively, children are free to use The two principal models described in the either language, and after an initial period, literature of second language medium often of two years, both languages are used education are those where all children in a for instruction. 'Monolingual immersion' may class are new to the second language and are refer to a system of special classes where all taught through a structured programme pupils are new to the language of instruction (monolingual immersion), and those where and the teacher uses a structured approach to second language speakers are 'integrated' with introducing the second language. Immersion other children for whom the language of may be used with minority language speakers instruction is their first language (submersion, learning a majority language, or with majority sometimes called immersion). Structured language speakers learning a minority `monolingual immersion programmes', are language, as in America where English centred around the teacher who 'directs' the speaking children are 'immersed' in French, child's language experiences, as the children Ukrainian, Hebrew, Spanish or German cannot receive language modelling from peers. (Lambert, 1981, p.17). The Canadian French In an integrated, 'submersion' situation, immersion programmes may be 'early', taking learning is dependent on the child's motivation place in the first two years at school, 'middle', to communicate with other children. The other in the middle school age, or 'late', for senior children provide opportunities for interaction pupils. and appropriate models of language in supposedly motivating contexts. Policy makers glancing at research reports, or more probably at digests or Wong Fillmore (1989) found that newspaper reports, easily miss the significance individual and ethnic differences determined of these differences. Corson (1991), for which method was more effective. Results example, refers to Bruck's work with 'special depend on the temperament of the child, education pupils' in Canadian (bilingual) aspects of cognitive functioning (inductive immersion programmes in a context where a reasoning, verbal memory and pattern reader unfamiliar with this field could recognition), and the social setting (whether understand him as referring to monolingual there are sufficient English-speaking peers,

29 04 whether interaction between children is monolingual immersion were also closedas encouraged by the teacher and whether first they were considered socially divisive, or and second language children choose to racially discriminatory (Leung & Franson, socialise). Chinese children were more likely 1989; Reid, 1988). As a result many children to interact with peers, but less affected by the attend schools reflecting the ethnic quality of the teaching than Spanish-speakers. composition of their neighbourhood, where the Wong Fillmore (1989, 1991) found 'outgoing' majority of children are speakers of a minority children learning English rapidly in an language - such as that described by Warner integrated situation in a class with sufficient (1992) where 94% of children were bilingual, English-speaking children who were willing to 86% being Sylheti speakers. These schools interact with them, and with a teacher who provide neither a structured immersion encouraged such interactions. However, programme nor an integrated model where Verhallen et al (1989, p.126) found that, in the children are motivated to acquire English to Netherlands, minority children's interactions communicate with peers who are native using a second language were cognitively English-speakers. Some of the approaches undemanding. which have been used in such schoolsare described below, Section 4.6.4. It is unclear Tough (1985, p.15) suggests that children why some special schools have a similarly learn English quickly when "all, or almost all, high proportion of children from minority the [other] children in the class speak English homes; this could arise from referral systems as a first language." or from parental choice, or a combination of these. However, as seen above (Section 3.5.6) children may experience great stress when The 'silent period'. A feature of second submerged in majority language and culture language education is that some childrenpass (Trueba, 1989, 1991a). There is a difference through a 'silent period' when they do not between the interpersonal communication speak at all in an unsupported monolingual skills which most children acquire easily and situation . This may be a short term feature, those skills needed for acquiring cognitive and lasting a few weeks (Fantini, 1985; Kamiol, academic skills which require several years to 1990; Gibbons, 1983), but sometimes becomes equal the proficiency of the first language a longer term problem, referred to as 'elective (Cummins, 1984). mutism', or 'selective mutism'. Although this may occur among all children, bilingual Tough writes of children's 'need to children seem to be particularly at risk of communicate', motivating them to acquire the developing such difficulties (Cline & Baldwin, second language in situations where their MT 1994; Kolvin & Fundudis, 1981). Personal cannot be used. Children with delayed conversation with teachers of children in language development, whether part ofa submersion classrooms indicates that a long general developmental delay, or a specific period of silence is a phenomenon familiar to language difficulty, may not have sufficient teachers in multiethnic schools. `need to communicate' to learn effectively in such situations. Moreover, children in Various possible explanations have been 'submersion' situations in SLD schoolsare suggested. Cline & Baldwin (1994, p.24) point likely to find themselves in a class where few, out that in some cultures children do not speak if any children have any verbal skills,so will in the presence of adults, and suggest that this not have opportunities to learn verbal might sometimes be a contributing factor to interaction patterns or other aspects of `silence'. Dodson (1985) suggests that the language from peers. The school culturemay child becomes silent because she is not not demand or encourage communication. supported through a bilingual stage in which Whereas normally developing children will she is enabled to use her MT to support already have learnt conversation andsome acquisition of the second language. He basic cognitive skills in their MT before suggests that it is important for a child to have starting school, this is not so for children opportunities to practise using the new starting at an SLD school. medium without the pressures of having to convey a message; and that activities such as The experience of many bilingual children repeating the same phrase in both preferred in England fits neither of thesemodels. Early language and new language, and using the first attempts at limiting the number of minority language to ask questions about the new language speakers in individual schoolswere language are necessary stages in language discontinued following parental and acquisition. Mann & Mills (1993, p.100) community protests (asseen in Section 4.2.2). describe children who, although not silent, Later, centres providingstructured were 'reluctant' to use English, and so were

30 3 regarded as 'slow learners'. Verhallen et al 4.6.4 Some approaches used in England (1989, p.126) suggest that the 'silent period' is A few experimental bilingual projects have run an ongoing part of language acquisition in England. The 'MOTET' project in Bradford whereby children do not attempt to express a provided bilingual nursery education to `higher cognitive language function' until they `Mirpuri' speaking children, whose English have fully acquired the related receptive skills. and Punjabi skills benefitted (Hangers & Blanc, 1989, p.208, citing Fitzpatrick, 1987). 4.6.3 Bilingual education More generally, in those mainstream British There are many varieties of bilingual primary schools with a high proportion of education, three of which are noted below. bilingual pupils, 'good practice' has consisted Further details appear in Appendix 4. of providing formal instruction entirely in English while recognising the need to find Transitional bilingual education, during the ways of supporting MTs (Reid, 1988). early years at school, intends that the child Winchester (1985), Bans et al (1990), will soon replace her MT with the majority Finklestein (1990) and Mills (1992) listed language and move into the mainstream. strategies to enable monolingual teachers to Providing full access to the curriculum while provide such support. These included making the child's knowledge of the second language opportunities for bilingual children to talk is developing, it is thought to reduce the together using their MTs; and to do both trauma of school entry. Any work in spoken and written work in MTs; providing developing MT skills is seen as a means of MT tapes and video programmes, books with benefitting the second language. This is parallel texts, and pictures relevant to the life regarded as a subtractive situation, for the of ethnic minority communities. Bilingual community and, ultimately for the individual assistants, parents, siblings, and community (Diaz & Kling ler, 1991, p,176; Hakuta, 1987). volunteers may help at school, while parents Transitional programmes rarely teach literacy are encouraged to support MT development at skills in the MT. Early exit transitional home. The Primary Language Record (Barrs et programmes aim to transfer children to the al, 1988, 1990) provides a method of mainstream as quickly as possible while late recording children's development in both exit programmes allow for several years of languages, Hall (1995) a more detailed bilingual support. approach to bilingual assessment.

Maintenance bilingual programmes aim to Work cited in the previous paragraph was prevent the subtractive effects of loss of done in the 1980s. Books edited by Mills & language, by providing continuing teaching in Mills (1994) and Black ledge (1994) provide the child's MT. This may be limited to use of evidence of continuing innovation, as does oral skills, or it may include bilingual literacy Klein (1996). However, there is no indication skills. While some subjects may be taught of how widespread this type of practice is, and through the MT, higher status subjects are the reduction of local authority influence in likely to be taught though the second school practices may have had some negative language. effect. It is an area in which special schools are clearly deficient, and wide publicity needs Enrichment bilingual education fosters and to be given to good current models, both from values the child's bilingualism, providing special and mainstream schools. education in and through both her languages, both oral and literacy skills. Models of this 4.7 Bilingual Programmes for Children include two-way programmes where children with Language/Learning Difficulties from minority and majority communities study Bruck (1982, p.57) reports that language together, both languages being taught and used impaired English-speaking children attending for instruction, on an equal basis to all French immersion programmes in Montreal children. "demonstrated comparable cognitive, first language and academic skills to similar One practical difference between various children educated only in their first language." models of bilingual education consists in the However, only children scoring 85 or over on presence or absence of rules for switching a Wechsler Intelligence test were included. language. Some schools insist on 'one lesson, Moreover, these children were largely middle- one language'. Others allow both languages to class, and had a high- status MT, and thus had be used within one lesson, with rules about continuing opportunities to develop their MT, when language may be switched. Still others unlike those in 'subtractive' situations. allow freedom in switching language. Ara & Thompson (1989, p.150) describe therapy conducted bilingually - mother playing

31 a naming game in Punjabi while siblings play p.18) reject complaints that it is already hard the same game in English, their preferred enough teaching skills to children with language of communication. Duncan & Gibbs disabilities: (1989) also describe a service offering "isn't it asking too much of special bilingual remediation to Punjabi speakers, educators to include additional pointing to the absurdity of ignoring the material on culture and on a second development which has occurred in the MT .language?In reality the opposite is and the need for the social and emotional true. In other words, the imparting of reinforcement which the home can provide in basic skills may be facilitated the MT. Perozzi (1985) demonstrated that considerably if one understands that language impaired children who receive the child's culture and language are therapy in their MT more readily acquire skills the foundations upon which an in their second language. appropriate education may be built."

Miller & Abudarham (1984, p.183) prefer The bilingual education debate inmany `intuitively' to concentrate on one language at ways parallels the century-long oral/manual a time, as"Dissipating the potential of a child debate on deaf children. Sachs (1989) writes with limited proficiency by exposing him to of the continuing struggle of the deaf conflicting codes would in general not seem to community to enable children to be educated be the most efficient teaching strategy." They through . Childrenare still appear to assume (ibid., p.181) that a child denied access to communication skills and with learning difficulties has a limited capacity opportunities for language and cognitive for the number of words she can acquire, and development while efforts are made to that acquiring the words for the same referent encourage them to learn the forms of speech in both her languages rapidly uses up this of the majority community. `quota'. This belief does not fit with current models of bilingual language acquisition. Proponents of 'oral' education, cited by Perozzi (1985) and Am & Thompson (1989) Sachs (1989) argue that manual signing denies indicate rather that a child with limited deaf people access to the wider society, and language skills will readily acquire the children are more likely to acquire spoken equivalent word in the second languageonce it language if they are discouraged from usingan is acquired in the MT. Duncan & Gibbs (1989, alternative. Some hearing parents, hoping their p.195) also report data suggesting that children will join mainstream schools,may "concurrent bilingual remediation does not prefer their children not to learn manual signs have a negative effect on the language of (Bennett, 1988). Proponents of manual sign bilingually handicapped children." language, including Deaf community organisations, point out that the child's Muller, Munro & Code (1981) suggested greatest need is for access to language, for that some children may be unable to acquire communication and for progress in cognitive two languages, but saw no way of predicting and linguistic development. Sachs (1989) which children would fail to do so. Trites reports that deaf children educated through (1984) described his earlier work to predict manual signing may obtain academic results difficulties related to temporal lobe equal to those of monolingual hearing immaturity, but as described in Appendix 6, children, but results are considerably lower this was dismissed by Cummins (1984); and where children are educated orally, especially received no further attention. in mainstream schools. Access to signed language is thus seen as providing a basis for Davies (1984) described the situation in other language learning; while oralists still parts of Wales where the general policy was argue that, if a child has access to for bilingual education, but children with communication through signs, she will be less special educational needs could have MT motivated to acquire an adequate level of education, whether Welsh or English. The speech. formalising of bilingual education within the National Curriculum may have changed this 4.8 Assessment situation. All children in English and Welsh schools have their progress measured in Standard In USA children may be taught jointly by Assessment Tasks (SATs) at the ages of 7, 11 a special education teacher and a bilingual and 14. National Curriculum Council Circular teacher (Ortiz, 1984), but specialist 'bilingual 11 (1991) permits the use of bilingual special educators' are being trained insome assistance for SATs (other than Englishas a areas (Baca & Cervantes, 1989; Graf, 1991; subject), if such help is normally available for Holtzman, 1986). Baca & Cervantes (1989; lessons. Formal translation of SATs can

.32 40 provide considerable difficulties (Kaur & Roberts & Gibbs (1989) and Duncan & Gibbs Mills, 1993). For certain terms, children may (1989) where development be used to English loan words rather than was assessed. Desforges (1995) found that those of their MT. These will include not only psychologists rarely referred to the cultural technical words rarely met in daily life at and linguistic experiences of children from home, such as 'triangle' or 'rectangle' but also ethnic minority homes when writing their often counting words (ibid., 1993); also some advice for formal assessment. In more than general vocabulary, as Madhani (1989) found two thirds of the cases studied, psychologists that a large proportion of the words first learnt had neither used, nor offered parents theuse at home were loan words from English. There of, interpreters. This proportion did not change could also be difficulties in identifying the following a training day on the needs of ethnic correct dialect for the child; also, for many minority clients, which had emphasised the children, ascertaining language dominance need to use interpreters. may be difficult. Cummins (1984, p.60) suggests that, after two years of education Children may be identified as having through a second language, testing the MT is difficulties by the health services and, likely to be"invalid because of possible following assessment by a psychologist and regression of LI abilities due to lack of teacher, can be placed in SLD schools from exposure to conceptually demanding input." the age of two years (or earlier, in special circumstances).Children whose patterns of Nevertheless, Mann & Mills (1993) found development differ from norms of that children demonstrated more advanced development identified for the majority reasoning abilities in their MTs, through better community, are likely to be regarded as response to questions. When questions referred delayed. Hoel (1982) found professionals who to concepts the children had been formally regarded children from the Pakistani taught only in English, children still performed community as delayed in their development, better in their MT, being able to demonstrate because they thought they saw children being their reasoning processes. `babied' by their parents. The parents made few demands and provided few experiences Gregory & Kelly (1992) point out that regarded by the majority community as SATs assess those language skills which are developmentally stimulating, while providing important to the monolingual child, and are plenty of physical affection.Rogoff, Gauvain based on norms of monolingual language & Ellis (1984) refer to cultural differences in development. SATs do not credit the patterns of acquisition of motor skills, and of metalinguistic skills (see Section 3.5.4) sleep patterns of infants, which may also acquired by children learning a second affect assessment. Cummins (1984, p.82) language, nor do they allow for differences in remarked that "in many situations the cultural understanding. potentially detrimental consequence of early identification and intervention outweigh the 4.8.1 Assessment for identification of special benefits. He argued that language and cultural educational needs differences are likely to result in low The Warnock Report (Department of performance in tests, and that the resulting Education and Science, 1978) has only one inappropriate placement in special education paragraph on the assessment of immigrant and programmes produced further problems. minority children. This paragraph (4.51) begins with the following strong Tomlinson (1989) and Harry & Kalianpur recommendation:"Wherever a child's first (1994) write of the obstacles preventing language is not English, at least one of the parents from participating in the assessment professionals involved in assessing his needs process, while Grugeon & Woods (1990) must be able to understand and speak his describe the sense of helplessness and languages." confusion sometimes experienced by parents. Lowden (1984) suggests that assessment Cultural experiences also affect the should be done by a teacher who is bilingual performance of older children. Following and a member of the same minority Vygotsky, Luria (1933, cited by Sutton, 1988) community as the child. Both and Gerber et al (1991) pointed out that recommendations proved over-optimistic. psychological operations such as memory Provision has not been made for such skills, the ability to make comparisons and assessments to be available, other than in a generalisations and to think in abstract forms, few instances where appropriate personnel. . which in Western psychology have never been happened to be available,or in a few regarded as culturally determined, are in the innovative projects, suchas that reported by Soviet tradition"products of cultural

33 development" rather than "consequences of children, and to include a child with biological maturity" (Gerber, Perelman & learning difficulties in normal family Lopez-Reyna, 1991, p.126). Hall (1995) makes experiences. Teachers should modify their useful recommendations to monolingual practices to take into account the culture teachers assessing bilingual pupils, but does of children's homes, and children's not tackle the effects of culturaldifferences on patterns of interaction. development. 3. Children who attend SLD schools generally do not have adequate peer Kayser (1990) points to problems in models for their second language. Teacher identifying language disability in minority expectations may also be low. children who follow different socio-cultural or 4. Assessment of children with learning socio-linguistic rules for communication. difficulties needs to take into account Stokes & Duncan (1989) identify the need to both cultural and linguistic factors. establish what are the usual practices within a Particular efforts need to be made to family, such as whether children are expected ensure parents are involved. to initiate conversation with adults. Ara & 5. Experience exists of various methods and Thompson (1989) suggest that eye contact techniques for supporting MTs in may be culturally inappropriate in some different forms of mainstream bilingual families. Testers who are unaware of the education. These have yet to make much normal rules of communication amongst impact in special schools, where they are minority groups will be unable to assess nevertheless badly needed. language disability accurately. Factors such as use of hand gestures, and inhibitionof speech Issues arising which may be further to peers when an adult is present lead to illuminated during fieldwork, or need further misdiagnosis of children as language exploration: handicapped (Kayser, 1990). Following 1. What are parents' views about their observation of three children categorised as children's schools? Would they prefer MT language handicapped', Kayser found that education? Would they prefer mainstream two were using language appropriately inclusion, perhaps in Islamic schools? according to the cultural norms of their home 2. Do teachers in special schools recognise community. the children's 'ethnic identity', and regard this as something to nurture? Cline & Baldwin (1994) suggest that 3. Do parents transmit their culture to their emphasis on the early development of speech, children, and do they include their i.e. in infants, may be specific to modem `special' children in this? western culture. Many cultures value silence 4. Do teachers in special schools expect and use speech less frequently. Caregivers children to have knowledge that is based expect to meet children's needs without them in mainstream culture - and assume the being expressed verbally, and children learn to lack of this knowledge is evidence of be aware of the wishes of others from non- disability rather than cultural difference? verbal expressions. In some cultures children Do teachers fail to understand children for are not expected to speak in the presence of the same reasons? adults, which is likely to inhibit test 5. Are modifications made to classroom performance. practices to take into account children's home cultures? Can any particular needs The extent and effects of cultural for this be identified, with regard to differences and the difficulties for minority children of families of Pakistani origin in parents in taking part in assessment procedures SLD schools? are considered in the next chapter. 6. Do some children in SLD schools experience a 'silent period', and is there evidence that it may sometimes lead to 4.9 Summary of Issues Relevant to `selective mutism'? Bilingual Children with Learning 7. Is there any indication that bilingual Difficulties children currently attending SLD schools 1. Children immersed in an unfamiliar would benefit from current innovations in linguistic and cultural environment can inclusive education, which would place suffer levels of stress that further delay them in mainstream schools? their development. Some children develop `selective mutism', and do not speak when in school. 2. Parents should be encouraged to transmit their culture and language to their

34 42. Chapter 5. CHILD-REARING, CULTURE & LANGUAGE

This chapter looks at concepts of child-rearing have been more complex and varied, in in different cultures and the effects on different eras, than Aries suggested; Giladi language acquisition of different patterns of (1990), Lemay (1978), Rosenthal (1952) and caregiver-child interaction. The situation of Russell (1986) describe medieval Arab children in India and Pakistan and the concepts of childhood, while Wiedemann intercultural context of British Pakistani (1989) and Manson (1983) give details of families are reviewed, with particular reference Graeco-Roman constructions. The debate Aries to those with a disabled child. While it is initiated has been valuable to the development recognised that a wide range of individual of cross-cultural childhood studies. differences in behaviour may be expected within any group, many fundamental beliefs Pelling (1988, p.138) suggests that a about children are determined by culture. distinction made in English historical These beliefs are generally believed by documents was based on a supposed age of members of the cultural group concerned to be `reason', of about seven years, and of universal, which may lead to `discretion', about fourteen. Similar misunderstandings between parents and distinctions are found e.g. in modern Chinese professionals when they do not share a similar families, where the 'age of understanding' background. may be "as early as 3 or 4 years [], the majority of researchers place this age around 6 5.1 Why Examine Culture? years[]." (Kelley & Tseng, 1992, p.446) In Chapter 2 it was noted that some current theories of child language learning give a 5.3 Care and Authority central role to the interaction between children While many British professionals still assume and caregivers, usually the mother, often that mothers are the principal caregivers, there emphasising the importance of routines and is some recent acknowledgement that some games. Heath (1989, p.342) and Snow (1989, fathers take a caregiving role, and other p.93) suggest that while almost all children arrangements may be normal in some minority learn to talk, in societies where patterns of groups. In Western Europe roles are changing, interaction vary greatly, cultural differences or becoming more flexibly defined. However, will result in different patterns of 'normal' in other cultures people besides the mother language and cognitive development. Heath may be the principal caregivers. In Pakistan I (1989, p.342) suggests that some societies give observed a variety of family patterns, many of "greater importance to other skills than to which have been formally documented by individual linguistic competence."Serpell others. (1993), discussing cognitive development in Zambia, remarks that cultural differences Grandparents were considered to be the result in development that is not 'deficient', preferred caregiver in Asia by Lloyd & but 'qualitatively different.' Chuchom (1985, p.279), and in India by Siann (1980); Banerjee (1955) recommended that References to child-rearing in the first six grandparents care for 'mentally handicapped' years have been examined, going beyond the children. Jotiban (1985, p.308) reported stage of early language acquisition in normally siblings to be commonly the carers in Asia, as developing infants, since the demands and was also found by Ochs (1988) in Samoa and expectations of society for older children have in studies reviewed by Heath (1989) in East relevance when considering perceptions of the Africa. A significant difference in Pakistan developmentally delayed child. was between nuclear and extended families. In the traditional joint family, children are 5.2 What Is A Child? often cared for by grandmothers, unmarried James & Prout (1990) understand 'childhood' aunts or older sisters (UNICEF, 1992, p.'72; as a social construction: .a "fact of culture" Eglar, 1960, p.62). As Narain comments (p.7). The only universal sociological (1964, p.142), in traditional extended families construction of the early years is 'biological in India "mother is kept engaged in household immaturity' rather than 'childhood'. Extensive work and cannot spend time with her child." debate on the social construction of childhood Fathers' roles, particularly when living in followed Aries's suggestion (1960, see extended families, seldom involve practical translation reprint 1973) that the concept of care of children under 6 years (UNICEF 1992, childhood was absent in medieval Europe. He pp.46-47; Choudhury & Khan, 1968, p.101). argued that once infancy ended, at about seven However, in Northern Pakistan, as women's years, the child was absorbed into the adult socially approved roles are limited to activities world. Constructions of childhood seem to within the home, fathers take responsibility for

35 43 contacts with doctors or schools (Evans, Western family anticipating personal 1995). separation and independence. She does not see the Western family model as resulting from Who has the right to make decisions industrialisation and modernisation; she finds concerning the child? My observation in evidence that the nuclear family, with its Pakistan was that the child `belongs' to the emphasis on the individual, preceded this. She father's family. The Pakistan Commission on proposes that a family life model drawing on the Status of Women (1989, p.138), while both patterns, with a balance between advocating greater flexibility, confirms this dependence and autonomy, would be more "traditional assumption". It is also reported in satisfactory. Such a pattern would be Indian families by Narain (1964). Even parents facilitated by reinforcement of close bonds living in nuclear families refer decisions to between mother and child. grandparents. Within families, there is often a hierarchical structure amongst siblings, Parents' ways of interacting with their younger brothers being expected to give children change with age. Kakar (1988) respect and obedience to elder brothers (also writes of the 'indulgent' Indian mother who noted by Narain, in India). The legal does not regard socialization as part of her protection to the individual 'rights' of a child role. Indeed, the caring mother may take pride which is attempted in Britain is absent in in continuing to maintain dependency, which many other cultures (Poulter, 1986, 1990). she regards as giving a high level of care, for Identity as part of a family takes priority over example taking pride in late weaning (Narain, individual identity.Kagitcibaw (1990, pp.154- 1964). Kakar reports a dramatic change in 158) describes a dimension of `relatedness / relations with children, especially boys, at the separation',in comparing Eastern and age of about five. The boy is abruptly Western family systems. Hoch (1993, p.212), separated from the world of indulgent women after 30 years of family psychiatry in India, and enters the harsh world of men, with "a contrasts the Western family model - virtual reversal of everything that is expected individuals independently relating to the of him". In this unexpected new environment, outside world - with an Indian model of the growing boy is kept to "inflexible family where members have minimal "ego- standards of absolute obedience." (Kakar, boundaries" within it and deal as a single unit 1988, pp.126-127). Segal (1991) also writes of with the outside world. indulgence to the infant being replaced by an authoritarian approach to young children. 5.4 How Do Caregivers and Related Adults Ghuman (1975) found that total obedience was See Their Role? required in the from the age of five. Families may believe their role is to 'rear', The father-son relationship is illustrated by a `socialise', and 'direct a child's development'; much-quoted proverb: alternatively, it may be to 'protect-nurture' `Treat a son like a raja for the first (Kakar, 1988, p.210), and 'allow the child to five years, like a slave for the next grow'. Heath (1989, pp.345-346) finds a ten and like a friend thereafter.' major conceptual difference between the The later 'friendship' hardly follows a western `socialisers', who wish actively to train the egalitarian model. Adult sons must obey their child into accepted social patterns, and the parents even when separated from them `nurturers' who care for the child and protect (Kakar, 1988, p.113). In the extended family her from harm while awaiting her structure, younger people defer in decision development. making to their elders and confrontations are not expected. Brothers are not equals, but While the dominant Western middle-class follow a hierarchy of authority according to culture favours training and teaching to age; this is also followed by their wives. develop the child's potential, other cultures see development as largely determined by some or 5.5 Cross-Cultural Views of Learning and all of: heredity, astrology, fate, or family Play decisions. Those holding the latter view may As suggested in C. Miles (1991) and Miles & regard interactions and active experiences with Miles (1993), many parents in Pakistan the child as enjoyable, but do not think that understand `learning' in terms of 'obeying', they affect the child's future. rather than of skill acquisition. South Asian writers such as Ghuman and Kakar also stress The aims of child rearing also differ cross the importance of `obedience'. Thus 'learning' culturally. Kagitctba§i (1990) contrasts the is not a concept applicable to the development Eastern society, where children are socialised of infants. Spoken language or communication to an ongoing obedience/dependency skills are seen as being 'learnt' only by those relationship within the family, with the who believe they are acquired by direct

36 44 instruction and imitation (see Section 5.7), a described the five year old Indian boy being very different model from the interactive taken from his indulgent women into the harsh approach favoured by modern linguists and world of men. His sister stays at home, but many middle class Western parents, as seldom experiences the same degree of described in Chapter 2. indulgence.

In middle-class western society, 'play' Some Pakistani religious and secular offers the opportunity for problem solving and leaders reject western criticism of gender bias, imagination, which is regarded as facilitating emphasising Islam's condemnation of negative learning. By contrast, where 'learning' means attitudes to the birth of a girl (e.g. The , `obeying adults', the concept of play bears Ch. XVI, v.57). Yet Isa (1990) comments that little relation to what a child needs in order to "Problems for the girl begin at birth. From her learn. In most cultures play appears to be an childhood she is made to feel unwanted, an activity in which children participate without accident, a poor substitute for a boy". My adult involvement. Some cultures believe that own casual observations of girls within play is appropriate, or even beneficial for families were confirmed by the Pakistani children;others regard all 'play' as time- psychologist Hassan (1985), who wrote that a wasting. girl is expected to be self-sacrificing, obedient and nurturing towards her male relations. Hafeez (1991, p.311) reports from a study Literate girls are routinely given instruction in rural Sind, that under two per cent of manuals on how to live a self-sacrificing life; village respondents thought that their 5-year- such as 'Heavenly Ornaments' (Thanvi, 1981). old children should be playing. Singer (1982, pp.36-45) documented children's play in the 5.7 Language Socialization North-West Frontier, but it was not something It was earlier suggested (Section 2.2.2) that to which adults paid any attention, nor did the children acquiring language and parents of children studied by Shah & Pervez communication skills in non-western cultural (1994). Few parents in Pakistan 'play' with contexts may not follow the developmental their children:"It is commonly believed that patterns of acquisition of skills expected by if you play with your children they will not western professionals. As seen in Chapter 2, respect you when they grow up" (Jaffer, the current western middle-class model of Wellestrand & Jaffer, 1990, p.21). However, I facilitating child language acquisition involves learnt in Pakistan that the idea of an adult conversational interaction between adult and `playing with a child' generally has child, including a repertoire of games and connotations of teasing and making fun of the routines. In other cultures, carers may take a child, rather than a mutually enjoyable directive approach to teaching language, experience. Even 'enjoyable experiences' may requiring a child to imitate words and phrases, sometimes be thought harmful to children's as described by Schieffelin (1985, 1987a) serious development, as was usual in amongst the Kaluli. Alternatively they may American culture in the early 1900s (Lightfoot expect the child to acquire language through & Valsiner, 1992). Ajmal (1978) records the passively observing others, as Oshima-Takane astonishment of his colleagues at Pakistan's (1988) noted among Japanese children, and in National Institute of Psychology, on finding studies cited by Heath (1989, p.342) from that children performed better on cognitive New Guinea and Mexico. Heath (1982, 1983, tasks based on play than on 'serious tests'. 1986) studied language socialisation practices in different ethnic and socio-economic groups While Pakistani parents value obedience, in a town in Southern USA. Middle-class and see this as the means of learning, they white parents followed an interactive seldom praise children in their presence, as approach; activities centred around books, with this is thought to 'spoil' them (Haider, 1971). children from about six months of age. Such thoughts have, of course, been familiar Working-class white parents had a directive to generations of native Britons. approach, expecting to 'teach the children to talk'. Black families expected the children to 5.6 Gender Differences `learn' to talk by listening to others, but adults In many societies differences are reported did not respond to children's verbal activities between the early experiences of boys and of until the children had sufficient skills to join girls, reflecting different social roles for men adult conversations. Shah & Pervez (1994, and women. Girls may be trained to be p.101) reported that in their study of five year independent in caring for themselves at an old children in Pakistan, they observed "no earlier age than boys, to help with household meaningful interaction between children and tasks and child care (Schieffelin, 1987a, p.256; adults",little communication taking place, Whiting & Edwards, 1988). Kakar (1988) other than criticisms and insults.

37 While 'interactive' parents treat children ` Trackton', who were achieving poor results in as conversation partners from an early age schools. The Trackton community asked her to (Snow, 1989, p.86), in many cultures children assist them in enabling their children to are not regarded as appropriate conversational succeed, following the desegregation of partners for adults (Heath, 1982, 1989). Heath schools. She found that Trackton pupils had suggests that, in nuclear families, for long difficulty answering teachers, because their periods the mother has no other conversational questions were of a type the children did not partner so she will herself feel a need to meet at home. Questions of any sort occurred communicate with her child. Where other less often in Trackton homes than in teachers' adults are available as conversation partners, homes with their own pre-school children. mothers do not have this need. Whiting & Often the culturally appropriate response to a Edwards (1988, p.88), similarly records that in question in Trackton was for the child to households where several adults are present, remain silent. On the other hand, Trackton children are generally discouraged from pre-school children had learnt to make interaction with adults; they only 'speak when comparisons and use analogies that the spoken to'. teachers did not expect pupils to use until their later Junior years - by which time the children Saville-Troike suggests (1989, p.243) that have established their position as low in societies where there is close physical achievers. When teachers learned to use the contact with the caregiver, non-verbal type of interaction with which children were communication provides a sufficient channel familiar at home, pupils became enthusiastic for the child's needs, so the acquisition of participants in lessons and their level of spoken language occurs later; however, she achievement rose. provides no evidence for this. Differences in the way Trackton children Some societies appear to regard teasing as learnt the functions of language seem to have an appropriate style of talk for adults to use been even more significant than the with young children (Schieffelin, 1987a, differences in form of language between their p.256; Heath, 1989, p.342). This might result dialect and the standard used in school. It is in negative emotional content (Bloom, 1993), possible that for bilingual children too, but Heath (1989, p.342) suggests that children differences in socialization patterns and quickly learn to recognise the signals function may be more significant than indicating that a remark is not serious. differences in form of language. Corson (1992) also describes positive results arising Trevarthan (1988) links children's ability from modifications made to the style of to acquire language in many different cultural language use in New Zealand schools, such as settings, with "Universal Cooperative storytelling styles (as seen in Section 4.4). Motives". From their earliest experiences, children begin to learn principles of 5.9 Children of Pakistan cooperation in the society where they are born. The Pakistani home is considered a private The child's need to co-operate enables her to domain, which few outsiders may enter. learn through imitation, having her attention Detailed studies of patterns of interaction directed by others, by emotional evaluation of between carers and infants have seldom been situations and by observation of others. She published, Shah & Pervez (1994) included begins to initiate communication, to make some observations and some M.A. theses have gestures; and needs a response from others to entered this field (Pervez, 1989; see also develop these skills; but the initial attempt to annotated references in Miles & Miles, 1993). communicate comes from the child. However, Tudge & Rogoff, (1989 p.23) point out that Within Pakistan there are many cultural Piaget saw co-operation as a later groups, with different ways of life. There is a development, arising together with the ability broad range of individual differences, and to perform rational operations, unlike the most sections of society are experiencing rapid Vygotskian viewpoint which also emphasises changes, which affect family life and child- social interaction from birth. rearing patterns. Practices range from the harsh, seemingly abusive environment for 5.8 Language Socialization & Schools children in the Swat valley observed by By the time children start school, they have Charles Lindholm (1982) and Cherry much experience of how language is used in Lindholm (1982), to the picture of highly their home community. Yet school curricula indulgent parents given by Rauf (1988). may be derived from developmental norms not Despite the variations, certain features within relevant to their pupils. Heath (1982, 1983) Pakistan, can be regarded as culturally reports her work amongst black pupils in `mainstream': the cultural ideals of middle-

38 4 class Pakistani-Indian society; Islamic against children in some middle-class Indian influences and ideals; and village traditional homes. Shah & Pervez (1994) found middle- practices. class homes in their study did not share indulgent views of childcare. In practice, many 5.9.1 The middle class ideal financially secure families hand over their I have found this 'ideal' to be common to children to servants for much of their day, families in Northern India and Pakistan. More while, as described below, less well-off literature is available from India, but the mothers have other responsibilities which patterns of life described are consistent with a usually have to take priority. number of urban professional Pakistani families whom I know personally. These 5.9.2 The Islamic ideal ideals are shared by some members of other Muslim children grow up to assume their sectors of society. Educational psychologist religious duties, which are public for males, Rauf (1988, p.100) described his ideal, which largely private for females. Islam teaches a is not based on any specific study: judgement following death, when the Muslim "home in Pakistan overflows with will be sent to heaven or hell according to warmth and vigour. Children are actions and performance of religious duties. attended to. Parental care and While the culture of the villages of Pakistan is affection are lavishly showered. entwined with rich folk varieties of Islam, Majority of the parents are some religious teachers and Islamicization home-centred and the homes movements regard many such cultural child-centred. Constant parental practices as un-Islamic. Islamic writings of devotion to the multifarious needs earlier centuries provide idealised patterns of and demands of children lends life to be emulated. predominantly humane colouring to the entire atmosphere of an average The diversity of Islamic thought in Pakistani home". matters concerning children is illustrated by laws on custody after divorce. Young children Kakar (1988) writes of the exclusive are believed to need a mother's care, but in relationship of the mother and child in Indian Islamic Law the guardianship of the child homes, unlike other writers, who found belongs to the father. This age at which fathers children relating more to grandparents or take custody can vary, for boys, from the age siblings than to mother. The relationship is of two (the lama Athari code) to puberty (the particularly intense between mother and son, Maliki code). For girls it varies from seven as mothers traditionally have an attitude of (the Hanbali code) to marriage (the Maliki gratitude and reverence towards a son (ibid., code). The Shafi'i code allows the child p.88). The mother aims to avoid frustration himself to decide, on reaching the 'age of for, and conflict with, an infant. Children are discretion' (Poulter, 1986, p.132). widely believed to become hot-tempered if they have experienced frustration in infancy, While some Muslim writers focus on the so there is no pressure for toilet training, and general theme of providing a warm secure an avoidance of conflict over food or sleeping home for children, this being part of the habits. Indulgence of the infant's wishes is the justification for limiting the role of women ideal mother's priority, if economic or social outside the home, others focus on the details pressures allow her any release from routine of living according to the Muslim law. Many chores. The mother does not lead the child Muslim young women receive on marriage towards independence or socialisation skills, Maulana Thanvi's book Bahishti Zewar. nor tries to mould or control, but allows him translated 'Heavenly Ornaments' (Thanvi, to follow his own path of development, at his reprint 1981). Thanvi denounced many own pace. It is quite common for a five or six traditional customs as 'irreligious' or year old to be breastfed, or nowadays more superstitious. He maintained that children must often bottlefed, on demand. Boys up to five not play with dolls. Pictures are forbidden, as years may share their mother's bed, unless a are fireworks and all forms of dance and younger baby comes along (Kakar, ibid.; music; also the suckling of babies beyond two Lannoy, 1971). years. Children should start saying their prayers at seven years. Prayers are obligatory However, this ideal model is not always by the time the child reaches ten. Yet in spite achieved. Kakar describes how mothers may of pressures towards Islamicisation in shape their children's behaviour by threats of Pakistan, many Pakistani children do play with abandonment, ghosts or monsters, or by dolls, pictures are on display in many homes locking them in dark rooms. Segal (1995) that can afford them, and also in public. Music describes high levels of physical violence and dance performances continue. Families

39 47 with more fundamentalist views disapprove of that they-are forbidden to many her. Girls such activities. usually enter purdah as puberty approaches- but Khan (1972) reported that some may be Islamic cultures have historically had a required to do so as young as six. Polygamy is concern for certain aspects of children's also a feature of Pakistani life. A man may be speech and language. Recital from memory of married to up to four wives concurrently. In the Holy Qu'ran, correct in terms not only of much of Pakistan, most men have only one accuracy in the Arabic but also of skilful wife, but the possibility of another arriving intonation, is an important exercise studied remains a threat if the first fails to please, e.g. down the centuries and still taught to quite in producing healthy sons (Singer, 1982, p.81). young Muslims. Maintaining purity in the Arabic language was an important issue in The Lindholms (1982; 1982) described early Islamic history, as pilgrims from many Pathan family life in Swat, a strictly purdah- lands gathered at Mecca. It provides a rare observing area, as a power struggle. The child example of townspeople turning to nomadic grows up to witness constant squabbling and bedouin for language instruction (Shalaby, fighting. Verbal abuse is often explicitly 1979, pp.42-47). O'Neill (1980, pp.108-114) sexual. Cherry Lindholm (1982, p.54) noted describes the contribution of Avicenna (Ibn that Sina, born 980 A.D.) to the understanding of "though adults do not try to teach a the nature of language, which was further child how to walk or talk, they will developed after his death. Shalaby (1979) and laughingly encourage a toddler to Rizavi (1986) describe the views of medieval make funny faces and repeat sexual Muslim teachers on the needs of children and insults." methods of education. These include the need The baby is picked up when he cries, but for a child to acquire basic skills prior to although he may be given mother's breast, she commencing formal instruction, Ibn Sina gives little other attention as she continues her stressing positive motivation rather than other activities while he feeds. Once ayounger punishment, Al-Ghazali encouraging parents to baby arrives, the older infant no longer has allow children to play. special care from his mother, but fights with the other children of the household for any 5.9.3Village observations objects, such as sticks and stones, the only Many mothers in the villages and poorer urban toys generally available, or for pieces of dry areas of Pakistan experience pressures which bread to eat. Lindholm reports that a child's prevent them spending much time with their first words are expected to be "ma la" children, even if they believe they should do meaning "for me". Adults pay little attention so. In many villages, women still carry water to children's fights, nor do they intervene to from well or stream, collect fuel for cooking protect the child from dangers such as fire, and have lengthy procedures for cleaning and falling down stairs or off roofs, or using sharp preparing food. In dusty climates, cleaninga tools. Children are considered too young to house and courtyard may be repeated several feel or understand before the age ofseven, so times daily. The slightly better off will have they are never given explanations. animals in house and courtyard to add to the "The parents' job is to train the child work. Infants are supervised by grandparents, to respect his elders, obey them to by sisters too young or weak to takeon more the letter and know the proper way to active work, or by unmarried aunts. (UNICEF, behave. Failure to comply with an 1992, p.72; Anwar & Naeem, 1980, p.114; adult order, whether the failure is due Haider, 1971; Narain, 1964). to wilful naughtiness, forgetfulness, misunderstanding or accidental In the North-West Frontier Province and mismanagement is met with parts of Punjab, the observance of 'purdah', immediate anger and a variety of the seclusion ofwomen, is the norm in village physical punishments" (ibid., p.55). life (Singer, 1982, pp.72-87). Insome other These views by a foreign anthropologist might areas the full seclusion of women is a mark of seem excessively negative; but confirmation the devoutly religious familyor the middle appears in work by Mazhar Khan (1972), and (traditional)upper classes.Purdah- Tareen et al (1984), Shahid (1987) and the observing women rarely leave the house.One Report of the Seminar "Child Abuse in obliged to doso wears a garment covering her Pakistan" (UNICEF, 1989). Shah & Pervez so that no part of her body or face is visible, (1994) found that 72% of parents they neither any skinnor the shape of her body. interviewed required children to demonstrate Amongst the strictest familiesa woman may total submission to parental authority. They never be seen by a man other than her report observations of parents cursing, husbandor those of such close blood relation shouting at, hitting, throwing, throwing things

40 48 at, pinching, giving sweets or money to their Rahman (1990) report that mothers of children - but not conversing with them. `retarded' children in Dhaka, Bangladesh developed more positive attitudes towards their However, as pointed out by Lannoy children once they were attending special (1971) such a mother may share the schools. `indulgent' ideal described above (Section 5.9.1), but pressures on her may result in her 5.11Effects of Migration being 'negligent' in practice. Nevertheless Migration is a phenomenon found there are also mothers whose own experience internationally throughout history. During this has never led them to know or share in the century, relatively inexpensive forms of mass ideal picture of motherhood. Shah & Pervez transportation have made intercontinental (1994) point out that the unattractivepractices travel feasible for larger numbers of people. which they describe are shared by middle class Berry (1989) distinguished four possible families as well as the less well economically outcomes for members of minority favoured. communities. Integrationresults when cultural identity is maintained and 5.10 How are Differences/Delays in relationships are built up with other groups. Development Perceived in Pakistan? Separation results when cultural identity is Miles & Miles (1993) note that as there is maintained but there are no relationships with little tradition of birth registration or other groups. When cultural identity is not celebration of birthdays, parents are often maintained, assimilation may result; but there vague about their child's age, and ideas of may be marginalisation, with cultural developmental progression of skills are very identity lost but no success in developing flexible. However, if they are not judged by relationships with other groups. developmental norms, children with learning difficulties are liable to judgement against a Historically, in Britain at least, there is norm of obedience: "He should be walking, evidence that migrant workers have met with but he won't obey me"; "He's stubborn, he hostility from some quarters of British society won't write his ";"She's stubborn, (Anwar, 1985; Ballard, 1986). Skin colour and she won't talk properly". oriental dress have made certain groups more conspicuous and vulnerable than previous Parents expect their children to learn to migrating groups, especially during periods obey. Other skills should develop naturally when unemployment grew substantially among from this obedience. Parents of young children working-class native British. The educationally may be worried by delays in walking and and economically constricted rural origins of talking as important recognised milestones, but many migrant Pakistani mothers may also are less concerned about independence in have reinforced British professionals' view of feeding, toilet management and dressing. Pakistani families as 'problematic', together There are always older female hands nearby to with publicity generated by a few Islamic assist the latter tasks, whereas walking and fundamentalist groups. Sadly, accumulated talking cannot be done by proxy. prejudices can fall on the young child in an SLD school, whose family culture and MT are Expectations that a son will grow up like then perceived as part of the problem, rather his father and a daughter like her mother may than as potential resources. lead to a sense of family shame and of parental failure when the child's disability 5.12 The Pakistani Community in Britain prevents or seriously delays this. It can be a Many members of the Pakistani community problem for children of professional families came to Britain as part of the migrant labour who do not have the capacity to achieve system which is a widespread feature of the family norms of educational success. Haider Pakistani economy. A large proportion of the (1971, p.70) writes of the shame and guilt Pakistani community in Britain originate from experienced by parentsin Pakistan who see a Mirpur district, , others from stigma attached to having a 'mentally retarded' Punjab or NWFP provinces. Appendix 5 child. Similarly, Singhi et al (1990) refer to outlines the development of this community. the stress and marital disharmony experienced by mothers of children with disabilities in Pakistanis in Britain have concentrated in Indian Punjab, and suggest that this may be a particular areas. Pakistani- run businesses result of families "blaming her for 'this provide many services to these communities, disgrace' to their family", although they also but not educational or specialised medical recognised the problems resulting from provision. Anwar (1985) found little social increased work and diminished opportunities contact between non-professional Pakistanis for social contact outside the family. Zaman & and members of other ethnic groups (including

41 rt white), and there is no reason to suppose that the Indian subcontinent." Sutherland (1983) this has changed for most families. Many and Goodnow (1985), working with families families wish to maintain their cultural and of differing ethnic groups in USA and religious traditions, and do not wish for , found that ethnic differences were a themselves or their children to adopt a more significant factor affecting parents' beliefs `British' way of life (Anwar, 1985; Jervis, about children's learning and development. 1989). Although many families continue to Goodnow also found that parents regarded think of return (Ballard, 1986; Anwar, 1985), their own upbringing as the source of most of Ballard points out that a permanent return to their ideas on child rearing. Pakistan is unlikely to be feasible for many families, for economic reasons. Shaw (1988) Nevertheless migration results in changes found increasing investment by Pakistanis in housing, and family structure (Shaw, 1988), within England, buying properties and which inevitably change practices relating to expanding businesses, which may indicate a infants and young children. While Poulter readiness to settle. (1986) argues that many families hope to maintain an extended family pattern, suitable Anwar (1985) described the central housing may not be available (Shaw, 1988). importance of maintaining links with family Instead, they buy houses in the same members in Pakistan. The outstanding neighbourhood. Newth & Corbett (1993) expression of this is by marriage links. Those found that 40% of their Birmingham Asian resident in Britain may be accused of families lived within walking distance of the neglecting their duties and of 'anglicization' if paternal grandmother. they neglect these (Ballard, 1986). Thus, many of the generation of young 'Pakistanis' Some services, such as playschemes, are educated in Britain are married to partners being developed which specifically set out to who have grown up in Pakistan. This is a meet the needs of 'Asian' children, by making major difference between Pakistani Muslims modifications to conform with cultural and most communities of Indian origin and preferences and by employing workers who East African Asians. Newth & Corbett are members of the community to be served (1993), interviewing a random sample of 129 (Kapasi, 1992). As demonstrated by Bower mothers of three year old children born in (1994), effective adaptation requires sensitive Birmingham of Pakistani and Indian origin, negotiation with the client group regarding found that over 90% of mothers had been their perception of their needs. brought up in Pakistan or India. Many complained of homesickness.

Nevertheless, the second or third 5.14 Contact with Services for Children generation of Pakistanis in Britain have very with Disabilities different experiences from their parents and Parents from all ethnic groups complain that increasing changes in the life of their relationships with professionals fall far short communities can be expected. Many younger of an ideal (Mayall, 1991). Families from British Pakistanis have had further education, ethnic minority communities may experience and are entering a broader range of additional communication barriers. Language employment than their parents. Many, differences are an obvious hurdle. The need however, live in areas of high unemployment. for interpreters has often been emphasised Jervis (1989) notes the lack of social (Nathwani, 1987). Desforges (1995) found integration of young men in this situation. interpreters were rarely used in interviewing Studying the situation of migrants to Britain, parents regarding their child's educational from a Norwegian perspective, Hoel (1982, needs. Abbas et al (1993), surveying services p.22) observed that "Government policy on for people with disabilities in Bradford, found immigration in Britain has concentrated on that few agencies employed interpreters or limiting numbers, rather than helping people to provided translated literature. The majority had settle." no Asian staff. Shah (1992) points to difficulties in obtaining satisfactory 5.13 Changes in Child Rearing Patterns interpreting services, and the unsuitability of due to Migration using children, other family members or any Hoel suggested (p.23) that the purpose of untrained person. Syed (1988) refers to migration is to achieve goals set by the values difficulties in using interpreters whose use of of the country of origin, thus "The frame of social markers for status, hierarchy, caste and reference used must extend beyond the creed in their conversation create additional national boundaries of Britain, if one is to barriers to communication; but Harry & make sense of the situation of migrants from Kalyanpur (1994) note concern over

42 ar- zi confidentiality when interpreters belong to the misdeeds may appear to be 'confirmed' by a same community astheir clients. medical diagnosis of an inherited 'cause'. Such a diagnosis also confirms fears that the Some professionals complain that whole family is somehow defective. This is communication is a problem, even where particularly regrettable when a family would parents 'speak English well' (Shah, 1992). not have been concerned about the child's Shah suggests that difficulty in understanding development had professionals not become accents may be a problem. Hoel (1982, p.37) involved. Harry & Kalyanpur (1994) note the refers to differences in ways of indicating "broader tolerance" of diversity in patterns of agreement and disagreement, expressing child development in those communities which politeness, eye-contact conventions, gesture, do not focus on the early acquisition of 'paper posture, patterns of speaking and listening and pencil' skills in a competitive school which may be carried over into second environment. This view was shared by Hoch language (cf. Section 3.4).Silence may (1967), working in India, although Das et al indicate acquiescence or deep disagreement, or (1970) suggested that 'mild retardation' was lack of understanding (Harry & Kalyanpur, perceived as a problem amongst the poorest, 1994). Parents may appear to agree with least educated, communities. professionals, but only because it would be discourteous to disagree. Hoel (1982) suggests Differences between parents and that in stressful situations, such as contact with professionals in systems of knowledge and `official' agencies, second language skills may belief may constitute a barrier which suffer. Parent and professional may differ on professionals need to overcome. Professionals the nature of the child's difficulty, as continue to suggest that mothers from Pakistan described by Sachs (1995). do not have "the basic educational background to understand the child's Conceptual differences regarding disabilities", (Abbas et al, 1993, p.8). More children's development and disability can lead accurately, few mothers share the experience to misunderstanding even when an interpreter and conceptual training of the professional - is provided or parents are fluent speakers of which is equally true of many English the majority language (Sachs, 1995; Harry & mothers. The onus is then on the professional Kalyanpur, 1994). Professionals unfamiliar to improve mutual communications. with intercultural experiences may not realise that many of their own basic assumptions Inadequate provision of information about about life are not universal (Harry & the child's disability may be more easily Kalyanpur, 1994). identified as a problem for parents with limited English, though also experienced by Shah (1992) complains of professionals many English families. Cunningham & Davis questioning clients from ethnic minorities (1985) emphasize the need to give information about trivial 'differences', while not to parents in terms they can understand and recognising more significant divergences from assimilate. In order to do this professionals majority culture experiences. Johnson & must listen to parents and understand their Nadirshaw (1993) suggest that demonstrating perceptions of the child's needs. Hoel (1982, empathy and respect for the client's values are p.2'7) remarked that professionals' lack of more important than becoming a 'cultural understanding of Asian cultural beliefs has expert'. Sontag & Schacht (1994) suggest that similarities with their lack of sympathy with parents are reluctant to give information to English folk beliefs, and that "hospital professionals who demand that families practices might worry British patients as well change, but parents wish to share with those as rural Asian immigrants". who hope to change the system to make it more appropriate. Some families may, Hoel refers to literature produced by however, find it inappropriate to discuss professionals about health and social problems family problems such. as concern over a of immigrants. Some of these focus on child's development, with persons outside the `immigrants as a problem'. Disabilities and family group. They may have had little health problems are seen as resulting from previous contact with professionals, and may cultural practices, which are viewed in a be ill at ease with them (Harry & Kalyanpur, negative manner, and as in need of change. 1994). Following publication of research showing a correlation between disability and cousin Harry & Kalyanpur suggest specific marriage (Bundey & Alam, 1993) families are issues related to disability where increasingly likely to be admonished about this misunderstandingsmay easily result. Family connection, which is unlikely to improve beliefs that disability isa consequence of their relations between parents and professionals.

43 51 While admitting the need for more happened in practice. To meet the needs of all professionals of Asian origin, Hod (1982, parents, including those from ethnic minorities, p.74) noted the cultural differences found in Hod (p.84) called for more "participation for Asia between social classes and particularly all parents in planning and evaluating the urban and rural populations, so that Asian services". professionals may be unsympathetic to views they consider 'backward'. Both Shah (1992) 5.16 Summary of Relevant Points and Hoe! regard Asian clients as particularly Some of these may be confirmed during the vulnerable to the 'power relations' between fieldwork; the possibility of differences professionals and clients, which, they observe, between cultural expectations of the school are a feature of parent-teacher relations in and the home will be taken into account in special schools. They arc less likely to have planning fieldwork. access to alternative sources of information 1. Cultural differences may affect patterns of available to others through reading (Abbas et language acquisition. al, 1993), and may not have the cross-cultural 2. Patterns of child rearing vary between communication skills to challenge decisions; cultures: not only practices but also the or may consider it discourteous to do so. aims may differ. 3. Assessment procedures for early Noel (1982, p.58) suggested that advice identification of learning difficulties may from professionals"can be experienced as a result in inappropriate labelling of form of deskilling by the parents, whose own children as 'delayed', or as 'severely' everyday assumptions about raising children rather than 'mildly delayed'. are called into question by the experts." This 4. Parents may not wish to co-operate with may also be experienced by parents belonging professionals whose advice contradicts to the majority ethnic community their concepts relating to their child. (McConachie, 1986). Professionals need to beware of `deskilling' parents by challenging their The importance of building parents' self values. respect is demonstrated by Davis & Rushton 5. Parents may not see any value in playing (1991). They report a programme which with children. resulted in Bangladeshi mothers experiencing 6. Parents may not regard it as appropriate less stress and more positive involvement with to talk to children. their children and husbands, and the children 7. A mother may not see it as her role to making good progress developmentally and interact with children. She may see it as a behaviourally. In the original programme, grandparent's role(but grandmother may intervention consisted of weekly visits from a not be available); or she may see it as Bangladeshi woman, a mother, to explore any sister's role(but she may be at school). issues raised by the parents, whether financial 8. Almost all children learn to talk, in all or housing issues, personal relationships or cultures: but some practices may be more problems related to the child. The positive suitable for children with learning results were believed by the authors to result difficulties. from the personal qualities of the counsellor 9. It may be possible to modify school who showed "respect, humility and honesty" practices, to take into account cultural towards the fairiilies. This programme was differences. expanded (Davis et al, 1994) and continued to 10.There is a wide variation in child-rearing be effective, workers being trained to be practices within Pakistan. respectful and develop the self-esteem of II.Mothers of young children may have parents, and with an emphasis on the need for recently arrived from Pakistan and be humility on the part of workers. unfamiliar with British cultural practices. 12.Parents may need considerable Noel's recommendations in 1982 for encouragement to participate in discussion further development of parent groups, of with professionals. information, including video production, and of bilingual provision, are still largely unmet in 1995. Of the professionals she interviewed, only one (the speech therapist) argued for the need for children to develop their MT. Others saw the lack of English at home as a `problem'. Hoers own experience from Scandinavia was of a model where MT is used in the reception classes of schools, although Skutnabb-Kangas (1986) indicates this rarely

44 Chapter 6. PRACTICAL INVESTIGATION OF LANGUAGE ACQUISITION OF CHILDREN WITH SEVERE LEARNING DIFFICULTIES: METHODOLOGY & DESIGN The present study of the effects of models require variables to be controlled so bilingualism on children with learning that only the factors under study, in this case difficulties arose from personal experience and bilingualism, should cause differences in interest. I also wished to discover whether my results. intuitive practice would find some basis in the results of formal investigation, and whether Comparison of groups of children within this could influence the practice that I saw in the same school would similarly be hard to some English schools. It was necessary first to control. In England, children from English- decide the aim and methodological basis of the speaking homes receive MT education, while study. children from minority homes are taught in a second language. Yet differences in child- 6.1First Thoughts: Search for a Question rearing patterns might be more significant than My initial idea was to explore ways of differences resulting from bilingualism. There showing whether children from homes where is much variation in the degree and type of English was not usually spoken were learning difficulty between individual children disadvantaged by the usual practice, in SLD at SLD schools, which would make Schools, of supporting children only in comparison of small groups meaningless. learning to speak English. I expected to find some disadvantage, if a valid means could be If there had been any standardised norms found to demonstrate it. for monolingual children with learning difficulties relating level of expressive At this stage I expected to use a language to an independent indicator of traditional research approach, setting up an cognitive ability such as symbolic play, a `objective' inquiry, which would produce comparison of bilingual children with those quantifiable evidence relevant to my monolingual norms could have indicated hypothesis, by means of a controlled study. whether they were experiencing disadvantage. However, as my plans developed and my However, no such norms are available; and reading broadened, my perspective on research current views of language acquisition suggest changed. that the interrelationship of language and cognitive development is such that it is not I first considered devising a comparative possible to find truly independent variables for study; either comparing bilingual with purposes of comparison. For example, Miller, monolingual children, or comparing children Chapman & Mackenzie (1981), studying 130 whose school encouraged their bilingualism subjects, compared assessment of cognitive with those whose school used only English. I functioning (using a range of measures considered designing a controlled experimental including Uzgiris & Hunt's scales of cognitive study that could convince teachers and policy- development, 1975, and norms of play makers that bilingual children with delayed behaviour) with syntactic comprehension, development were disadvantaged by the receptive vocabulary and expressive language absence of MT support - as is suggested by using mean length of utterance and presence many writers with regard to normally of grammatical structures. This comparison developing children (Chapters 3 & 4). showed highly individual patterns of development: 50% of children were Comparison of schools was not functioning at or beyond the level of language practicable. I knew of no SLD schools in comprehension expected by cognitive level England which actively supported children's (although production was never advanced non-English MT acquisition. My full-time according to cognitive level); 25% showed teaching post restricted me to working in a delays in both comprehension and production single school, and also ruled out observation of language as compared to cognitive level and comparison with bilingual systems in and 25% were delayed only in productive Wales. To study several schools would involve syntax. many different factors that would be impossible to control, such as methods of Developing a comparative study, whether teaching language and pupils' social class. by experimental activity or by observing Earlier bilingualism work, e.g. pre-1960 Welsh different groups of children, no longer studies (see Appendix 2) failed to take account appeared viable. of such variables. Their results were later seen to be invalid. Traditional quantitative research

45 6.2 Broader Perspectives 6.3 Action Research Lambert (1990, p.201) describes how his Action Research methodology was developed initial concern to measure bilingual proficiency in the USA by Kurt Lewin, from the 1930s soon broadened, as he realised that onwards, largely in the context of working bilingualism was "inextricably linked" with with minority communities (Adelman, 1993). various other factors, including social, In Britain, Stenhouse was an early proponent psychological and political issues.Similarly, I of the use of Action Research in educational now wished to gain a broader picture of the contexts, such as his Humanities Curriculum consequences for children of belonging to two Project (Stenhouse, 1973, 1983). The Action minority groups: a linguistic- cultural minority Research model is characterised by a constant and the minority of children placed in SLD cyclical process in which planning, action, schools. This required an open-ended monitoring, evaluation, theorising, lead to approach, observing current practices and further planning and action (Edwards & varying the direction of the research Talbot, 1994). accordingly. I hoped to avoid preconceived expectations relating to the research, and to be Action Research sometimes involves close open to new ideas. Rather than formulating collaboration between a professional and testing a hypothesis, I hoped my findings researcher and the practitioners whose work is would generate insights, and that theoretical the subject of the research (e.g. Hernandez, understanding would grow from questions thus 1992); however the researcher herself is generated. Such an approach to research was usually a practitioner (Practitioner Research); described by Glaser & Strauss (1967). They or a group of practitioners researching developed the perspective of 'grounded' collaboratively. The following two features theory, whereby the analysis of research data are consistently reported as central to leads to new developments in theory and thus Practitioner Action Research: concepts and hypotheses are formed from the 1. The researcher is a practitioner, consideration of and with relevance to, researching her own practice. practical situations. 2. The cycle (as described above) leads to a spiralling progression of analysis of a Larsen-Freeman & Long (1991) discuss a situation/practice and implementing range of methodologies for second language change. acquisition research within the context of This spiral enables the researcher concurrently quantitative and qualitative methods and to develop an understanding of a problem paradigms - concluding that these are not while trying out solutions for that problem. competing but complementary perspectives: Practitioner Action Research is inevitably the most effective approaches are likely to limited by the specific situation in which the combine both. They compare features of these researcher is placed. paradigms and methods thus:(See Box 6.1, next page). My aim for a 'broader Griffiths & Tann (1992) distinguish perspective' clearly fitted a qualitative model between 'Action Research' and other forms of of research. practitioner research, by defining Action Research as requiring systematic monitoring In addition to learning more about the and rigorous evaluation. They argue that children's needs, I wished to explore strategies reflection on practice then needs to be for meeting these needs. I needed an overall combined with a critical reading of theory. methodology that would allow me to examine This produces new insights on theory, a range of factors affecting language skills generating further 'grounded' theoretical acquisition amongst the bilingual children of perspectives, following the model of grounded Pakistani origin at the particular school where research described above. I was working, and to make interventions, using an approach which permitted ongoing Within the overall action research model design modifications. My continuing a number of patterns have been described. exploration of broad theoretical issues (see Adelman (1993) refers to four types of action Chapters 2-5) would complement my practical research as classified by Lewin: research. Within this overall framework I diagnostic: the change agent intervenes in needed to identify methods of studying an already existing situation, specific issues: I would need tools for diagnoses the problem and measuring children's language skills; I would recommends remedial look at ethnographic approaches to studying measures. family interactions; and other issuesas the participant: the research subjects share in need arose. the design and carrying out of the research.

46 Box 6.1Quantative & QualitativeApproaches

Qualitative Quantitative

Concerned with understandingthe Seeking facts with little actor's frame of reference. regard of subjective states. Obtrusive and controlled Naturalistic, uncontrolled observation. measurement.

Subjective. Objective.

Grounded, discovery oriented, Ungrounded, verification- exploratory, descriptive, oriented, confirmatory, inductive. replicable. Outcome oriented. Process-oriented.

p.12.) (Adapted from Larsen-Freeman& Long, 1991, Table 2.1,

00 empirical: involves record keeping and another. Much of the 'traditional' research accumulating experiences in reviewed in Chapters 2 & 3, on language day to day work. acquisition, learning difficulties and bilingual experimental: . a controlled study of relative language acquisition, studied smaller samples effectiveness of various of children than were available for my study. I techniques in nearly identical believed it necessary to find time for relevant social situations. theoretical reading, searching for relevant In these terms, my research would have some insights and approaches. diagnostic- features, but be largely empirical, with an effort to secure theoretical However, Winter (1989), further underpinning. I hoped for some participant developing arguments from Can & Kemmis involvement from colleagues and parents. (1986), suggests that Action Research should not aim to generate theoretical or 'scientific' Referring to Blum (in National knowledge. Can & Kemmis (1986) argued Educational Association of the , that Action Research is devised for the 1959), Cohen & Manion (1989, p.217) suggest solution of specific educational problems. that Action Research may consist of "a They defined these as being problems with diagnostic stage in which the problems are practice, to be solved by adopting an action, analyzed and the hypotheses tested: and a rather than by investigating and discovering therapeutic stage in which the hypotheses are theoretical knowledge. These views of Action tested by a consciously directed change Research arise from a critique and rejection of experiment". They further suggest that Action a 'positivist' view of knowledge, following the Research differs from 'applied research' in not views propounded by Habermas. By rejecting emphasising the production of generalisable the philosophical idea of objective knowledge, scientific knowledge, but rather finding it is argued that research cannot be a means of solutions to problems applicable in a specific obtaining knowledge with application outside setting. Views differ as to whether knowledge its immediate social context. Instead, Action generated in Action Research can have Research is a means of forming a critical broader theoretical implications. It is community of researchers (including teachers, sometimes suggested that such knowledge is pupils, parents and all others involved in of very limited value outside the specific education) and enabling them to take control situation studied. In Action Research it is not of the processes of education. Crookes (1991) possible to control variables, as they form part suggests that, following Can & Kemmis, the of the particular situation under study. Winter challenging of assumptions and a critique of (1989) suggests that time is too limited and the effects of power structures within the the scale of an Action Research project too school are a necessary part of an action small to produce adequate data for theoretical research methodology. consideration. He also believes (p.35) that theoretical outcomes of practitioner action Debate on the nature of knowledge and research cannot stand up to academic criticism the philosophical basis of research, although as the researcher cannot have adequate acknowledged as relevant (see e.g. Skrtic, knowledge of the academic background and 1991), will not be pursued here, as to do so research methods of fields connected to her adequately would require writing another work. Suggesting that constraints of time make thesis. However, I was seeking more than the the necessary depth of study impracticable, he `emancipation' which writers such as Can & develops his idea of Action Research as one in Kemmis (1986) see as the outcome of Action which this academic knowledge is Research. I would attempt to be rigorous, unnecessary. systematic and critical in monitoring and analysing my research in the expectation of There are various responses to these obtaining insights into the needs of the criticisms. Variables cannot be controlled, but children concerned, not merely a critique of relevant factors must be monitored, and if this my own practice and that of my colleagues. monitoring is sufficiently systematic and Insights would have relevance to other results are critically analyzed (Griffiths & situations where children with 'severe learning Tann, 1992) the findings may be relevant to a difficulties' live in two cultural and linguistic wider theoretical picture, especially if environments, by illustrating some possible compared to results found under different experiences, and providing a basis for dialogue constraints. The varied results of studies (Skrtic, 1991, p.10). relating to the education of bilingual children (Chapters 3 & 4) show that it is not only in The complexity of the topic, the need for Action Research that there are dangers in an exploratory approach, and the practical generalizing results from one situation to necessity of working in an everyday school

47

_11":"fit situation where many factors could not be relevant to the issues central in this study. controlled, all indicated the need for a qualitative approach. The Action Research 6.4.1 Ethnographic research methods cycle would allow the necessary flexibility as I Much research into intercultural issues is explored relevant issues and tried to introduce based on an ethnographic model, where new practices. observation takes place, looking at people While Action Research often involves within their social and cultural contexts. collaboration, I had reason to doubt that my Intervention is not generally part of the colleagues would wish to participate or research. However, in working with families, I collaborate in my research. My interest in the decided to consider issues from ethnographic topic resulted from personal experience, and methodology. was not shared by most colleagues. The school where I worked did not have a democratic Spindler(1982)describes the attributes of framework. Challenging ideas were not. ethnographic research which include the expected to arise from 'junior teachers' and following features: criticism was not welcomed. Being employed 1.Observations are set in context, both the by a support service and placed within the immediate context and where necessary school, my position was regarded by some beyond. colleagues as marginal. The absence of 2. Hypotheses and questions emerge during collaboration and support had considerable the process of the study: no decisions are effect on the way in which the research made until an initial 'orienting' phase is developed. Collaboration with parents might completed. arise, but I was poorly placed to negotiate 3.Observations take place over a prolonged changes in the school context as a result of period. parental contributions. 4.Attempts are made to discover the participants' viewpoint, using interviews Within a broad Action Research and where necessary devising schedules. methodology, I thus defined open-ended Questions should not predetermine questions for study: responses, giving respondents the 1. What factors affect language acquisition opportunity to share information of children from non-English speaking naturally. families of South Asian origin who attend 5. A major part of the task is to grasp the an SLD school in England? participants' understanding and 2.What interventions can facilitate their frameworks of social behaviour and acquisition of language skills? communication skills. This can involve making explicit what respondents regard 6.4 Issues of Context & Design as implicit. The purpose of my research was to study 6. Ethnographic studies aim not to disturb or language acquisition in a group of children. I change the setting being studied. would monitor children's progress at school, 7. The researcher holds a perspective on but also wished to include home and cultural cultural differences. Spindler suggests that factors. the ethnographer will hold the view that "all cultures are adaptations to the Bloch & Swadener(1992, p.175)suggest exigencies of life and exhibit common as that the theoretical emphases in studies of well as distinguishing features"(1982, early childhood education are generally based p.70). on individualistic cognitive psychology and By Spindler's criteria my study was child development. These make assumptions `ethnographic research', with the possible based on a dominant, middle-class view of exception of item 6 (discussed below). childhood, often disregarding broader cultural or critical perspectives, though these are of Shweder & Bourne(1982)refer to three particular importance to studies of children commonly held models for interpreting other from minority communities. Current cultures: developments both in thought about child A. Universalism. Cultural differences are language acquisition and issues in bilingualism superficial and basically everyone thinks point to the importance of children's early in the same way. People holding this language experience and its relation to cultural view will minimise any descriptions of identity. The survey of ethnographic literature cultural differences. (Chapter 5) covered cross-cultural differences B. Evolutionary. Cultural practices and in language acquisition, child-rearing in attitudes may be 'different' from 'our Pakistan and experiences of ethnic minority own', but they are more primitive and communities in England. All these topicswere will change and develop to be like 'ours'.

48 (57 C. Relativistic. Cultures may have in Britain; yet on starting the research, a year considerable differences; but they are of after returning from Pakistan, I still in many equal value.' ways identified more closely with Pakistani My own intercultural experiences of the past cultures than with the majority British culture. 17 years led me to take 'relativistic' approach. Though I usually wore western dress at work, I expected to work as far as possible in ways many of the families whom I visited assumed which would conform to, rather than that I was of Pakistani origin, and made challenge, parental value systems. However, in repeated efforts to learn the 'secret' of comparing children's experience with that whereabouts in Pakistan I belonged. described in the literature, reviewed in Colleagues at school were puzzled when chapters 2-5, I would be likely to make some parents telephoned and requested to speak to evaluations of the consequence of parental the 'Pakistani' teacher. Mothers addressed me practices for their children. as 'auntie' or `baji' (older sister). I had become 'blind' to many features of Pakistani The role of researchers from dominant culture, a feature of emic research. During ethnic groups working with less powerful the research period I was aware of gradually groups is increasingly under question. becoming reintegrated within British culture, Skutnabb-Kangas (1990) writes critically of while still observing many features as though I research resulting in defining ethnic groups were an outsider. (and their members) according to their degree of difference from, or assimilation into, the Ekstrand regards the use of an instrument culturally-dominant society. She assumes that (e.g. an interview schedule) as etic. If research will be used to encourage members of modified within the system being studied, he the minority groups to change. However, the regards it as a 'derived etic'. Similarly, if the study of minority groups may be motivated by criteria for determining whether certain the wish to make services more effective for behaviour is 'cultural' is derived within the all clients. For children to be offered the most culture, it is emic; derived from outside, it is effective educational provision, some etic. understanding of their home and cultural background is necessary. Without it, schools My research design involved an have neither grounds nor motivation to adapt ethnographic approach, with the apparent their practices. However, the emphasis should difference that I was planning some be on changing the system, not the family intervention. An ethnographic approach studies (Sontag & Schacht 1994; Hanson et al, 1990). a culture but normally does not plan to change Services will be improved by an increased it. My first intention in studying children at awareness of the possible range of children's home was to adapt practices at school so to experiences, while professionals should avoid take more account of their experiences. generalising their experiences of individual However, I also aimed to provide parents with families to other members of the same ethnic information facilitating linguistic interactions group. with their child at home. Parental partnership is part of the ideology, if not always the Cross-cultural research is often described practice, of western special education. To in the tenns emic and etic. Ekstrand & provide the best education for children, parents Ekstrand (1986) survey uses of these terms should be offered opportunities to participate since they were first coined by Pike in 1954. in it. While change might arise within the Basically, emic research is produced by a home as a result of my intervention, I was researcher from within the culture being concerned that it should be compatible with studied, and reflects the values and concerns the values of parents as well as the interests of of that culture, while etic research examines children. a culture from outside, and thus often reflects on how the culture differs from that of the Arguably, my proposed 'intervention' was researcher. Ekstrand & Ekstrand propose a not something outside Pakistani family series of dimensions which together givea cultures, as those cultures evolve and develop picture of the emic- etic contrast; each in Britain. Pakistani parents in Britain, sending dimension is a continuum, notan either/or children to school, know that they will learn absolute. Their dimensions include 'from the many things that are not within traditional inside / from the outside', 'researcher's Pakistani cultures. Accommodating to British acculturation' and use of an 'instrument'. schooling, while trying to maintain important parts of traditional Pakistani cultures, is part of My personal emic/etic statuswas the present British-Pakistani minority culture. ambivalent. Obviously Iwas not a birth- Although many parents in Pakistan have little member of the Pakistani community resident contact with their children's schools (Shah &

49

ry Pervez, 1994), there is a strong tradition relationship with parents will continue after amongst middle and upper class families, and the research is completed. I did not regard this others with aspirations to social mobility, of as a problem, having a continuing relationship employing teachers to give extra tuition at with parents, in my home-school role. Iwas home. Sometimes parents in England asked trying to develop this role as parent- me if I could do this on a regular, formal supportive, to empower them in relations with basis. Thus in most of the families studied, the school, rather than beingan emissary of although some of the activities I suggested the school's culture. My role in the school were unfamiliar, my 'intervention' by offering would affect the issue of confidentiality. The a little information and advice was not school had no previous records of children's significantly outside families' cultural MT skills, so parents were to be informed that expectations. However, I continued to consider information would be made available to their ethical implications of intervention (see child's class teacher, and some placed in Section 6.5). school records. Parents were also to be told about the research aims of the interview, and 6.4.2 Interviews their consent requested. To learn about the children's language skills at home, and related factors in their home I considered whether to audio tape-record background, I expected to talk to parents. It some interviews. I did not consider using seemed likely that different phases of the video as I had learnt in Pakistan thatsome research would require different styles of Muslim women would not wish to be interviewing. I was not undertakinga survey photographed. Heath (1983, p.8) writes that type of interview, requiring a standardised she did not use tape recorders with families approach. The aim was to explore issues and until they themselves were familiar with share information. Mishler (1986) stresses the recording. While I expected my familiesto use distinction between standardisedsurveys and tape-recorders to play music, and video- interviews to obtain more personal recorders to see films, I had noreason to information, and indicates that, even when expect that they made recordings, or that such an approach would appear appropriate, mothers had ever heard recordings of attempts to standardise questions usually fail. themselves. I decided to keep to written Where the purpose is to discover information, observations when interviewing parentsor interviewing styles need flexibility to relate observing children at home. questions to the immediate context. Briggs (1983, 1984) discussed Mishler writes (1986, p.100) of the dual interviewing in situations where the roles of listener/questioner and interviewer and informant do not share the narrator/responder in interviews. Powney & same cultural background, showing how the Watts (1987) distinguish between informant social roles of interviewer and respondentmay (informant has control) and respondent be such that it is inappropriate for the (interviewer has control) interview styles. The respondent to answer the questions posed. He interviewer should be sensitive to the related this, in the context of the New Mexico informant's responses, to findways of sharing community where he worked, to different the latter's understanding of issues being styles of interaction used during learning: explored. Mishler writes of the value of children learn by observing and thenrepeat 'narrative' styles of discourse and the benefits what adults say, young adultsmay ask their of an interview style thatencourages a seniors to develop a topic they have narrative response- where the respondent introduced; only a mature, respected member 'relives' an incident in talking aboutit. of the community has the 'right' to produce original questions. Briggs found that, where he Powney & Watts (1987) note the distress regarded himself as conductingan interview, sometimes generated in interviewingparents his informants saw their roleas pedagogical: of children with 'severe handicaps'.Bradbum they were teaching him correct behaviour. & Sudman (1979) found thatopen-ended They did not respond when they found his questions were more effective whendiscussing form of questioning inappropriate. Exceptions topics possibly 'threatening'to the informant. were those informants who were themselves I considered that some parents might regard bilingual. Although interviewswere conducted questions related to child-rearingpractices as in Spanish, informants whowere at ease with over-intrusive and perhaps threatening. English conversation patterns easily tookpart in the interview. Briggs concluded that, in Powney & Watts (1987)suggest that ethnographic study, the interviewer should interviewingmay create problems for the adopt a "critical and reflexive approach" practitioner action researcher,as the (1983, p.255), supplementing interviews with

50 other methods of obtaining the required Heath & Levin (1991) suggest that information. Whether this would have any families will want to take part in an relevance to interviewing women of Pakistani intervention programme only if it makes sense origin in England remained to be seen, but I to them within their cultural framework. wished to be aware of possible reasons for However, they may not feel empowered to failure to elicit information. openly reject a programme that is offered. Their respect for professionals may In planning interviews, my purpose, as disempower them from questioning the advice teacher as well as researcher, was to enable given (Harry & Kalyanpur, 1994). If they parents to become more actively involved in believe their role is 'nurturing-protecting' their child's education. The purpose of rather than actively rearing their children interviews would not be simply to elicit (Section 5.4) they may not see any point in the information, but to develop this partnership. programme. As seen in Section 5.13, parents may regard their own upbringing as the 6.5 Ethical Issues in Chanzinz Practices at greatest influence on their child-rearing Home beliefs. They might welcome discussion about While aiming to facilitate parents' how their changed circumstances may participation in their child's language necessitate change in practices, e.g. the development, I was concerned about ethical absence of grandparents could mean that the issues in advocating changes in parenting mother's role should be adapted or practices of members of minority groups. grandparent substitutes found. Initially I hoped to respond to parental requests for information about how to help Parents may be happy to alter their children's learning. Parental participation in practices towards what they believe is a better children's development is considered an model. However, if professionals suggest important feature of special education changes incompatible with parents' beliefs (McConkey, 1985; McConachie, 1986; about good parenting, e.g. suggesting they Cunningham & Davies, 1985; Mitt ler & `play' with their children when this is not Mitt ler, 1994) and was part of my own culturally approved behaviour, the innovation professional role in the school. I considered may be rejected, or parents may suffer loss of that 'providing information' was more confidence which would in itself be damaging acceptable than actively encouraging parents to parent-child interaction. Families could feel to change their practices. The former their values threatened by attempts to change empowers parents to choose an action, while family interaction patterns. On the other hand, the latter might appear to sit in judgement on both national and international changes in their parenting skills. Being uneasy about the socio-economic structures demand changes in ethics of advocating change, I wished to family expectations and demands on children. consider guidelines for intervention. If families from ethnic minorities were excluded from programmes for developing Sigel (1983) discussed the need for a parent practices, on the assumption that their shared relationship between professional and culture was too fragile to face challenges, this family, acknowledging the family's right to would be an unacceptable discrimination. "control their destiny". He also noted that change in child-rearing patterns may have far- McConachie (1991) recommends that reaching consequences for children and for when mothers do not themselves wish to take social networks. Considering programmes a teaching role, the professional should build a aiming to change child-rearing practices, programme around opportunities for the particularly where families belong to minority targeted child to interact with other children, groups, Sigel (1983, pp.9-10) asked while the mother would be encouraged to "What happens to a low-income incorporate learning into those activities she black family's social network when did see as her role, such as dressing the child. it shifts its child rearing strategies as a consequence of a parent education There can be no ethical justification in programme? Do these changes create persuading parents to change their child- new adjustment problems for the rearing practices without evidence that the family?" change will benefit the child (or, possibly, He pointed to the need to discuss possible other family members). Sigel (1983) suggests consequences of change with parents in that few parental training programmes are advance, warning that practices found based on adequately researched findings, and beneficial ina white middle-class context McConachie (1986, p.194) believes that in could have very different effects in another practice intervention programmes are "guided context. as much by common sense and guesswork as

51 GO by research evidence." extended by discussion with teachers and parents, this being a further investigation of Patterns of interaction with a child who the child's abilities and needs. This would has a disability may be different from those provide additional information rather than which parents would have with a normally simply 'confirming results'. I wanted to try to developing child (see Section 2.4.3). gain a broader picture of the child'sabilities, Intervention enabling parents to relate in a rather than simply a measure of 'performance' way more 'normal' by their ownstandards, in one particular situation. with a child who has a disability, should not meet objections on ethical grounds, unless 2. A longitudinal study over two years what this family consider 'normal' is of ten children attending the school unacceptable to the wider society. nursery. This would involve the exploration of Sigel (1983, p.3) argues that the profesSional approaches to be used at school, and strategies should"articulate the assumptions and values for providing information to parents at home. that guide one in conducting intervention. In The details would be developed and modified this way the ethics question is made explicit". as work proceeded, following the 'Action This articulation should be made to the Research cycle'. I expected intervention to parents, thereby enabling them to choose take place both at school and, in cooperation whether to participate. Parents may be helped with parents, at home. to examine their practices, to see to what extent they have deviated from those which Details and results of this research occupy the were culturally valued (as a result of next three chapters. migration, or because of the child's disability, or for any other reason). It would be reasonable to discuss with parents the most Notes appropriate response to this change: whether 1. Pedersen (1995, pp.34-36), writing from a perspective further adaptations in practice were required, of developing ethical guidelines for cross-cultural counsellors, uses the term 'absolutism' where Shweder & to balance out the effects of changes that had Bourne used 'universalism'. He finds that a relativistic been made, or in response to the child's approach allows each ethnic group to generate its own disability. system of values. While this is appropriate for anthropological study, he finds this makes dialogue about 6.6 Initial Research Design moral issues difficult between members of different groups. He prefers a form of 'universalism' which An action research design is not complete until believes that"psychological processes such as pleasure a decision has been made that the research and pain may be universal, 11 but expressed in different itself has been completed, as it is subject to ways" (ibid., p.36), and makes it possible to search for constant reappraisal and modification. differences and similarities between cultures. While However, my initial plan was for two phases: acknowledging that this model would be valuable in some situations, I did not intend to challenge parents' values, or 1. An initial exploration of the enter into dialogue about moral issues. language abilities of children at the school. These children had received no support at school for their MT development. This could be regarded as an initial `diagnostic' phase, approved by some writers (Cohen & Manion, 1989) but not seen as appropriate for Action Research by Winter (see above). I wished to compare children's relative proficiency in their two languages, using an approach that, while made in a natural setting, would have some degree of objectivity. I would also discuss each child's language skills with the class teacher, and with the family.In traditional models of research, two further experimental approaches to the same topic are recommended, to see whether the results are mutually confirmatory or contradictory, a process known as triangulation. Elliott (1992) refers to the common practice in Action Research of obtaining data from teaching colleagues and pupils. My own observations would be

52 61 Chapter 7.A STUDY OF RELATIVE PROFICIENCY IN USING ENGLISH & MOTHER TONGUE The initial stage of my study involved recommend considering the needs of the comparing children's proficiency in using individual child regarding language of English with their use of MT. intervention (Miller & Abudarham, 1984; Abudarham, 1987), emphasising the 7.1 Preparatory Issues undesirability of a monolingual English model There are few reported comparisons of this (Stokes & Duncan, 1989) and presenting a nature, particularly in special schools. Roberts model of bilingual provision (Duncan & & Gibbs (1989, pp.173-4) tested Asian Gibbs, 1989; College of Speech Therapists, children attending a school for children with 1990). physical disabilities in Sandwell. Some children performed equally well in both However, the special school in.which this languages, as measured by the Sandwell study took place, like most others in England, Diagnostic Expressive Language Assessment is monolingual English. Although the school (published as 'Sandwell Bilingual Screening employed some bilingual ancillary staff and Assessment', Duncan et al, 1988), a similar there was a flow of bilingual students on language profile being obtained in Punjabi as placement and occasional bilingual volunteers, in English. However, they found a "fairly these people were seldom encouraged to use large" group of children who, according to the their bilingual skills in the school. One teacher profiles, had more skills in English than in had studied some Urdu and sometimes tried MT, and a small number who appeared to be using it with older, more able pupils; she developing normally in Punjabi but had very encouraged them to help her to learn more. limited skills in English. Roberts & Gibbs However, she was unable to hold more than a particularly found that children they describe very simple conversation. Sadly, this as having "central nervous system exceptional teacher left the school soon after I involvement", had more skills in English than began this study. A Speech and Language MT, as measured in school, using a formal Therapist visited the school for one week each test. term; later this became one day a week. Therapists changed frequently, none had skills I wished to know whether these results in languages spoken by the Asian children and would be replicated at an SLD school. Roberts they appeared to have little influence on & Gibbs suggested that structured teaching practices in the school. had helped those children whose English was better developed than their MT. I wondered The teacher in an SLD school normally to what extent this would apply to the children has little reason to fear that her personal stock in the SLD school, and if I might identify of knowledge could be inadequate for the task other possible reasons for either language of teaching young children labelled as having being better developed than the other. `Severe Learning Difficulties'. Introducing non-English languages, known by pupils and Relevant studies of children in ancillary staff, but not by the teacher, sharply mainstream schools include that of Clark, Barr alters the balance of knowledge and control in & Dewhurst (1984). This used the "Preschool the classroom. Not surprisingly, some teachers Language Assessment Instrument" on 41 find the idea threatening; but their own children of "Asian ethnic origin" shortly after discomfort in the face of an unknown admission in Sandwell infant schools. The language might be a starting point from which children were tested in English, then again in to imagine the problems facing young children Punjabi. A year later, following a period of plunged into a monolingual English classroom. intensive second language teaching, they were retested in English. The study aimed to 7.2 What Aspect of Language To Examine? investigate English learning, rather than to Romaine (1989), Hamers & Blanc (1989), compare children's ongoing development in Baker (1993) and Larsen-Freeman & Long both languages, so MT was not tested on the (1991) survey many aspects of language which second occasion. At the time of retest, only have been studied in examining bilingual one child had a score in English lower than proficiency. However, most of these were his score of the previous year in Punjabi. inappropriate to children with restricted abilities in both their languages. My pupils Many Speech and Language Therapists ranged from those having only very basic consider bilingual assessment to be essential forms of communication (facial expression and (Stokes & Duncan, 1989; Ara & Thompson, crying) through to some able to hold a fluent 1989; College of Speech Therapists, 1990; and verbal conversation. I wished to include as many others). Where the child has a language many as possible of the children able to speak. delay or communication difficulty they This meant investigating the skills of children

5362 at widely differing levels of language 7.3 Mean Length of Utterance development. As this was only the first phase Studies of children under three, or with of my research, I hoped to avoid a time- learning difficulties, often use MLU as a consuming approach. I expected many children measure of language development. It was first to be able to use both languages to some proposed as a measure of grammatical degree although some would have more skills development of children under five, by Brown in, or preference for, using one language than (1973), and involved calculating the number of the other. morphemes per utterance. An utterance is defined as an unbroken stretch of speech. I decided not to use formal language tests. Morphemes are"the smallest meaningful Most of the tests available in Punjabi used elements into which words can be analysed" script, which I could not read; this (Crystal, 1987, p.90). Each change made to a dialect is used by Sikhs in India, and differs word is scored, e.g. modification for number, from dialects used by Muslim Punjabi . gender, tense of verb. Compound words and speakers of Pakistan (see Appendix 1). Even if set phrases such as greetings normally score as an appropriate test had been available, I one item. preferred to study the children's language in a wider, more natural context than a test Various modifications have been situation. Most children were not accustomed suggested since Brown first developed this to using their MT in school. I hoped to be able measure. Harris (1983) counted words rather to overcome this barrier to some extent, but than morphemes, as none of the children he doubted that children would become sampled used morphemic variations. Imitations sufficiently at ease in the relatively short time of preceding adult utterances are usually available, to use it in a formal testing excluded, but Snow (1989) argues against this situation. as repetition of adult forms can be an important means of expressing ideas. I decided to focus on children's expressive use of language. Without a more Larsen-Freeman & Long (1991, p.43), formal approach, comprehension skills would noting the useful role of MLU in MT be harder to evaluate. Choice of the correct acquisition studies, express the need for a dialect expression, ways of using non-verbal similar index of development for second cues, as well as context, would affect the language acquisition. They find that MLU is child's response. not appropriate to second language acquisition measurement, because the learner is expected I did not wish to study vocabulary, as to be able to produce long utterances after choice of word depends on context. This was only brief contact with the second language. In demonstrated when I took some children the case of very young children, or children shopping. They had recently had a lesson on with learning difficulties, this objection does naming fruit and vegetables and their teacher not apply. was confident that they knew the English names, but in the shop the children used the Some writers have criticised the use of Urdu/Punjabi names and seemed to have MLU. Price (1989, p.199) argues that MLU is difficulty recalling the English. 'Loan' words an inadequate measure of language could also create difficulties. Madhani (1989) development when taken alone, as it ignores, found Punjabi-speaking families using a large for example, the frequency of utterances, the proportion of English loan words With babies, range of contexts in which the child speaks, so that 39 of the first 63 nouns used by the the range of pragmatic functions and the infants were English. I would need to observe ability to initiate and respond to to what extent loan words were used by the communication. Price is particularly concerned families before assigning words to one about its use with children with delayed language or the other. language development, as improvements may not be detected. Analysis of grammatical structures was also excluded. Many families speak forms of Klee & Fitzgerald (1985), found MLU to their language which do not have a 'standard' have low or insignificant correlations with the grammar (see Appendix 1). Dialects vary Language Assessment, Remediation and considerably and the extent to which their Screening Procedure (LARSP), (Crystal, language is influenced by English is likely to Fletcher & Garman, 1976). Responding to this, differ from family to family. However, a Rondal et al (1987) analyzed data and readily accessible basic measure of concluded that MLU is a valid predictor of grammatical development is the Mean Length syntactic complexity until approximately MLU of Utterance (hereafter MLU). 3.00; beyond this it can still provide a general guideline in language development. Klee & Fitzgerald (1985) developed a measure of

54 3 Mean Syntactic Length (MSL), in which The languages of Pakistan differ from single morpheme utterances were excluded, English in having no articles, having gender but, on testing it found this gave no more endings to nouns adjectives and verbs, and correlation with grammatical complexity than using post-positions rather than pre-positions. MLU at higher levels. Varma (1978) described the early stages of his daughter's acquisition of Hindi. The order of Harris (1983, p.154) noted that Brown acquisition of certain grammatical forms, such "expressed reservations regarding the extent to as verb tenses, differed from that reported with which children learning different languages English or German children. He found that her could be matched for linguistic maturity using first use of verbs was as imperatives, but that this statistic." However, Brown (1973) she rapidly acquired continuous, future and examined reports of children speaking many past tenses. different languages and found a considerable degree of consistency. His studies included Differences in child socialisation patterns very diverse languages, such as Japanese and might produce more significant differences in African languages. Brown noted that, with a child's MLU in her different languages. MLU up to 2, findings in other languages appeared consistent with the detailed studies of Despite possible difficulties it was American and German. decided to base this preliminary study on the comparison of children's MLU in English and Use of the morpheme rather than the their MTs. Other information would arise from word makes interlanguage comparisons more the recordings and interviews, that would feasible. The English future tense requires provide a basis for the further, more detailed three words "I will go", while in Urdu this study. Where children frequently use would be expressed by one word "Aungi" - utterances of more than two words in both but the latter comprises three morphemes: their languages, samples of each would be `A', root of the verb 'go% 'ung' for first recorded and MLU calculated. Dromi and person singular and future tense; T for Berman's criteria for crediting morphological feminine gender of the subject. Levy (1983) changes would be used if appropriate. comparing her son's development of English and Hebrew, found problems in calculating 7.4 Methods of Collecting Material MLU in Hebrew because it is an inflectional I wished to collect recordings of children's language, where a relatively greater number of speech, and hoped that samples obtained grammatical features are marked by changing would show the child's best abilities in each or adding morphemes, rather than by separate language. Children spoke English at school, words. Brown (1973, p.71) suggests that in so I expected their conversation with friends inflectional languages he would credit all the or teachers to be appropriate for sampling. separate morphemes of a word if the child used them correctly. Dromi & Berman (1982) Obtaining samples of their best MT use found the MPU (morpheme per utterance) could be more difficult. Children were not appropriate for measuring the child's growing accustomed to using their first language at competence in Hebrew. They defined the school. I did not know whether I would be inflections for which they would credit succeed in encouraging them to do so. Taylor additional morphemes, i.e. gender endings (1992) describes how a child, Victor, chose only if the child clearly intends to make a not to speak Cantonese, when attempts were meaningful distinction of gender; plural forms made to test his MT at school. She suggests when this involves an inflection rather than two possible reasons for this: that it was being a separate plural form; verbs other than culturally inappropriate for him to speak to a third masculine singular forms, but not stranger; alternatively (p.744) that he could not a girl using feminine endings about herself). "dissociate language from locale", seeing Nevertheless they recognised that these were home as the place for using MT, while English arbitrary decisions, and there could be no (or, in his case English and French), should be evidence for precise correlation between used in school. Similarly, Spooner (1991) languages. reported that the interpreter involved in her study of bilingual children at a nursery school Redlinger & Park (1980) and Vihman had trouble eliciting MT responses as the (1985) both used MLU as a measurement of children were not accustomed to using their bilingual children's language development, but MT to communicate with adults in the nursery they do not appear to have compared the environment. child's scores in the separate languages; rather, they used utterances from both languages to I considered observing children at home, calculate a single score, and did not consider but thought that, if they were uneasy using any comparison. their MT with me at school, my presence could also affect them at home. I was reluctant

55 4 to leave recording equipment in homes with topics where children would find their MT other young children if I was not present appropriate. English conversations were myself. Nevertheless I suggested to some recorded discussing school outings, weekend parents that I would like to record their activities at home, and discussing their art children talking at home; but although not work. directly refusing, they showed some reluctance. Over time I could probably have Some recordings were made with children built up a relationship, through my role as a sitting at a table around a tape recorder. home-school liaison teacher, in which parents School regulations did not permit bringing in would have agreed to this; but as I regarded electrical apparatus from outside, so whatever this as only the initial part of my research, I recorder was available was used. Later did not want to delay. I decided to proceed recordings were made by children wearinga with encouraging the children to use their MT waistcoat with a dictaphone machine (Sony at school. I would interview parents to confirm microcassette -corder M-550V using Olympus results and gain further information, and hoped microcassettes) sewn into the pocket and a tie to directly observe, although not record, clip microphone ('Realistic' 33-1063) at the children talking in their family context. collar.

I decided to speak their MT with bilingual I aimed to transcribe recordings as soon children, whenever possible, for several weeks as possible, to minimise errors,expecting that before tape-recording. In my role as teacher I my memory of the context would facilitate taught most of the children at least once a interpreting the children's speech if it was week. Sometimes this necessitated using unclear. Powney & Watts (1987) also warned English, when working with the whole class, of the dangers of 'correcting' children's which included monolingual English children; `errors' when transcribing their speech. or if the class teacher did not want me to use any language other than English. Whenever I Transcription results would show met bilingual children outside their classes I children's performance on the occasions when took time to talk to them in their MTs. Most they talked to me, but would not necessarily soon began to respond appropriately, some reflect their abilities accurately. However, only after a period where their response was discussions with teachers and parents and giggles or a whispered "We don't talk that in observing the children at home would confirm school, Miss". and extend the transcription results. I decided to record children speaking their 73 Selection of Subjects MTs before recording them speaking English. In selecting pupils for this phase of the I expected that they would quite easily slip research, children attending the nurserywere into speaking English to me at school, but if I excluded, as a group of these would be taking interrupted the pattern of making MT the part in the more detailed study to follow. At language of choice for our conversations, first I planned to select those children who had children would be less likely to choose to not been speaking (in any language) at the speak it to me. I expected to be the only time of starting school. At the planning stage I available conversational partner for the discovered that the school kept no records of children in speaking their MT. However, when whether a child could speak his/her MT. The I began the practical work, Nazir, a temporary only notes kept were teachers' observations of classroom assistant who could speak Urdu and words or expressions used in English. Punjabi was appointed to work withone class. Children were selected for this study as The class teacher to whom Nazirwas assigned follows: was interested in my approach to bilingual 1. Bilingual children in the infant and junior children and allowed Nazir to work bilingually departments of the school; apart from: with pupils in that class. These children - Two Bengali-speaking brothers. I first became accustomed to using their MT in the intended to exclude all Bengali speakers, classroom for a few months,so I could record but three other Bengali speakers were them conversing with Nazir. included, as I was required to visit their families frequently, and had ample Some of the children studied were limited opportunity to observe the children at to making occasional or single word home as well as school. These three had utterances, which I recorded in writing. Those very limited language use. With their children with more fluent conversational skills families' help, I soon learned to were taped. I taped children using MT talking understand and respond appropriately to about their home, weekend activities,or while their utterances. looking at a picture book of Pakistan. Others - Thirty six children who were not were encouraged to talk while involved in speaking at all in either language. They house play. Thesewere considered to be included profoundly and multiply

56 ba handicapped children and severely and The school did not at this stage have a profoundly deaf children. One child was language policy document. There was no reported by his mother to have been able formal policy about MT use. Towards the end to speak when about two years old, but to of the period of my research, senior staff have subsequently lost the ability. began producing written policy documents, in Children who joined the school later readiness for future school inspections. These than the first infants class. This included included an 'English policy', rather than a children who had arrived in this country `language policy'. As with other required aged 6 or more without previous exposure policies, it was not made available to the staff to English, and children who transferred at large. The views of the majority of the to this school after one or more years at school's senior staff made it unlikely that any schools for children with Moderate written policy would be favourable to Learning Difficulties. developing language skills other than in 2.Some children aged 11-19 from the English. The view was expressed that mothers Senior department of the school were should learn English and use that in speaking included, who were in classes which I to their children. Some said that by using a taught regularly. Children from two language other than English, families were classes were excluded, as their teachers damaging their children' prospects of did not wish them to do any work in their benefitting fully from their education. MT at school. At this time there was no official policy on language use at this As pupils discovered that I was using school; moreover the school management their MT at school they were keen to use it did not support development or when talking to me. A group of the oldest maintenance of MT, though at the time it pupils in the school asked me to give them was the local authority's policy to do so. lessons to improve their MT skills, as they In total, 20 children and young people were were worried about their knowledge of the selected, aged from 7 years to 18 years. They language when they visited Pakistan. In some are identified, in Table 7.1, by a number and cases this visits would include marriage name, changed from their own. Gender, age arrangements, and the young men were and language are shown below. `Mirpuri' concerned to make a good impression. dialects are classified with 'Punjabi'. Hindko Unfortunately it was not possible for such is classified separately (see Appendix 1). lessons to be arranged. 7.6 Involvement of Colleagues in the 7.7 Discussions with Parents Research All parents welcomed the opportunity to talk I had received permission to do this research about their child's language development. I both from the head of the school, and that of used no formal interview schedule during the support service within which I was these conversations. I wished to find out what employed. parents regarded as the child's language preference, and their concerns about the Most of my teaching colleagues tolerated child's language skills. Parents were my use of the children's MTs in school. A few encouraged to describe their children talking at welcomed this approach, such as the teacher to home, and I told them how the child used whom Nazir, the bilingual classroom assistant, language in school. This often led to was assigned. The only other two Punjabi discussion of ways to improve the child's speaking members of staff never used the skills. I visited most families several times in language with children as they felt it would be my role as home-school liaison teacher. On unacceptable to the school. each visit, additional information was obtained. I made at least one visit to each During this period, as already noted, one family at a time when the child was home, so teacher was actively supportive, encouraging observed for myself how children interacted at Nazir to use the children's MTs, while two home. Whereas parents confirmed my own teachers actively discouraged my research, assessment from observations at school, the indicating that they did not wish children to language skills observed at home were often use their MT in school. These teachers later different from those heard at school. Some became more supportive of a bilingual children were more talkative at home, but approach, but not until this phase of the others became reluctant to speak when I research was complete. Their change of visited them there. Some children who were attitude seems to have been less a positive normally talkative both at home, according to response to my activities than a reaction parents, and at school, by my observation, against more active opposition to my ideas became shy and reluctant to talk when I from newly appointed, and unpopular, senior appeared in their home. This could have members of staff. created a problem had I planned to record MT in children's homes, assuming this to be the

57 Table 7.1 The ChildrenStudied in Chapter 7

Name G. AgeLanguage Name G.Age Lang,gage 11. Johar F 11 Punjabi 1. Anwar M 7 Urdu/Punjabi 12. Hal i ma F 15 Punjabi 2. Bahadur M 7 Pushto. 13. Zakir M 12 Pushto 3. Pervez M 6 Urdu/Punjabi 14. Khatoon F 10 Pushto 4. Taj M 7 Bengali 15. Rashid M 13 Punjabi 5. Jehanzeb M 9 Punjabi 16. Rabia F 17 Punjabi 6. Khalid M 9 Punjabi 17. Zulfikar M 10 Urdu/Punjabi 7. Hamid M 9 Punjabi 18. Perveen F 10 Punjabi 8. Amina F 10 Bengali 19. Saleeha F 10 Urdu 9. Bushra F 7 Bengali 20. Shireen F 12 Punjabi 10. Diljan M 11 Hi ndko

Table 7.2Summary of Children'sLanguage Skills

Identity (see Table 7.1) Language Used & MLUCompared Users

No.s1, 3, 4, 8, 10, I1, 14 Only English 7 No.s 9, 16, 18, 20 Only MT 4 No.s 2, 5, 12, 17, 19 Higher MLU in MT thanEnglish 5 Higher MLU in English thanMT 2 No.s 6, 15 No.s 7, 13 Uncertain Preference 2

67 best context. Shyness might result from family No.14. Khatoon. Girl aged 10. Pushto- rules for child behaviour when visitors call. speaking family. Brown"(1973, p.73) refers to Blount, a linguist At school Khatoon spoke with adults and who tried to take samples of children's fellow pupils, initiating conversations, and language and had little success as he had not using sentences with a recorded maximum of realised that their tribal etiquette required 4 words. She responded appropriately to "small children be silent when adults come to requests made in Pushto, her home language, visit". (My own grandmother often reminded but did not speak it. At home, her mother and me, when guests arrived, that 'children should grandmother could not speak English; be seen and not heard'). grandfather could speak a little, but did not do so at home. Khatoon's family reported that she 7.8 Summary of Children's Language Use had never spoken Pushto at home, although These findings do not follow from any she did make appropriate non-verbal responses structured intervention: they are observations to questions and instructions. Most children of and recordings of children's language use, the family used both languages; but one aunt, made when the children appeared to be at ease aged 15, living in the same house and in using the appropriate language. Table 7.2 attending a mainstream school, maintained that provides a summary. she was unable to speak her MT. 7.9 Detailed Observations No.10. Di ljan. Boy aged 11. Hindko-speaking 7.9.1 Children speaking English only family. Seven children communicated verbally only in Diljan used English at school but at home English. Two (No.s 3 & 1) have families who communicated with gestures and facial address them in English, while otherwise using expressions. At school he preferred to use Urdu or Punjabi. gestures, but when instructed to speak would use the minimum, in length and volume, No.3. Pervez. Boy aged 6. Urdu/Punjabi- necessary to convey his message, usually speaking family. whispering two or three words. English was Pervez used only English in school. He was not used in his home. His mother always the most fluent speaker in his class, with an responded to his non-verbal communication. MLU of over 3 (recordings were not made as it was clearly unnecessary for purposes of No.11. Johar. Girl aged 11. Punjabi-speaking comparison to have a precise figure). He family. would respond non-verbally, or sometimes Johar spoke only English, using social replied in English, if addressed in Urdu or expressions and some requests, sometimes in Punjabi. He was never heard speaking Urdu or inappropriate contexts. At home she also used Punjabi in school. English but her verbal expression was ignored when I was present. Her family did not appear All his family were bilingual. Siblings to expect to Johar to communicate sometimes spoke English when alone together, meaningfully. They were Punjabi speakers, but conversation was usually in Punjabi if an father understood a little English, siblings adult was present. However, the family spoke were bilingual, but were said not to use to Pervez only in English. They knew that he English at home. understood Punjabi, but never encouraged him to use it and could not recall any occasion No.4.Taj. Boy aged 7. Bengali-speaking when he had done so. His family stated that family. Pervez could already speak some English No.8. Amina. Girl aged 10. Bengali-speaking before starting school; but this was not family. mentioned in the school records. Both these children used a few English social phrases, at school and at home. Taj was No.l. Anwar. Boy aged 7. Urdu/Punjabi- recorded as saying "no", "hello", "goodbye", speaking family. "thank you", "fuck off', "mine". At home his Anwar used only English in school. He often parents reported him using the same English used language inappropriately, asking expressions and naming family members. repetitive and apparently meaningless Amina said "bye", "no", "hello", and named questions (e.g. "Where's ---"), and repeating a some family members. Family members teacher's questions and comments. Family responded appropriately to these phrases. Both members spoke English when addressing mothers knew no English, fathers knew a Anwar, but Urdu or Punjabi at all other times. little, but siblings were bilingual. Families of the remaining five 'English only' 7.9.2 Children using only MT children did not habitually speak English. The No.9. Bushra. Girl aged 8. Bengali speaking children's mothers were unable to do so. family. No.16. Rabia. Girl aged 17. Punjabi speaking

58 family. unless alone with her when she felt his At school Bushra communicated by crying, language was almost like that of a normal laughing and facial expressions, Rabia was child. silent, communicating by manual signs. Both Bushra and Rabia made simple verbal requests No.5. Jehanzeb. Boy aged 9. Punjabi-speaking at home (parental report, confirmed by family. observation). Bushra asked for a drink ("pani" Jehanzeb was the only child observed to use a = water), for food, to go outside, for a tape to mixed form of language. With monolingual be switched on ("la" - possibly 'tab' = English teachers he was observed only to use rhythm, used for music) and named family single word (single morpheme) expressions. members. Rabia also named family members To me or Nazir he spoke mixed phrases of up and asked for food and drink. to five morphemes. His recorded MLU over 50 utterances was only 1.2 as he spent a lot of No.12. Ha lima. Girl aged 15. Urdu/Punjabi- time labelling objects, pointing to them and speaking family. naming them with a single word. Examples Ha lima remained silent when English was follow of longer, mixed, utterances, with used, but although not initiating any translation. interaction would imitate words when [e] refers to English,[p] to Punjabi: addressed in her MT. "door band" door [e]band [p=shut] "bulub kharap gone" bulub [p=lightbulb] No.20. Shireen. Girl aged 12. Punjabi- kharap [p=broken] speaking family. gone [e] In English Shireen's only recorded and "Meri apni Mummy"meri [p=my, with reported vocalising was to say "No" or to feminine marker -i] imitate a single word. At home she made apni [p=own, with fern. simple requests in Punjabi, asking for drink, marker (the feminine food and calling family members by name. In marker applies to the school she responded to instructions in object described, not Punjabi;but did not speak. the possessor)] Mummy [e] 7.9.3 Children using both MT & English Jehanzeb then went with his mother on a three The remaining nine children used both month visit to Pakistan. On return he no languages. Two children's comparative results longer mixed his phrases. On the first were uncertain. Their families reported greater occasion after his return when he was proficiency in their MT than I observed in addressed in Punjabi he giggled for a few either language. However, this degree of minutes, before agreeing to speak Punjabi. He reported proficiency occurred only with was then using up to four morpheme phrases particular conversational partners and in the in Punjabi, but recorded MLU was still only absence of outsiders. While there was no 1.7 as he continued to enjoy single word reason to disbelieve the families, it was not labelling when he got an adult's attention. His possible to confirm their descriptions by English remained for a while at single words, observation. but within a month he became more confident No.7. Haruki. Boy aged 9. Punjabi-speaking in his use of English and his length of family. utterance grew. Jehanzeb's English use was Hamid had only recently begun to not recorded after his return, as I no longer communicate verbally at school. He was taught his class, although his teacher reported observed to use some social phrases of English that it continued developing. ("Hello", "Byebye", "Thank you") and say "yes" and "no" in school. He made appropriate No.6. Khalid. Boy aged 9. Urdu-speaking- physical responses but no verbal response family. when I spoke Punjabi at school. His father Khalid spoke English at school and Urdu at said that at home Hamid never spoke to adults, home. His mother was unaware that he could but with siblings he had been heard to use speak any English as he never used it at home Punjabi social expressions, to call children by with her or siblings. The family said that they name and to make requests. saw his (Urdu) language development as normal. He has been observed conversing and No.13. Zakir. Boy aged 12. Pushto-speaking arguing fluently with his mother in Urdu, family. although recordings were not made. In school In school Zakir would initiate conversation in he soon adapted to speaking Urdu to me and English; his longest utterance recorded was Nazir. Khalid was aware that his two four words. In Pushto he did not initiate languages give him different ways of conversation and only made single word expressing an idea. He enjoyed being asked to responses. His mother confirmed that this was translate. He sometimes chose to repeat a his normal way of using Pushto at home, remark (either his own or someone else's) in

59 the other language:"I'll say it in English / No.15. Rashid. Boy aged 13. Punjabi- Urdu". speaking family. Rashid used English at school; my attempts to Recordings were made of Khalid elicit Punjabi, through looking at pictures conversing on one occasion with me and on together, resulted only in single word another with Nazir, where Saliha (No.19) was responses. In school he conversed in English, also present. The first time, we talked about with a maximum observed length of utterance some drawing Khalid was doing. The second of four words/morphemes. At home he used time, conversation was about visits to Pakistan both languages. Mother spoke no English, and and family, initially as a result of looking at a used Punjabi with Rashid, but believed his picture book of Pakistan. On both occasions, understanding to be limited. His father and Khalid was reluctant to stick to one language: siblings used both languages with him. If they he switched languages several times in each needed a response, they were more likely to conversation, usually to change topic, but use English, as they felt he did not understand utterances were not mixed. After describing, in or use Punjabi adequately. His usual initial Urdu, a recent occasion when he was unwell response to any question in either language he broke into English to talk about a family was "don't know". He asked questions "where dispute which had occurred. He described in you going?", "what you doing?", "what that?". Urdu how his sister had gone to Pakistan, then Rashid had a hearing impairment- he switched to English to ask "Nazir, do you like habitually wore hearing aids in school, but you [sic] house?" removed them at home. His MLU in English, based on 50 No.18. Parveen. Girl aged 10. Punjabi- utterances was 5.2 (maximum 12). In Urdu, speaking family. also based on 50 utterances, MLU was 4.3 No.19. Saliha. Girl aged 10. Urdu-speaking (maximum 17). These results may have been family. affected by the pattern of conversation with Parveen and Saliha were the only two children Nazir, where more short conversational in school observed to play spontaneously interchanges took place in Urdu, but longer together in MT, Urdu and Punjabi being comments, descriptions and questions in mutually comprehensible (Appendix 1).In a English. Brown (1973) suggests that above an sample of 50 utterances in Punjabi and another MLU of 4, MLU no longer has a clear 50 in English, Parveen had MLU of 3.4 in relationship with grammatical development; so Punjabi and 2.5 in English. Saliha had MLU it is not possible to deduce reliably from these of 3.8 in Urdu, 2.9 in English. Parveen liked figures that Khalid has more advanced skills in to talk about her family in either language. English than in Urdu. She used articles in English, which do not exist in Punjabi. She used 'to' ("to town", "to No.2. Bahadur. Boy aged 7. Pushto speaking. park") in English, and the correct equivalent After a number of attempts over several construction in Punjabi (which does not have a months to encourage Bahadur to use Pushto in postposition).She used a range of verb forms school, I succeeded only in eliciting single in both languages, e.g. present, past, perfect, word responses, yet his parents described more continuous and imperative forms. In English advanced development in Pushto than the her usage included "did," "played," "talking English heard in school. They regarded his now", "I don't know" "been out". It was not language use as 'like any child'. I heard clear whether she was saying "going to town Bahadur speaking at home, using utterances of or "go in to town." up to 12 morphemes, but as soon as he saw I was present he stopped talking. At school Saliha was a shy, quiet girl, but with Bahadur initiated conversation with adults and encouragement participated well in children, but the maximum length of utterance conversations in either language. She used I observed was five morphemes. Bahadur had more complex sentences than Parveen. e.g. more verbal skills than other children in his "We're going to go to Pakistan", "I played class. I felt that his opportunities to learn more outside with Safreena and Noreen". In Urdu English were reduced by not having she described how her mother says she needs appropriate peer models. Classroom 'language new glasses, and that "meri ammi skul aengi" activities' were focused on labelling pictures, (my mum will come to school- "aengi" being requiring only single word responses. At home future tense with respectful feminine ending). he played in Pushto with siblings, both older She used various Urdu verb tenses, reporting and younger, and had normal models for his that when in Pakistan"apni behin ka ghar jate language development. the" (we used to go to my own sister's house). She used future tense and present continuous ("men ja rehi"I am going), various past and perfect forms. Occasionally she failed to modify words for gender.

60 7 a No.17. Zulfikar. Boy aged 10. Urdu/Punjabi present, transcription would have been less speaking family. reliable. Hughes, Carmichael et al (1979) Zulfikar sometimes translated for other people noted problems in identifying the speaker if between his three languages. He made longer other children were present, and of mis- and more complex sentences in Punjabi than hearing words when unaware of the context. in English or Urdu. Based on 50 utterances in English and Punjabi Recordings were clear and I had few (for Urdu there was insufficient data), MLU difficulties in identifying words. Children had in Punjabi was 4.3 (max 25); in English 3.2 sufficiently distinct voices to be sure of the (max 13). He used more English 'loan' words identity of the speaker. As I was present than the other children, a reflection of his during the recording, and usually listened to wider social experience as he mixes freely the tape the same evening, I do not think there with other boys in his street. Examples: was much room for error in that respect. [Punjabi] "meri ammi roast benaie se" However, I needed to listen to all recordings (My mum cooked a roast) four times when making transcriptions, making [Punjabi] "ek saturday kuri gai se" changes on each occasion. After the second (One Saturday a girl went) hearing, the changes were a result of having [Urdu] "dance kerr reha he, dinner kha mistakenly 'corrected' children's 'errors',as reha he" (He was dancing, he predicted by Powney & Watts (1987). was eating dinner). In Punjabi or Urdu, Zulfikar borrowed nouns 7.10.2 Comments on the children and verbs from English. (Romaine, 1989, Seven children did not speak the language of p.64, notes that the borrowing of English verbs their home. In two cases this was the choice of is an unusually strong feature of Punjabi their families. The child whose family only speakers in England). When Zulfiqar spoke used English at home if addressing him English, he did not introduce Punjabi directly, (at other times using Urdu) was not vocabulary, but his sentence structure was following a normal pattern of language influenced by other languages, e.g."I went development. The child whose siblings talked shop"(The verb 'go' in both Urdu and English was making progress. Punjabi includes the direction, so does not take a postposition);but he did also say "Went to Three families had low expectations of London." their child's communication skills. One mother was happy for her son to communicate non- Zulfikar's mother could speak some verbally. One family did not acknowledge English, but had limited literacy skills. The their child's attempts to communicate when I family normally used Punjabi or Urdu at was present, and did not mention doing so, at home. Zulfikar had made two extended visits other times. The third family included another to Pakistan; in the most recent, from which he young woman who did not speak her MT and returned six months before I taped his there seemed to be complex emotional language, he had attended a mainstream allegiances relating to language within the Pakistani school. household. 7.10 Discussion Two children had recently started to talk While initially I expected that most children at school and their families were encouraging who could speak would use both languages, I and responsive. It seemed likely that these found that 11 out of 20 children spoke only children would become bilingual. one language, while 9 out of 20 spoke both languages. The children who did not speak at school had families who were constantly responsive 7.10.1 Comments on research design to their needs. These children had not I made tape recordings and calculated attempted to speak English at school. It is comparative MLU for 5 children. Eleven possible that they might have tried to children used only one language, so recordings communicate, and not been understood; or were unnecessary. Four did not converse in they may have been unhappy to be away from MT at school, although they did so at home. home, and not wished to communicate. Recordings at school may not have provided the best examples of MT use, but this would Out of eleven children speaking both have affected only one result, that of Khalid. languages, one had more skills in English. He In addition to samples of MT at school,more had a hearing impairment and only wore his might have been recorded at home, with the aid at school. This affected his access to people with whom the children were most conversations at home. Most of the other talkative. However, several children's children were using their weaker language in behaviour seemed to be affected bymy school, thus limiting their access to learning presence in their homes; yet if I were not and potential cognitive development. This

61 71 result is somewhat different from that of Following this study I wished to make a Roberts & Gibbs (1989), who found a "fairly closer examination of the processes of large" group having more skills in English language acquisition, finding out more about than MT. This may be a result of the different language use at the children's homes as well levels of structured language teaching as observing their opportunities to talk at provided, Roberts & Gibbs (1989 p.174) school. describing their children as having received "several years" of "structured imtervention and language support" in English. None of the children mixed Punjabi words with their English. One child mixed English when speaking Punjabi, but only used single words with English speakers. Following a visit to Pakistan, his Punjabi improved, as did his English after a few months. Thus, none of these children, in spite of their learning difficulties, had problems separating their languages (Section 3.4.1). Several demonstrated other metalinguistic skills, such as translation skills. While most Urdu and Punjabi speakers were willing to use their mother tongue at school, all three Pushto speakers were reluctant to use Pushto in school. A possible reason might be that, while Urdu/Punjabi speakers hear their language spoken in various situations (shops, buses, by parents of other pupils), Pushto speakers hear the language only in the context of their own (extended) family. They might see it as a private code, not used outside the family. Another possibility is that my own Pushto was less acceptable to the children than my Urdu to the Urdu/Punjabi speakers; but this did not seem likely as I had lived and worked in Pakistan in a predominantly Pushto- speaking area and was more familiar with the dialects of the Pushto speaking children's families than with the languages/dialect of the Mirpur district. The absence of suitable role models amongst the other pupils appeared to be delaying some pupils' acquisition of English skills. Bahadur was the most fluent speaker in his class, but his English was much less fluent than his Pushto, which he used in play with his brothers. Low teacher expectations and lack of peer support appeared to set a ceiling on children's English skills, while their MT skills could not be used in school. In working with Bengali speaking children I found that I was able to learn, from discussion with parents, how to understand and respond to the children's communication. Although I did not have sufficient knowledge of the language to then expand the children's expressions, this was an indication of how monolingual teachers would be able, without much difficulty, to learn to respond to their pupils use of their MT.

62 72 Chapter 8. BILINGUAL INTERVENTION WITH A GROUP OF NURSERY/INFANT CHILDREN

The second phase of my research involved children were shown pictures and were asked studying ten children over a period of two "What's this?". If a child did not reply the years, observing the processes of language teacher would say the required word, hoping acquisition both at school and at home and that the child would imitate. Some teachers exploring ways of providing support. taught `Makaton' signs (Walker, 1987) in the same way. Children sat to listen to stories, and 8.1 Selection of Children there were several sessions each day of Children attended the Nursery Department of singing action songs. Adult interactions at the SLD school between the ages of two and other times were largely directive, particularly five. Some moved into Infant Classes before during play sessions where children were their fifth birthday, others later. I selected directed to activities such as 'bathing dolly', children who, at the commencement of the and required to imitate actions with no relation study period, were in a Nursery class. They to their experience outside school. were all Muslims, whose families were of Pakistani origin, and whose MT I could speak, Three of my selected children were taught i.e. Urdu, Pushto, Hindko, Punjabi, and for a year by a qualified teacher of hearing `Mirpuri' MTs. The children selected were all impaired children. She used 'Total independently mobile. One had difficulty Communication', signing and speaking English walking but could move about independently concurrently, although there were no children on the floor. None of the children had been with severe hearing impairments in the class. identified as having Profound or Multiple She was the only teacher who maintained a Learning Difficulties. I expected that over the definite practice of using a great deal of following two years I would teach these language while teaching. Yet most of her children for at least one lesson weekly, and attempts to elicit language from children have the opportunity to develop work in focused on labelling. None of the other partnership with their parents. teachers had any specific training in teaching communication skills. Several had no training 8.2 Overview of Work at the School for any type of special education. Previously all teaching in the school had been conducted in English. I planned to use The nursery regularly had students, children's MT whenever possible, and to usually studying for qualifications in nursery develop strategies to enable and encourage nursing, many of whom were bilingual Punjabi bilingual ancillary workers, volunteers and speakers. Pupils from mainstream secondary students in supporting MT development. Soon schools also had regular work-experience after I began this phase, some of the children I placements and these too were mostly had selected were moved, some into infant bilingual from the same communities as the classes and others to different nursery classes. special school pupils. A bilingual classroom As the school admitted new children assistant was transferred from a senior class to throughout the year, existing pupils were the nursery shortly after I began the research. moved around to balance class sizes. Possible None of these students, volunteers or assistants negative effects on children of joining an had previously been encouraged to use their already established class group (Hughes, language skills in developing children's MTs Pinkerton & Plewis, 1979) were ignored. in school.

8.2.1 Language teaching Initially I assumed that my experience During the period of my research a curriculum and research would be welcomed in the school was introduced directly relating teaching goals and that it could lead to positive developments to National Curriculum Statements of in policies and practice. This was over- Attainment. A separate Early Years curriculum optimistic. Cohen & Manion (1989, p.230) document was produced, when my research write of the resistance from headteachers and was almost complete. This was a check-list other teachers, both to collaborating with based on a general developmental scale and research and changing their practice. had 14 points in 'expressive language' (from Hutchinson & Whitehouse (1986) argue that "cries" ,.babbles, imitates sounds, "first real action research can seem threatening in that it word", expresses wants, uses "naming words", appears to question the competence of teachers "uses two word phrases", "uses three word and management. It is also 'subversive', phrases ".) Teachers scored only English usage challenging teacher assumptions and showing on this check-list. their practices to be cultural constructions. I was challenging teachers' personal beliefs In practice, planned 'language' activities about bilingualism, as well as their largely consisted of labelling activities, where professional competence. However, what I

63 73 was doing was in fact theprofessional work play area. that I was employed to do as part of the Section 11 home school liaison team, rather I discussed my observations with teachers, than some sort of personal campaign. The ancillary staff and parents, in order to service provided was one to which the exchange information about each child's children were legally entitled, and MT support progress. With the older group of children in was endorsed by the local education authority. the first phase, I had taken MLU as a measure This gave some 'moral framework' to my of language development. For the present activities. younger group, MLU alone would not be an appropriate measure: at the start of this phase 8.3 Observation and Work with Children no children were talking. I expected that over My timetable was changed frequently, but a two year period some would develop as far during the first year I had some time each as using sentences with several words, but week with each of the ten children. I worked there would be a long period where they used with individuals and small groups using only single word expressions. Price (1989, children's MTs, focusing on house-play and p.199) and Snow & Pan (1993) suggested that simple routines. Sometimes I was required to a single measure does not adequately measure take responsibility for a whole class or to children's progress, so several features of include monolingual English speaking children language should be observed. I therefore as part of a group, at which times I worked in decided to note a broader range of linguistic English.In the second year my timetable did features: functional use of language, from not include all the children. Some class Halliday's (1975) list of the first functions teachers were enthusiastic about my MT work used by his son as described in Section 2.2.2; and tried when possible to enable me to work vocabulary development; frequency of with small groups. I looked for opportunities communication, and situations in which the to interact with other children outside lesson child was more likely to communicate. time. These factors meant that I did not work with a consistent group of children; some had 8.4 Overview of Work with Mothers: more regular support than others. My Initial Interviews intervention, and children's progress and In visiting homes I first wished to obtain a development of spoken language are thus picture of the child's communication skills reported as a series of individual longitudinal when at home, the family's pattern of case studies. interaction with her, and the mother's perceptions of children's language needs. I When working with the children, I decided to use The Pragmatics Profile of Early recorded their language and communication. Communication Skills (Dewart & Summers, At first I kept notes, but later, as some of the 1989), an interview schedule asking open- children started to talk I made recordings ended questions about children's using a microcassette recorder with communication skills, as a basis for the initial microphone (Sony microcassette-corder m550- interview with mothers. This would provide V, 'Realistic' 33-1063 microphone and information about the child's communicative Olympus microcassettes), attached to a and interactive behaviour and give indications waistcoat worn by the child. Unfortunately, as about the mother's style of interaction with her the switch was not concealed, children child. The Profile and mothers' responses, sometimes switched off the microphone, losing abbreviated in some cases, appear in Appendix some samples. 7. Although these were initial interviews in this research study, I had already met all the Several children were more vocal on mothers, some on several occasions. occasions when they were playing without much adult direction; the house-play area was No standardised translation of the particularly stimulating. Sometimes I was able Pragmatics Profile was attempted. Mishler to follow one or two children in the house- (1986) suggests that it is more important to play area, describing what they were doing, use a flexible approach to achieving mutual and they would start repeating my words or, understanding than to use standardised later, talking. However, a classroom assistant questions; and that, even when the interviewer was often sent to work with me. Despite my attempts to follow precise wordings, between repeated requests, the assistants who worked 25% and 50% of questions depart significantly with me were always monolingual, and from the scheduled wording. There are changed from week to week. They worked in significant differences between written Urdu a highly directive, controlling way with the and spoken forms used by the parents. A children, which limited opportunities for the standard written translation would have made children to speak or initiate activities. As the the interaction over-formal. children grew older, they were moved to classes which did not have access to a house- The Pragmatics Profile provides a detailed

64 schedule, with open-ended questions: it is describing incidents. During this time I tried to structured, but the introduction indicates that it demonstrate my interest and encourage should be conducted informally. Questions mothers in describing their child's behaviour. encourage the parents to provide examples of their child's behaviour, and prompts are Confidentiality. Copies of the Pragmatics suggested when examples are not forthcoming. Profile responses were placed in the children's In giving examples, parents are likely to adopt files in school. Parents knew that the notes a narrative style. Mishler suggests a would be used by the school, as part of the respondent is 'empowered' by an open-ended child's records. They were also told about the interview style that permits narrative or story research aims of the interview, and their telling responses. In narrative they relive and consent requested. Only one parent expressed reinterpret their experiences. The discussion is any hesitation: he consented when assured that contextually grounded, giving a basis for the his child would not be identified in any respondent/narrator to be active in negotiating material that went outside the school. a shared understanding of the issues. 8.5 Ongoing Action with Mothers Introducing the Profile, Dewart & Further visits were made to mothers as the Summers suggest that the emphasis on relating opportunities arose and we discussed possible concrete events makes it unlikely that parents action with their children according to their will 'fake' their child's responses. Unlike own expressed interest.I did not try to more directive questions, there was little room provide an equal level of support to all for interviewer bias. As interviewer I families. Parents differed in their expressed encouraged parents to respond, but gave no wishes for information and in their willingness sign of what a child 'should' be doing. Dewart to participate in teaching their child. Several & Summers suggest that if parents cannot parents requested further information about answer a question it may indicate that they are language development, some more interactive not noticing the child's behaviour and their parents were interested in ongoing interaction with the child may be minimal. opportunities for discussion. I also prioritised Alternatively, I might have failed to express visits to those mothers who had more the question in a way meaningful to parents; difficulties in describing interaction with the the question might be inappropriate to the children. parents' cultural framework; or my own cultural framework might have caused me to My aim in working with parents was to misunderstand. For example, several parents provide them with information and support. I made no response that I found meaningful, to encouraged mothers to talk to me about their questions about 'conversation' with their non- child. I provided no structured, directive verbal child. I may have expressed the programme, but encouraged talking to the question badly; or perhaps it was culturally child about what he is doing, and developing inappropriate for these adults to have turn-taking conversational skills. I recognised `conversational' interactions with a non-verbal that encouraging parents to develop child (see Section 5.7); or parents might conversational skills with their children might appropriately do so, but would not interpret not be consistent with the model of parent- such interaction in the terms I used; or Imay child interaction followed by some of these have misunderstood parents' responses. families. However these skills are part of the Indo-Pakistani 'middle-class ideal' model of Powney & Watts (1987, p.140) refer to parent child interaction described in Section parents of children with severe learning 5.9.1. difficulties becoming emotionally upset while being interviewed regarding their child's 8.5.1 Information available for mothers education. While this was a possibility, I Written material was selected, to give when believed that they would recognise that the appropriate to mothers who had literacy skills. purpose of the interview was to explore For mothers who could read English, 1 avenues for helping their child and have a planned to give selected reading from Let's positive interest in taking part,even if they Talk by McConkey & Price (1986). Those experienced some distress. The fact of being who could read Urdu would receive material able, as part of my job, to havea continuing from a book I wrote for use by teachers and relationship with parents facilitated this parents in Pakistan (Miles, 1986 and revision process, as compared with an academic 1991). However I expected that the majority researcher who would haveno other of mothers would not have literacy skills. This involvement. does not reflect on their ability, but on social expectations and the availability of schooling It took between thirty anda hundred in Pakistan during the past 20 years. minutes to complete the Pragmatics Profile, dependingon the level of parental detail in I anticipated that some of the ten mothers

65 3 would have little verbal interaction with their distressed and tearful about her 'misfortune' in children for the following reasons: having produced 'such a child'. She reported 1. The nature of the child's disabilities. As that Hameeda "can't do anythingbut one noted in Chapter 2, some studies of good thing, she does not fight". The only parent-child interactions, in English verbal activity mother reported was that speaking majority-ethnicity families of Hameeda would sometimes called her Britain, USA, Canada and Australia, "Ammi" [mummy] and had been heard to say suggest that parents of children with "kutta" [dog]. Other communication consisted learning difficulties may be more of crying, lifting arms to be picked up, directive and less responsive than parents pushing unwanted food away and waving of normally functioning children. `bye-bye' after prompting. Beyond this, Srivastava et al (1978) found similar Hameeda did not respond to people or objects, results in India and, my experiences in did not laugh or express happiness in any way. Pakistan suggested that some families When I saw her at home, she sat immobile there vary their patterns of interaction on and expressionless. Mother said she did not account of their child's perceived talk to Hameeda, thinking her unable to disability. understand anything because of her 'mental 2.Cultural factors. Many of the mothers weakness'. Mother did not see playing with under study grew up in rural extended Hameeda as part of her role - "that is for other families where the mother's role was to children to do". care for the material needs of the family, while play and stimulating interaction Hameeda first spoke in school when took place with grandparents, aunts, and helping me to push a child in a wheelchair especially with other children of the down the corridor. I was saying "beep-beep", family (see Chapter 5). In the different and Hameeda joined in. Later the same family and home situation in Britain, the afternoon she waved, smiled and said "bye- other adult relatives may be absent, or bye". Over the next few months Hameeda may be reluctant to occupy themselves became increasingly talkative in school, during with a child who is handicapped, while the times I worked with her, in the context of children also have a longer school day. MT house play and exploration. She was not 3.Perceiving their culture and language as talking to other teachers.She named toys. having no value. This might result in After a couple of months she was using mothers not transmitting their culture, "kaka", "Baby" and "Dolly" interchangeably including language, where they believe for dollshe eventually favoured "Baby", the child needs to learn English (Piper, which she used both at school and home. She 1987) gave instructions "Boot pen" [put on the shoe], telling me to put on doll's shoe; "Cha pi" 8.6 Action & Results [drink tea] addressed to me or to doll;"so" Children are identified by a name, changed [go to sleep];"ye le" [take this]. She directed from their own, and a code. attention, "o, ute le" [take that up there], and They are by gender, B=boy, G=girl, and by commented on her play, "shsh, baby so gia" number 1-10 in order of age within the group [shsh, baby's gone to sleep]. She would go in under study, GI being the oldest, BIO the cupboards and boxes, finding and naming youngest. Hence B5 is a boy, 5th in order of objects "patta" [leaf], "topi" [hat] "chamach" age within the group. Children's age is shown [spoon], "battakh" [duck]. During this period, across the two year study period, e.g. Age 5- mother reported no change at home and >7. continued to be distressed when discussing Hameeda. Gl. Hameeda. Age 5 -> 7. Hindko speaking mother. In December 1990, I made a video of Hameeda's mother came from a small, Hameeda playing and talking at school. There traditional town in Pakistan, spoke no English was less speech included than normally and had no literacy skills. Hameeda had a occurred in sessions with Hameeda, as I could brother and sister aged 12 and 1.6. Mother kept not both control the camera and support strict purdah, rarely leaving the house, and conversation. This video was then shown to then only if accompanied and wearing a full Hameeda's mother at home. Mother, who had length black `burqa' covering her face and never heard her daughter speak or seen her body. When I began the study, Hameeda, play, was amazed. She sat on the edge of her mother and siblings had been less than a year seat, exclaiming (in Hindko) "Look, look in England. Hameeda had been in school for what she's doing now! She's speaking! four Months. Listen to that, my Hameeda's talking!" After this viewing, mother asked for a copy of the Mother found it hard to talk about video and agreed to encourage Hameeda to be Hameeda's communication skills. She was more active at home. Before this, Hameeda's

66 :?16 mother had always cried whenever we talked of seven at the start of the study; an eighth about Hameeda. She did not cry again during child was born a few months later. She had my visits, in the period of this study. attended the special school nursery for two Hameeda's father, who was always at work years, and had learnt some `Makaton' signs. during my home visits, showed his interest in She did not talk, but laughed a lot. the developments by coming to school and thanking me for the video, which his wife had When Najma's mother was interviewed shown him. using the Pragmatics Profile, a baby and Najma's father were present, both of whom Before her mother saw the video, made frequent demands on mother's attention. Hameeda had not usually taken an active part Father complained about Najma's in school activities on Mondays and on the unwillingness to obey. He was watching a first day back after a day at home. After video, but repeatedly interrupted my mother saw the video, this changed. The discussion with mother to demand that she get Special Schools Assistant who worked with him tea, then biscuits, then rearrange his Hameeda's class asked me what had happened pillow. at home, as Hameeda was so "different" after the Christmas holidays. She was much more Mother reported that Najma was able to talkative, active and sometimes naughty, with communicate her wishes by sign and gesture. the usual staff working with her class. She She tugged at her mother to gain attention, continued to 'freeze' if someone less familiar pointed at what interested her and used the came into the room, including the sign for 'biscuit' whenever she wanted any physiotherapist who had worked with her since food. She would shake hands and wave 'bye- she started school. She would sometimes bye' and clap hands to indicate pleasure. remain passive for the rest of the day, after Mother did not expect Najma to respond to being surprised by a visitor. any requests or instructions, other than "Go to the bus" when the school transport arrived. Hameeda started joining in class language Mother did not attempt any conversation no activities, which consisted of labelling pictures opportunity arose for development of or objects, using English and `Makaton' signs. conversational skills. Mother indicated that The only English words she used she did not see her role as playing with or spontaneously were 'dolly', 'baby', 'bye' and talking to Najma. Najma should play with her `apple'. She addressed other children by name siblings. There were no toys available for the e.g. "Najma, de" [give, Najma] when Najma children, and Mother thought that Najma had taken something from her. Hameeda would break any if they were provided. chatted to herself while at play: washing up, Mother said that Najma sometimes obeyed her she would tell herself there was "pani" [water] father, but no-one else. She said that when she and say "dhoye" [washed). She asked"e ki tried to show Najma any affection Najma eh?" [what's that?). To me she would say would pinch her - so she no longer tried to be "baten" [talking], instructing me to talk to her. affectionate. After seeing the video, her mother was In school Najma rarely made any interested to hear about helping Hameeda to vocalisations, other than laughter, but was talk. She reported that Hameeda now talked acquiring `Makaton' signs labelling objects with other children. Mother also talked to her, and pictures. Gradually she started to produce and developed her conversation skills. a sound at the same time as the sign, usually However, after a year Hameeda started to just a vowel sound, but she sometimes said collapse frequently, spent much of her days "look". She sometimes shouted to gain asleep and developed mobility problems. She attention. She waved `bye-bye' and asked for did not respond to anticonvulsant treatment, food, usually by signing 'please'. She learned and eventually a rare type of leucodystrophy the signs for fruit. She played in the house was diagnosed. Her skills were expected to corner and with dolls, except for two months deteriorate and her life expectancy to be following the birth of a new baby brother, limited, though a time-span could not be when Najma would hit and throw any doll that predicted. Hameeda's mother continued to talk she was invited to play with. Najma would and interact with her at home, so that when indicate, by gesture and mime, things that had she again became uncommunicative at school, occurred in the classroom earlier in the day, she continued talking to mother at home. such as a child being naughty, or something being broken. Her responses were the same G2. Najma. Age 5-> 7years. Punabi- whether I spoke to her in Punjabi or English. speaking mother. Najma's familycame from a rural area near Najma's parents were shown a video of Mirpur. Her mother spokeno English, and had Najma playing in school. They showed little no literacy skills. Najma was the fourth child interest in it, nor in suggestions of ways to

67 77 help improve Najma's communication skills at a while Tasleem stopped imitating spoken home, or that they learn some `Makaton' words and concentrated on trying to imitate signs. Mother was preoccupied with the latest the teacher's hand movements. At this time baby, both before his birth and for the the only word she used spontaneously in following year. Although they complained that school was 'bye'. I worked with her in Pushto, Najma would not obey them, the parents said for about half an hour fortnightly, in a play that they did not want advice about situation. She would reply "ow" [yes], and behavioural management. sometimes say "no". Otherwise she made no attempt to speak Pushto. Tasleem played with At school Najma began using signs to ask toys imaginatively. Once she turned a Fisher- questions, signing 'dinner' to ask if it was Price garage into a 'sewing machine', using as dinner time yet, or 'bus' to know if she was the 'handle' a lever meant for controlling a going for an outing. After a year with a lift. Her teacher came to take it away, as it teacher who constantly used manual signs, was 'not an appropriate toy' for house play. I Najma was moved to a teacher who used and managed to explain what Tasleem was doing, recognised none. Her signed communication just in time. was reduced. She was still able to indicate her wishes, and enjoyed sharing activities with After a year Tasleem began to recite adults in school. During the two year period of English nursery rhymes. She spoke these quite the study Najma's desire for interaction and clearly, so her idiosyncratic vocabulary, which frequency of initiating interactions increased, persisted at home, could not be explained by particularly when I was present as an her hearing loss. She used signs to request the additional member of staff. Her attempts to toilet. She began to interact with other gain attention were often regarded as children in school, at first requesting or disruptive and were discouraged by some other demanding toys from them, later with more staff. cooperative and affectionate interactions. She gave instructions "come here", "look". She G3. Tasleem. Age 5->7 years. Pushto - speaking would call other children and adults. She mother. would ask questions, e.g. naming a child who Tasleem was the youngest of five children, the was absent, to ask where they were. only daughter. She had attended schobl for a year before this study began. After a few By the end of the study, Tasleem was months of the study, Tasleem was found to using words from both languages at home, but have a mild hearing loss. After the insertion of more Pushto. She called a car "peep-peep", grommets she was thought to be hearing asked for "apples" and said "hello" in English. adequately. The family came from a village in She still used her own words, e.g. "bibi" for Pakistan's North-West Frontier Province. water. When speaking to Tasleem, Mother Mother spoke no English and had no literacy used Tasleem's vocabulary, including her own skills. She went out of the house freely, taking made-up words, and English words. Parents Tasleem with her. always spoke Pushto at other times, but her brothers spoke both Pushto and English in the Mother gave detailed answers, particularly house. to the first two sections of the Pragmatics Profile, Communicative Intentions and Tasleem chose to conceal some of her Response to Communication. She gave shorter skills from her parents. She had been eating responses to the later sections. Mother independently at school at the start of the reported that much of Tasleem's study period, and by the end could dress communication was by gesture, or using 'her herself completely. Yet at home she was still own made-up words', which she used dressed and fed by her mother. On one consistently, and which the family used when occasion I visited the home while mother was speaking to her. For water, she asked for feeding Tasleem. She left the food on the table "bibi" [Pushto is cobohl for scrambled egg, to bring me a cup of tea. Tasleem looked at "wawa"; to be picked up, "bao". She called me, put her finger to her lips and said "sh", her mother "Abey". Mother felt she helped herself to a couple of spoonsful and put communicated with Tasleem in much the same her hands back in her lap before mother way as she had done with her sons when they returned. Her mother had been told that were younger. She did not play with Tasleem, Tasleem could do these things for herself at and saw no need for this. She said that school, but accepted that Tasleem liked to Tasleem could play with her brothers. have these things done for her at home. Like the older Pushto speaking children studied In school, Tasleem began imitating the (Chapter 7), Tasleem did not speak Pushto in words she heard, and learnt a few `Makaton' school. signs. Shewas then moved to a class where the teacher always signed while speaking. For BEST COPY AVAiLABLE 68 78 B4. Amir. Age 4->6. Punjabi - speaking something from him he several times was mother. heard to say "no". He sometimes said "chch" Amir is the eldest child in his family. At the as a means of gaining or directing attention. start of the study he had two younger sisters, and a baby brother was born at its close. Amir Visiting the mother, I tried to boost her had attended school for a year before the study self-esteem and encourage her to communicate began. He lived with his parents, paternal with Amir. I called often as she seemed in grandparents, aunts and uncles. Mother came need of emotional support. She knew nobody to England for marriage, from a rural part of in England but her inlaws. They were often Mirpur, a year before Amir's birth. She knew out when I called, but if they came in they no-one other than her inlaws. She rarely went tried to send mother out or to exclude her out, her inlaws requiring her to stay in to do from the conversation, by using as much housework. She had no English or literacy English as mother-in-law's limited knowledge skills. I was able to go through the Pragmatics would permit. Amir's mother started to cry on Profile with mother alone. On other visits, if one such occasion when her inlaws arrived in mother-in-law or sister-in-law came in, they the middle of a conversation, so I explained to tried to take over the conversation. them that I had come to talk to Amir's mother and did not wish to talk to them. The inlaws Mother reported that Amir directs said that Amir's mother knew nothing, she had attention by pulling. She could not recall him never been to school; she could not go making requests. If a visitor arrived whom he shopping; she was only able to do menial liked he would pat the sofa, encouraging them tasks for them, and I should not waste my to sit down. He would spontaneously blow time talking to her. kisses to the baby. When asked how Amir responds when she talks to him, mother In the last few months of the study, replied that she did not speak to him because Amir's parents moved into a home of their she knew no English. Her inlaws sometimes own. A few weeks after moving, another baby spoke to Amir because they knew some was born and so mother had little time to give English; otherwise he was put to watch the to Amir. The new baby was also severely television. When asked "On what occasions do developmentally delayed. The family then took you feel that you and Amir communicate Amir and his brother to Pakistan for treatment well?", mother said that she did not try to at religious shrines. There the children had communicate with him. She had been advised severe gastro-enteritis, so they quickly that, as he 'must' learn English in school, she returned to England. Their father decided to should not speak Punjabi to him, and she stay in Pakistan, so mother and children knew no English. She could not recall who returned to live with their inlaws. had told her this, but I discovered that it was the view of her inlaws; also that this advice is B5.Ehjaz. Age 4->6. Punjabi/Urdu-speaking regularly dispensed to parents by mother. professionals, including teachers. I tried to Ehjaz has one younger sister. His mother, reassure her that she should feel free to talk to from a Pakistani city, is literate in Urdu. She her son, that it would do him no harm. She came to England on her marriage, a year seemed afraid of her inlaws, obviously hoping before Ehjaz was born. She speaks a little to avoid confrontation with them. The inlaws, English, but cannot converse fluently. Ehjaz particularly Amir's aunt, cheerfully dismissed started school two weeks before this study my attempts to discuss the issue, as there was began. "no need for her to talk to him, because we are here." After the initial interview, Mother was keen to help develop Ehjaz's abilities. She In school Amir made very slow progress. described his communication skills in detail, As at home, he would pat the chair to talking of his initiation of 'conversation', his encourage someone to sit near him. He would response and anticipation to games etc. She occasionally touch an adult on the shoulder. showed that she spent time with him, talked to Sometimes he would laugh and follow me him and played with him. She said Ehjaz about. He liked tickling physical play, but was consistently used three words, "ammi" timid with other more active children. If happy [mummy] "Abu" [daddy] and "do" [give], to he would make some babbling noises. He greet or call his parents and to ask for clapped hands to show pleasure, and pointed something. I gave Ehjaz's mother some to indicate something of interest. He liked information material in Urdu. pointing to pictures in books for them to be named, but made no attempt to imitate the At first Ehjaz appeared to make progress. words. He started to say "bye" as well as When I was speaking Urdu to him at school waving goodbye. He began to say "hello" as a he would say "do" [give] to ask for an object. greeting and when another child tried to take He enjoyed playing hiding and chasing games,

69 -6' and would respond if I called his name, by over his own or another child's plate if not saying `ammi' [mummy]. Once when I took closely supervised, finding this a great joke. him out of the classroom to play, on returning When I spoke to him in Punjabi he responded he clearly said "na" [no] and started to run the by coming to sit beside me and giggling, but other way. Other staff were not aware of him did not speak. attempting to communicate verbally with them. At first his mother felt that communication was not really a problem for Three months after this study began, Ayub. She talked to him and was very Ehjaz began having severe epileptic fits. His affectionate. His older siblings played with sleep pattern was disturbed. He became him. She was happy for me to visit and talk withdrawn, refused to take part in activities at about Ayub, but felt no need to change her school, spent time sitting twiddling string or pattern of behaviour towards him. After a year staring blankly. After this the only the family made a six month visit to Pakistan. development in school of Ehjaz's By the end of the study period, mother was communication / language skills was that he beginning to worry that Ayub was making no would sometimes, when sitting alone, start progress. Apart from naming more members singing a familiar nursery song, especially the of his family he was saying no more. He was `bye-bye' song used at the end of the getting bigger and more inclined to struggle afternoon.Within six months his father lost with his mother and pull her hair. He had his job. He blamed this on loss of sleep learnt to gain attention at home by because Ehjaz's disturbed sleeping patterns inappropriate behaviour (throwing things, had affected his work, and he had taken too pulling hair). much time off to take Ehjaz to hospital. The parents felt Ehjaz was making no progress, G7. Jamila. Age 4->6. Punjabi-speaking despite their efforts. Their focus changed from mother. enthusiastic welcome of ideas of activities to Jamila was the youngest of four sisters. She help Ehjaz to learn. Instead they planned a attended the nursery for a year before this pilgrimage to and Pakistan, study began. Her mother came to England at seeking a cure at shrines. The pilgrimage was the age of 13, from a Punjabi village, and had not made until after the end of this study. three years in school in England but no previous formal education.She learnt some At the end of the study period, Ehjaz English at school but does not speak it easily. rarely communicated in school. He would still Jamila's father spends more than half his time say "do" to me if I had something he wanted. in Pakistan. Mother has support from her Mother reported that he would now say "no" parents and other family members. for refusal, and called his sister and some other family members by name. Mother said that Jamila was most communicative when playing with her sisters. B6. Ayub. Age 4->6. Punjabi-speaking mother. When playing together her sisters spoke Ayub was the youngest of seven children. His English. Mother said it was more appropriate mother came from a Mirpuri village. She for Jamila to talk with her sisters, both knew no English and had no literacy skills. because it was right for children to talk and Ayub had attended school for one year before play together, rather than with an adult, and this study commenced. because Jamila needed to learn English rather than Punjabi. She said she did not know His mother talked enthusiastically about enough English to talk much to Jamila. She Ayub's attempts to communicate and his reported that Jamila said "up" when she responses to her. She did not answer the wanted to be lifted up, and "bye" as a Pragmatics Profile questions on Interaction farewell. Mother said Jamila was shy and hid and Conversation, or describe taking part in her face if visitors came to the house. any play activities. The only words that Ayub spoke were names of family members, but At school Jamila's first verbal activity mother felt he was able to communicate all his was reciting songs and nursery rhymes to needs, and that he showed that he understood dolls. Sitting on the floor, she swung a doll much that was said to him. He used a standard back and forth saying "See-saw Margery Daw, sign for 'drink', and made sounds such as Johnny shall have a new master." She sang "eheh" for attention, "ohoh" when he wanted a songs either to dolls or when alone, but not in particular object. a group with other children. After three months, the following utterances were At school Ayub did not use words. He recorded in a half hour session: laughed a lot and enjoyed 'silly' behaviour. "(1)ook" (showing a picture book) He laughed if another child was being told off. "aman" (addressing a pupil called He could not feed himself- he would turn Jaman)

70 80 "dink" (giving a drink to a doll) continue housework while they talked to me. "hello" (playing with toy telephone) Eventually I visited when the co-wife was out, "bye" (waving) and requested that Khatija's mother answer the "yes" Pragmatics Profile questions. However father "that's it" did not want me to speak to her alone, saying She began to shout "oi" whenever she wanted that she was just a village woman who would attention. She addressed other children by not be able to answer my questions. Father name, and indicated disapproval"bad Ayub", answered my questions but I turned to mother "no, naughty". She gave instructions to other for confirmation. She did not add to the children: "sit down", "go away", "come on", information father gave. "come here", "stop". "look". She spoke to herself while playing with dolls e.g. "brush Father described Khatija as hair". She named objects, body parts "head", communicating by pulling, crying and "foot", and later "Ayub shoe" (pointing to the pointing. She clapped hands if pleased, but shoe which Ayub had taken off). She labelled never laughed. Father seemed to disapprove of pictures "baby", "dancing", "playing". laughter. The only word he recalled her using was "kutta" [dog]. Her parents did not appear When playing alone Jamila chatted almost to be encouraging any independence skills. continuously to herself, sometimes addressing When asked what Khatija would do on being other children. Allowed to wander about the asked to fetch something, father said she hall with a tape-recorder attached during a would run to her mother, because mother games session, she spoke constantly. "Khatija, would do it for her. Parents did not take part o Khatija, oy, what's that, hello ha, oy, in any play activities. Father said she played ahahah, alright, Ayube, oi, John Brown, come with the other children, especially Jehanzeb. here, aaaya, look, bad, come on, come on, She made few sounds. Father said that he John Brown, come here, come here." I thought wanted her to be obedient, rather than her use of the Punjabi vocative (`Ayube') independent. Until her fifth birthday she was significant until I discovered that the English often kept home from school because she was nursery nurse working with Jamila's class used "weak". At home she would cling to her this form since hearing Ayub's mother talking mother and cry when I visited, even though at to him. Jamila talked to adults in the same school whenever she saw me she would run to way as to other children, gaining attention by me, smiling, and take my hand. shouting "oi", or "look"; but she preferred talking to children. At school she responded enthusiastically when I talked to her in Urdu/Punjabi, often Throughout this time Jamila responded to laughing. At this stage she did not use words, simple instructions in Punjabi/Urdu "come but a range of vowel sounds ("o" for 'look at here", "sit down", "wash your hands", but she this'; "e" for 'come here'). She learned some did not speak in Punjabi either at home or at `Makaton' signsand spontaneously used the school. She was not heard or reported to take sign 'bad' for anything she did not like, or to part in a turn-taking conversation, she did not the other children. After eight months Khatija respond verbally to anything said to her, nor uttered her first words in school. They were, acknowledged verbal responses to what she in English, "car," "bus," and "apple", spoken said. spontaneously while looking at a picture book. A few weeks later Khatija had a fight with G8. Khati /a. )61,ze 4->6. Punjabi/Mirpuri- Nergis, who also spoke Punjabi, and said to speaking mother. her "gunda" [dirty, bad], "kutta" [dog], and Khatija was registered to attend the nursery for turned to shout "abu" [Daddy]. When her six months before the study began, but her father had reported Khatija's only word as attendance was poor. Khatija's mother came to "kutta", I had taken it in the sense of an England, on her marriage, from a rural area of English child saying 'doggie'. The use Mirpur district. She had no English or literacy observed in the fight was as a rather strong skills. When the study began, Khatija lived insult. with her parents, four full siblings and father's first wife with her children in one house. From this time, Khatija started to talk at Khatija was her mother's third child. After a school. She called other children and staff of year, Khatija's mother moved to a second her class by name. She named objects in house. Her eldest brother, Jehanzeb, also English, and, when with me, in Punjabi. She attended a special school. asked the names of objects and asked for things she wanted. She did not then play with It was not possible to interview mother dolls, but liked to hold and look at them. She alone. If alone in the house she did not answer participated but did not lead in house-play: she the door, and if father or his senior wife were would get into bed and be the 'child', she present, mother retired to the kitchen to liked to be 'fed', but she did not herself get

71 81 out any toys and startdirecting their use until picked up, "uhuh" when he wanted help. He towards the end of the two year study. She used his 'pleading' sound "nene" for repetition would play at making animal sounds, or hiding of an activity, and"nei" [no] when refusing. and jumping out with a 'boo' if this was He called his mother by name, rushing to initiated by the teacher. She initiated play of grandmother and saying "Amina, Amina" this type once when I was present. She fought when mother came in from work. When on vigorously if another child took something the toilet he would call out "Amina aja" from her. While fighting she used insults and [Amina, come]. He said "byebye" when swearwords in both Punjabi and English. prompted. Khatija's communication skills developed using both her languages, but she became His mother said that when happy, Wahid more actively communicative in Punjabi. After "claps hands, laughs, runs in circles and jumps the end of the formal study, her teacher up and down". When angry he would clench commented on how Khatija "sparkled" when his fist and grimace. He would wriggle and there was a Punjabi speaker present with scream to assert independence. Mother whom she could talk. reported that whenever he saw someone on T.V. fall down he would laugh; if someone After a year of the study Khatija's mother broke an object when she was out, on her moved into a separate house from her co-wife. return he would fetch and show her the pieces. Father usually spent his days at Khatija's He joined in nursery rhymes - saying "baa home, but if he was out mother would use a black sheep" completely. When being spy hole and would let me in. I was then able affectionate to mother he would say to discuss Khatija's communication skills "googoogirl". Mother described her freely with her mother. Her parents continued interactions and the games she played with to have only limited communication with Wahid. Khatija, as with the other younger children. They felt it more appropriate for children to At the time of this visit to his home talk and play together than with an adult. Wahid did not speak at school. His teacher Mother said that Khatija did seem to be expressed some scepticism about Wahid's talking more to the other children, but could mother's description of his communication not give more detailed information. skills at home. During the next two years he gradually started to talk at school, saying "aja" B9.Wahid. Age 4->6. English & Punjabi- [come], "Hello", "no", "bye". He started to speaking mother. join in songs and nursery rhymes. I made a Wahid had been attending the nursery for video of Wahid playing with his mother at three months before this study began. He was home and showed it to his teacher at school. an only child. Wahid's mother was educated She found it interesting and said she realised in England and has fluent spoken and written that Wahid was a child who did better in a English, as does Wahid's father. She had a one-to-one situation. In the video, much of full-time job outside the home, so Wahid was Wahid's speech was imitation, telling nursery cared for after school and during holidays by rhymes, reciting numbers after his mother, his grandmother who speaks only Punjabi. talking to a doll, naming and pointing to body parts. Wahid's mother wanted to encourage his bilingual development: she used both At my suggestion his mother obtained languages with him. She was very interested Let's Talk (McConkey & Price, 1986), and in the questions of the Pragmatics Profile. I worked on activities from it. She reported that asked the questions, and she replied, in Wahid's communication and speech continued English. She was keen to talk about Wahid, to improve at home, but by the end of the giving many examples of his communication. study period he still had not shown in school Her description of him showed that he was the level of communication skills that he had performing at home at a much higher level at home two years earlier. At school he did than at school. At home, mother worked hard not express his wishes, try to control others or at playing with Wahid and encouraged even join in imitating labelling words, other grandmother to do the same. than songs and rhymes, all of which he did at home. It seems unlikely that the difference Mother reported that Wahid said "Aja" between his communication at home and at [come] when he wanted her attention; seeing school was a simple consequence of his something of interest he waved his arms up bilingualism. He appeared to be more at ease, and down saying "ahahah". Seeing an animal, more in need to communicate at home than at especially a cat, he would say school. However, teachers did not understand "goo(d)goo(d)boy". He asked for water with or respond to the first word he used in school "papa" ['pani' is Punjabi for water.] She "Aja" [come]. He used it several times in my reported him saying "ja" when wanting to be hearing, and teachers agreed that they had

72 S2 heard him make this 'sound' at other times. 's condition stabilised and he again Wahid may have learnt during this time that started to make progress. adults at school did not respond to his attempts to communicate in this way, and so ********************* stopped trying. This may have been a form of `selective mutism' (Section 4.6.2). Two other children joined the ten children described above, after the beginning of my B10. Akbar. Are 3->5. Pushto-speaking study. I also worked with these children, and mother. went through the Pragmatics Profile with their Akbar's mother came to Britain on marriage, families. Although they did not fulfil the initial from a rural area of Pakistan's North-West criteria for this study, I include some notes on Frontier Province. She had no English or their progress, as both followed different literacy skills. Akbar had attended the school patterns of development from the other for three months before this study begun. children. Akbar's uncles and grandparents live in neighbouring houses, so that on visiting I Nergis. Age 4->6. Punjabi-speaking mother. would find Akbar's mother sitting with Nergis was already able to speak when she grandmother and four or five aunts, started at school. She made requests and supervising a number of children playing occasional comments, with a recorded together on the floor. This would sometimes vocabulary of about 20 words. Over a period be in Akbar's home, or sometimes that of of two months she stopped using most of her other relatives. In completing the Pragmatics Punjabi vocabulary at school, retaining words Profile, mother and grandmother answered such as "baby" and "Bye-bye", which she had questions together, with support from the learnt at home and were also understood and aunts. There was general, discussion on most used by others at school. A year later she had of the questions. started to use English, but had not yet reached the level at which her Punjabi had been when Akbar was said to be most she started school. She became reluctant to use communicative with his grandmother. Most of Punjabi in school, and parents reported no his communication was non-verbal. They said development in her use of language at home that the older children were teaching the during this time. A year and a half after younger ones English, and so the children starting school she again began, to respond to were exposed to both languages at home. me when I spoke to her in Punjabi at school. They reported that Akbar requested objects by From then on, both languages started saying "give me" in English (similar in developing slowly. meaning to the first words used in Swat villages, Section 5.9.3). He asked for water Ashok. Are 4->6. Gujerati- speaking mother. "obuh", and called one of his brothers by At the time Ashok started school his mother name. His mother felt that although his spoken reported gestural communication and language was limited he had no difficulty in occasional words "bye", "na" [no], "car", "bus" making his wishes understood and that he and the Gujerati words for "milk" and "here". related well with the other children of the After 18 months at school he used occasional extended family. She did not perceive words of English"yes", "no", an occasional communication as a problem. imitative response. He received no MT stimulation in school, as I know no Gujerati. During the first six months of the study, However, his mother visited school to attend a Akbar made progress in school. He had medical examination with Ashok and I difficulty walking, because of an additional observed what seemed to be a prolonged physical disability, but was able to move about conversation between him and his mother, freely on the floor without assistance. He with several turns. Mother reported that Ashok started to imitate words, would shout for was now indeed talking, and that he used attention and was learning routines. His family sentences of three or four words. His language then returned to Pakistan. Akbar was quite continued to progress at home, but after three severely epileptic and in Pakistan it was not years he had made no further progress in using possible for him to obtain the medication English in school. prescribed in England. He became quite ill, having frequent convulsions. The family 8.7 Summary of Mothers' Responses to returned after six months, but for the Pragmatics Profile following year Akbar was quite unwell, and The mother's responses to the questions of the lost many of the skills he had when he first Pragmatics Profile (Dewart & Summers, 1989) started school. He became less mobile, no appear in Appendix 7. This does not include longer communicating with or showing other comments and remarks made to me by recognition of his family. After extensive tests, the mothers. and treatment, at the end of the two years

73 83 All the mothers were able to answer most talking at school. Amir's mother was given of the questions in the first two sections, on much support and encouragement to speak to the child's 'Communicative Intentions' and her son, but I suspected that she only began `Response to Communication'. Only two talking to him when she moved into a house children, Ehjaz and Wahid were told nursery away from her inlaws. Other mothers were rhymes or were engaged in tickling games. visited intermittently, to discuss their child's The answers giving the most detail about their progress and possible approaches. Ayub's children's interactions were given by mothers mother was not concerned about his of Tasleem, Ehjaz, Ayub and Wahid. development until the final few months of the research. Five mothers (of Hameeda, Najma, Amir, Jamila and Khatija) indicated that they did not None of these mothers appeared to feel regard themselves as having a major role in threatened by the Pragmatics Profile interview, stimulating their child's communication skills. although I have since had such a reaction Najma's and Khatija's mothers saw no need when using the same profile with another for interaction as it was provided by other mother. children. Jamila's mother had a similar view, but also emphasised that her limited English 8.8 Summary of Children's Progress was a factor in her not talking much to Jamila, Some children demonstrated considerable as she felt Jamila should learn only English. differences between their patterns of Amir's mother said that she did not speak to communication at home and at school. Two her son at all. She had been told that he must children, Tasleem and Wahid were observed to learn English, and had been advised not to be more communicative at home. Both speak Punjabi to him. She knows no English, children used both English and MT words so did not speak to him. Hameeda's mother when at home. This was acceptable to the said that she did not talk to her daughter families, who also used a mixture of languages because her disability made it impossible for when talking to their child. Wahid's mother her to understand anything. was herself bilingual. Tasleem's mother had little English, but she used any English words, The questions about Interaction and as well as idiosyncratic words, used by her Conversation were difficult for some of the daughter. By the end of the study period mothers to answer. Mothers of Tasleem, Ehjaz Tasleem was also talking in school, but there and Wahid answered all questions, mothers of remained a big difference in Wahid's Ayub and Akbar some. The other five mothers performance when at school and when at seemed to have difficulty envisaging a home. `conversation' with a child with limited verbal skills. These were also the five mothers who Hameeda, during the first half of the did not see themselves as having a major role study period and Khatija, later, were both in stimulating their child's communication more communicative in school than at home, skills. Tasleem, Ehjaz, Ayub, Wahid, Akbar, but especially if there was a MT speaker were reported to react to or join in other present. Hameeda showed that she had people's conversations. acquired internal language which she did not use at home. Similarly Khatija showed that the On 'Contextual Variation', mothers felt school environment could provide Tasleem, Ehjaz and Wahid communicated best opportunities to express herself using forms when at home, Jamila and Khatija when with she had heard at home but did not appear to their siblings. Mothers of Hameeda and Najma use there. were reluctant to answer, but agreed when I suggested that their daughters were more The three oldest children in this group communicative in school. Amir's mother spent a year with a teacher who used Total suggested, perhaps hopefully, that her son was Communication, signing words as she spoke. more communicative at school (she believed Children were placed in this class on the basis that by not communicating at home he would of age, not because of any assessed need for more easily do so at school). Mothers of Ayub manual communication skills. Hameeda paid and Akbar expressed no views. little attention to the hand movements and rarely attempted to sign. Najma seldom During the following two years I visited vocalised. She acquired a vocabulary of signs homes and provided support and information which she used for a broad range of as requested by mothers, and discussed the communicative functions. When moved to a children's progress in an informal way. Two non-signing teacher she lost some of these mothers, of Ehjaz and Wahid, accepted and signs, but did not develop spoken language. discussed written material. Hameeda's Tasleem, who had already been taught a few mother's behaviour towards her daughter signs, stopped imitating spoken words, while changed after she saw a video of Hameeda she concentrated on trying to imitate the

74 8 4 teacher's hand movements. She developed a 0 : Mothers did not expect to talk to or sign vocabulary. A year later, when moved to get response from their child. a teacher who did not sign she stoppedsigning 2 : Mothers described talking/responding and her spoken English vocabulary developed. to their child, but not turn-+taking and My previous experience of children learning conversational interaction. signing had led me to regard it as a means of 3: Mothers described talking/responding encouraging communication, which also to their child, and also conversational facilitates learning spoken language. One turn-taking with their child. possible difference was that this teacher used signs constantly and rapidly, not only to The children's scores for language skills fall emphasise significant words, as is the more into two groups: usual practice with children with learning GI, G2, G3, G7 and G8 have high scores. difficulties. Bilingualism may however also B4, B5, B6 and B10 achieved considerably have been a factor: Tasleem was learning to less. speak Pushto at home, although progress at B9 is a high scorer at home, but a low scorer this time was also very slow there; possibly at school. she found it easier to concentrate on signing rather than English at school because it was a It is clear from the above results that the girls more distinctly different style of in this group made more rapid progress than communicating. the boys. This was unexpected, as four of these girls had mothers who did not interact Having looked at each child' experience much with their daughters according to their and language development separately, I Pragmatics Profile responses. Two girls, decided to tabulate the children's Najma, Jamila, now only use the language achievements, at the end of the two year study learnt at school (one using signs, the other period, to see whether any patterns were English) and use these both at home and at apparent. school. Both do, however, appear to have some degree of communication disorder. The next tables summarise some features of Najma did not speak, rarely making any the children's language at the end of the two sounds. Jamila continued to talk largely to year study period. herself, her interaction with adults was restricted to "oi" meaning 'come here' and Keys to Tables8.1 & 8.2 `look'; she issued streams of orders to other children but she was not observed or reported In Table 8.1: taking part in turn-taking interactions. The 'Lexicon' scores the number of recognisable other three girls used both languages, but words being used meaningfully, not in made longer utterances, or initiated imitation, by the child. Songs and nursery communication, more readily in their MT. rhymes are excluded. Greetings count as one word, being usually learnt as a single item. The children of mothers who initially (Saying "good morning" a child need not reported high levels of communication, made know that the separate words have meanings varied progress, one being a higher achiever, distinct from that context. Urdu/Punjabi the others lower achievers in language skills. speaking Muslims normally use greetings Of the five children whose mothers initially based on Arabic/Persian. Meaning attaches to reported little interaction, after two years four the phrase, not the individual words). Lexicon were among the more communicative children. of 20+ words scores***. 5-15 words: **. Under 5 words: *. Of the children whose mothers reported MLU above 1.0 scores **. MLU of 1.0: * plenty of interaction, all were able to (Calculated as in Chapter 6). communicate to some extent in their MTs. Frequency of Initiation is a score of how often Those who spoke both languages had more a child initiates communication with another skills in their MTs. person when in an undirected play situation, with an adult nearby. Above 15 utterances in Children whose mothers reported less a 15 minute period: ***. 5-15 utterances in a interaction were less likely to use MT. Of 15 minute period: **. Under five: *. five children in this group, three did not use Functions. Six or seven of Halliday's early their MT, although two of these were in the functions (see Section 2.2.2) ***. Four to `more communicative' group at school. One five, score **.One to three, score *. child used both languages, and the other mostly MT, used at first only in school. Table 8.2 includes information on the home environment."Mother's Response to Prag. Possible reasons for the more rapid Prof." refers to the initial interview with development of the five girls: mothers. Scores as follows: 1. Some of their mothers may have learned

75 85 Table 8.1: Some Features of Children's Language

Child's Lexicon MLU Range of Frequency of code no. MT English Functions Initiation

* ** ft* *** GI ***

* *** *** G2 0 ** signs

** * ttt G3 ** ttt

t B4 0 *

B5 * 0 *

t B6 * 0

*** t* *** G7 0

** tt G8 ** tt ttt

B9 school * * * *** B9 home ** ** ** ttt

* tt B10 * *

Table 8.2: Home Environment and Language

Child's Mother's Mother's Birth Child's use of code response to use of order among languages at end number Pragmatics English siblings of two year study Profile

GI 0 None Youngest of 3 Rindko (big age gap)

G2 0 None 4th of 7 sign

G3 3 None * Youngest of 6 Pushto, English

B4 0 None Oldest of 3 English

B5 3 Little Older of 2 Punjabi

B6 2 None Youngest of 7 Mirpuri

Cl 0 Little Youngest of 4 English

G8 0 None 4th of 6 Mirpuri, English

B9 3 Fluent Only child Punjabi, English

B10 2 None 3rd of 4,in Pushto extended family household with other children

* The only English that mother of G3 uses are words which her daughter hasintroduced.

BEST COPY AVAILABLE more from the support and information been naive to imagine that I would have which I provided during the year freedom to innovate in this way. In this following the completion of the school, such change could have taken place Pragmatics Profile, or made more changes only if initiated by a senior member of staff, in their interactions with the child as a with personal agreement of the head. result of the information they were given. Otherwise, attempts to involve other staff 2. Some of these girls may have been collaboratively were regarded as subversive. performing below their potential when the The attitude of the senior management of the study began because of limited language school was not encouraging, and when 1 stimulation at home, and so developed instigated discussions during staff meetings, more rapidly in the school environment. those staff who were opposed to allowing Their initial lack of spoken language may children to use MTs in school were the most have been a reflection of limited vocal. Reasons expressed for such strong experiences rather than the degree of their views included: disability. "I would be very angry if my child started 3. Gender factors: Studies of gender picking up words from their languages." differences (Maccoby & Jacklin, 1974; "They won't learn to speak English Fogel, 1984) have found that girls more properly if they speak their language first. readily acquire verbal skills;although Their mouths will be fixed in the wrong the girls in the present study were all shape." considerably delayed in learning to talk, "They've come to this country, so they've they may have responded more easily got to learn English." than the boys to factors in the school "It's not in the National Curriculum." environment or to changes in their The attitudes of the majority of senior staff mother's responsiveness. Mothers' level meant that discussion with bilingual staff and of interaction with their children may in nursery nurse students had to take place part have been affected by the gender of informally and without official endorsement. the child, so that, if sons were preferred, Opposition resulted from .personal attitudes to girls were offered less stimulation and bilingualism, as described in Chapter 2; plus interaction. (The only girl whose mother conflicts that arise between Action Research offered a high level of interaction had and management (Crookes, 1993), and four brothers, and her parents had hoped conflicts which Hutchinson & Whitehouse for a daughter at the time of her birth). (1986) see as arising from the reluctance of 4. Interactive behaviour with siblings. This the teachers to set their work in a wider was not studied, but the girls in this group context than the classroom. all had older siblings. Among the boys only Ayub had older siblings, although Elliott (1993, p.177) describes three Akbar also spent a lot of time with perspectives on Action Research. I had started cousins. Dosanjh, (1976, p.458) found with his first, that teachers are free to innovate that, amongst a Sikh community, elder within their own practice. He regarded thisas siblings played a large part in younger the traditional view of the action researcher. children's language acquisition. However I soon felt that the school management took the second perspective 8.9 Changes In Practices at the School described: that change should be initiated by As noted in Chapter 6, Action Research can managers, while the role of individual teachers be a methodology for changing practice in is to conform to the requirements of schools. During the period of my research I management. The latter view is considered tried to monitor my own practice in providing not to be "oppressive" where teachers and MT support to children, and observe the management "share a vision", but the teacher effects of this in the school. I had ideas about is not free to innovate, or evaluate practices. increasing opportunities for this sort of support The hierarchical management system at the to children: encouraging students and site of my study eliminated the possibility of volunteers in using their language skills; taking up Elliott's preferred perspective, of encouraging bilingual staff at the school; discourse between a wide group of interested offering help to teachers and ancillary staff to persons, which would include parents and learn more about children's MTs and family older pupils. practices. Some individual teachers expressed an interest in my approach and gave Nevertheless, individual teachers saw that encouragement to students on placements in some children were talking more when they their classes to use their language skills with had the opportunity to use their MT, and were children. Others did not. pleased to have detailed information about children's skills and experiences at home. I did not succeed in introducing new Starting from a baseline of almost total neglect methods generally within the school, and had of non-English MTs and lack of awareness of

76 modern language development research, some teacher based at the school, working with real progress could be seen among staff pupils over an extended period, in a variety of actually teaching the children. Changes of classrooms, both collaboratively and alone, I attitude, even if slight and hesitant, were more was better placed to study their language significant because of the generally development than most researchers who are unsupportive ethos of the school, and the fact limited to visiting during a fixed period. that hardly any of the teachers had a knowledge of Asian languages with which This study has shown the wide range of they could reinforce their changing view. possible language acquisition processes There was no bandwagon on which to climb, experienced by bilingual children labelled as nor personal benefit to derive from recognising having Severe Learning Difficulties, and that it MT importance. The achievement of positive is not possible to make general assumptions results here, albeit modest ones, suggests that about a child's ability in her MT without in a more favourable environment much assessment and enquiry. greater progress could be made by demonstrating ways to support MT learning The study design was not such as would and using existing resources more effectively. provide clear evidence of a 'silent period' on entering a new language environment, as Potential resources regularly appeared in children were not talking at the time they the school from the local community, in the started school (see Section 4.6.2). However, shape of students and volunteers, which could several children were observed to be more have gone some way towards compensating communicative when at home. Some became for the teaching staff's lack of Asian more communicative in school after a time, languages and cultural knowledge. Such but two had long-term difficulties. Ashok, in resources were seldom used, for several particular could be described as a 'selective' reasons: or 'elective' mute . The pause in Tasleem's 1. The Asian MTs were not regarded as English development while she acquired signs useful, or were thought to be actually was paralleled by the pause of Nergis, the only harmful. child who could talk in MT before starting 2. Language work in general was weak and school, in developing MT skills while learning unimaginative. some English. Unlike Tasleem, Nergis did not 3. The management style tended to obscure have much interaction with adults or other any idea that volunteers and sixth-formers children at home. might be able to contribute something that qualified teachers lacked. There was evidence that most of the children, even among the younger group, were So far as physical resources were aware of the distinction between their two concerned, it was evident that children most languages; attempts to communicate in their readily used their MT when playing in the home language in school rarely occurred `house play area'. Unfortunately, not all the unless the child was confident that their nursery or infant classes had access to such an partner also used that language. area. An area which had been available during the first year of the study was put to another Half the mothers provided language use. Eventually I obtained a number of stimulation in the home, whereas half appropriate items for my own use, which I apparently did not. One believed she should carried with me from room to room. I thought not, as her child needed to learn English. Two that some children would benefit from did not see it as their role, and one gave both provision of a special house play area, for use these reasons. Another underestimated her when a speaker of their MT was available. child's abilities, as the child seemed to have Such provision might encourage children like learnt to be passive and non-communicating. Ashok to speak in school. Although this could This child made considerable progress when not be provided, an area was again designated encouraged to use her MT in school. for infant classes house play. It was clear that some children had 8.10 Some Conclusions developed a substantial passive understanding The methods used in this study were built of language at home, but needed the upon the long term relationships I developed opportunity to learn skills to express with both children and parents. Without the themselves. While the same may be the case relationship of trust arising from working in for many English speaking children, such their children's school, I would probably not patterns of development are not described in have been able to gain information about the the normal child acquisition literature. It was child's experiences at home. My language necessary to build up a relationship with these skills and cultural background also facilitated children before they would begin to work at home. At the same time, as a liaison demonstrate their language skills, so that it is

77 E3 8 unlikely that a short period of assessment could give a satisfactory picture of their potential abilities. Both teacher and parents attitudes to bilingualism were significant, some teachers and some parents not recognising the need of the child to be able to communicate within their family. There was no evidence that a period of learning to communicate using sign in any way facilitates bilingual or second language learning, (while its value for children who have difficulty in speech production is acknowledged). I wished to explore further the issue of mothers who did not talk to their children at home. While wishing to encourage mothers to talk to their children, I did not wish to be directive. Apart from ethical considerations, I did not imagine that these mothers would change their practice just because I told them to do so. None of the mothers in this group had literacy skills, so it was not possible to give them written information. Instead I decided to make a short educational video film. This could be used to provide information to parents, but I hoped it would also provide opportunities for discussion so that the mothers concerned would further explain their viewpoints, which might throw some light on why some mothers provide good opportunities for communication and language development, while others do not. Details of the video, and mothers' reactions, appear in the next chapter.

78 8 Chapter 9. PRODUCTION & USEOF AN INFORMATIVE VIDEO I decided to make a video about language "[They] participated more actively acquisition, showing mothers interacting with and vocally than had been expected, developmentally delayed children, to explore asking questions to clarify advice, the effectiveness of this medium in offering inquiring about the efficacy of information about language development and `medicine' to help their child, taking the potential role of parents. The video would some interest in children other than provide a focus for discussion with mothers their own. The hopes and fears about their concepts of children's ways of expressed by some of the Pakistani acquiring language and their potential role.I mothers about their children's future believed that a video would be more were verbally identical with those `impersonal' than a personal, spoken spoken by [a group of English presentation, so that mothers would feel more mothers in London] ". freedom to respond and, if appropriate, It was planned to make videos of these disagree. sessions as a training tool and to multiply the numbers of parents having access to This part of the research was done at a professional demonstrations and participant time when many British Pakistani families in discussions. This could not finally be done, this city owned video cassette recorders because of very strong cultural inhibitions (VCRs), for watching Asian films. More about the women's faces being seen on film. recently, with access to Satellite TV stations, some families have allowed their VCRs to fall 9.2 Purpose of the Video into disrepair. The aim was not to use the video as a `training programme', which would require 9.1 Parental Training Programmes agreement by parents that they needed Videos are now widely used as resources in training; it was to give information to mothers training parents to work with children with about ways in which their interaction could learning difficulties. They have been tested for enhance the child's language skills, and use as a substitute for direct professional encourage mothers to discuss the ideas shown. involvement in home-based programmes. McConkey (1988), McConkey & Bradley I planned that the video should (1991), and McConkey & O'Connor (1982) communicate the following points: demonstrated the effectiveness of video for 1. It is acceptable and desirable for a mother instruction of parents of children with learning to talk to her child in her own language, difficulties. The medium is being further used i.e. MT rather than English. in populations with low literacy levels (e.g. 2.Communication starts with sharing O'Toole & Maison-Halls, 1993). experiences, and this leads to later language skills. Baker (1990) reported successful 3.A child is helped to develop transmission of behavioural methods of communication skills when people are teaching self-help skills through video aware of, and respond appropriately to, programmes. Parents in 'live training' by any messages the child tries to professionals made more apparent gains in communicate. learning behavioural principles than those trained by video, but their children's I knew the mothers already had views subsequent learning of targeted skills was about their children and how to behave with equal in both groups and significantly greater them. While these often differed from those of than those in a control group which received middle-class English professionals, they had no training. no reason to regard themselves as needing to change, although they might wish to adapt McConkey (1988) also found video their practices in view of a child's perceived programmes effective in teaching interactive disability. Turnbull (1972) noted that members skills such as looking together, turn-taking, of traditional societies, where information is appropriate play, responsiveness to child's transmitted by means other than the printed attempts to communicate and more contextual word, do not see themselves as lacking speech and topic extension. knowledge about experiences which are part of their normal life, such as child-rearing. New A positive experience of group training information may be welcomed if it fits with and discussion in Pakistan, in which I took beliefs already held, or met with suspicion if part, involved mothers with cerebral palsied traditional beliefs are dismissed. I was not children, who made considerable efforts to be assuming that all the mothers I worked with present. M.Miles & Frizzell (1990, p.186) necessarily subscribed to traditional value report that systems; some had received some formal

79 9 education, and all had experienced life ina make extra demands. Instead I askeda foreign culture. colleague of Indian origin to let me record her doing household chores with her son doing I also recalled Sigel's warning (1983, various activities, including the boy having p.10) of possibly adverse consequences to temper tantrums, which would probably have families of changing child-rearing patternson embarrassed the other mothers. the advice of professionals. Especially for members of ethnic minorities, such changes I wished to use some sequences ofa may damage the family's support and social normal baby, so asked one of the school network, as interaction patterns are changed ancillary staff, who is from a Pathan family, if and people construe the changes as a rejection I could video her baby daughter. She did not of themselves or of community values. Sigel want me to video at her home so brought the points to the needs of such issues being baby to school; however, she also requested discussed with parents in advance. that her own face should neverappear, which made it harder to video natural mother-child 9.3 Making the Video interaction. Also included was some material I attended a short course of evening classeson recorded at the special school in Pakistan the production of videos, and decided to make where I previously worked. a 15-minute edited video. I had access to several VHS video cameras owned by the This video was edited on standard school, and I used whichever was available. A equipment to which I gained access at Super-VHS camera and film would have been Birmingham Trades Union Resource Centre. A preferable, (McConkey & Bradley, 1991) but I commentary in Urdu was added, which was did not have free access to such apparatus. translated from my English script bya friend who has Urdu as her MT. This translationwas I planned to record as much as possible ofread and approved by several other Urdu the video using mothers and children who readers, and was then recorded, read by the were participating in the study described in translator. The English script appears in Chapter 7. However, because of traditional Appendix 8. Islamic views concerning exposure ofwomen, only one mother was happy to be videoed. 9.4 Results of Showing the Video One other Asian mother of a child with The video was shown to British Pakistani learning difficulties, whom I met through mothers of children attending the SLD school, home visits, also agreed to take part. These both to individuals and groups. Most of the two mothers had both been educated in mothers had not participated in the research England, and had made greater adaptation to reported in Chapters 7 and 8. English middle-class culture than any others in the study. They owned toys appropriate for 9.4.1 Showing the video to individuals their child's level of development, and used I showed the video to parents of children who them in play. However, they frequently had recently started in the nursery and infant switched language when addressing their child, classes of the special school. The quality of rather than using solely Punjabi/Urdu. I the video was acceptable when shownon a explained that I wanted to video them usingas monitor with a well-maintained player, but much Urdu or Punjabi as possible; but being using home equipment the reproductionwas of most concerned that the interaction between variable quality. I told the mothers that I had mother and child be natural, I did not interrupt recently made the video and was interested to their interaction and play to ask themto know whether they thought it would be switch from English. Thus some of the most interesting or helpful to other mothers of useful sequences, from the point of view of children attending the special school. spontaneous mother-child interactions, incidentally showed the mothers speaking Home Showing 1. Ayesha, mother of Sajjad, English, which was not a desiredmessage. had lived in England since theage of 10 and spoke English. With her husband and Sajjad, These two mothers were recorded playing she lived with her parents. Her husband had with their children in their sittingrooms. I had come to England on marriage, and spoke very hoped to video them performing household little English. Sajjad was the only child in the chores, perhaps in the kitchen, while the child household. While Ayesha and I watched the using household implementsas toys; but this video other members of the family came in would have been less satisfying for these and out. They did not want to sit and watch women. They naturally wanted to beseen at the video, but asked Ayesha for assistance their best, giving their wholeattention to the with various household affairs. After the child. Since they had alreadyshown much showing I tried to engage Ayesha in kindness and hospitality inallowing me to discussion, but she said she didn't like video them in their homes,I did not wish to questions and would rather see the video

80 91 again. We did so, and this time were not with her inlaws. Kamran was home from disturbed. Afterwards Ayesha said that she school because he was unwell, so I played would try to sit and play with her Sajjad more, with him while Azma watched the video. The and talk to him more. On subsequent visits we VCR did not reproduce the picture clearly. discussed activities she was trying with Sajjad. Azma was more interested in watching Kamran with me than watching the video. Home Showing 2. Rozwana, mother of Before it finished, her mother-in-law returned Salma, had come to England on marriage and bringing a guest, so we switched off the video. knew very little English. She and her husband Azma thought that the video could be useful lived a mile from her inlaws. Salma had one for some mothers, but that she already played younger sister. I had already observed, on with Kamran. She did not want to finish previous visits, that Rozwana was responsive seeing the video. to Salma's attempts to communicate, and talked to her while performing household 9.4.2 Showing the video to groups tasks. Rozwana and I were alone in the house I showed the video to Asian Mother's Groups, when we watched the video. Salma's sister for mothers of children with learning had gone to her playgroup. Rozwana found it difficulties, meeting under the auspices of hard to sit and watch the video. She was Social Services or Barnardos. These mothers constantly getting up and moving objects had children whose ages ranged from two to about the room. When a sequence appeared on twenty years. Five groups were identified, to the video of a mother looking in a catalogue whom I would show the video. I presented it with her son, Rozwana said "I've got one of as something I had made, on which I wanted those, can you help me to choose what to the group's opinion whether it was useful to buy?" and fetched her catalogue. She then show to other mothers. The equipment discussed which tea-service she should buy, if available was of better quality than that found any. Rozwana told me that although she likes in homes, so there was no difficulty with to have Indian videos, she never sat to watch sound or picture. the story - she listened to the music and looked at the clothes people wore. Group 1.Five mothers were present on this day. Home Showing 3. Amir's mother. This The mothers watched the video with apparent mother also participated in the research interest. I asked whether they thought it was described in Chapter 8. I tried several times to useful. A mother replied that she knew that the show her the video, but the family's video activities shown were the right things to do, recorder was out of order, and it was not but she did not do them. The others agreed, repaired before they went to Pakistan for an saying they also would like to do these things, extended visit. but could not. I asked why, and they explained that it was because of the demands made by Home Showing 4. Shamim was the mother of relatives. Their inlaws would complain if they ten children, the youngest of whom, Haider, spent time playing with the children. One said attended the SLD school. She spoke no "The children's grandparents look after the English. The eldest son lived in the house with children - my life is in the kitchen - I've no his wife and two children. A sister who was time to play". married had left the house, but visited almost daily with her baby. The VCR in this home Another had a sister-in-law who shared did not reproduce the video sound audibly. housework and childcare, but she said that Nevertheless, Shamim sat to watch the video. when it was their turn to be with the children Her daughter and daughter-in-law came in and they just watched out for their physical safety out of the room, but did not stay to watch. and did not play with the children.I asked Shamim said that she thought the video was one mother, whom I knew lived apart from "good" for some mothers, but that she herself her in-laws, whether she could not feel free to had no time to play with her child. She felt it play. She replied that they lived just down the was sufficient that the other children in the street from her, and she shared chores with household played with Haider. I suggested that them, so she felt no freedom to relax and the daughter-on-law might also like to see the enjoy her children. video, but Shamim said that she did not have time to play with Haider as she had to do All this group agreed that they would housework and had her own children to choose to interact with and play with their manage. children if they were not part of their husband's extended family. They asked me Home Showing 5. Azma had only one son, whether the mothers in the video lived with Kamran, who had recently started at the inlaws, as they doubted this. I replied that one nursery of the SLD school. She was educated mother lived with husband, child and her own in Pakistan but knew no English and lived parents, the others lived as nuclear families.

81. They said they had thought so. These mothers the video to a different group, but the on video were doing what "any mother would organiser broke her leg, and meetings were like to do" if her inlaws were not present. suspended for three months. By the time they They continued grumbling together about their resumed my school teaching timetable was inlaws. changed, so I could no longer attend this group. I asked whether the situation was different from what it would be in Pakistan. 9.5 Discussion They told me that there it was usual for Although the purpose of the video was mothers to spend all their time on household children learning language and communication chores, but that the grandparents generally skills, only one mother, Sabiha in group 2, played with children. I suggested that perhaps responded by talking about communication. the children's grandparents (their mothers- in- The other mothers discussed the video as law) might play with the children here; but the being about playing with children. This may mothers said that here in England, the old be because a wide range of activities were people had become "lazy" and were unwilling shown, which the commentary compressed to take on the responsibilities which they together with too many steps in each sentence, would have had in their villages of origin. with counter-productive effect. Group 2. Seven mothers, including Shamim None of the individual mothers wished to who had seen the video at home. discuss the contents of the video. One After watching the video I asked if anyone admitted she had never watched a video for a would say what they thought of it. Two story or information, only looking at clothes mothers remarked that it was interesting, they and listening to music, and she was unable to saw good things to do with children. One absorb information in this way. I found mother, Sabiha, then became quite indignant mothers far more confident about expressing with the others and asked whether they views in groups of between five and seven realised that this was very important for their than in private. Whether all their points of children. Their children would make progress view were actually expressed in such groups, if they played with them, talked to them, and or only the views of the more dominant especially if they watched, listened and members, to which the others might be giving responded to them. Because of their problems, polite agreement, was unclear. these children needed a different approach from other children. Shamim told Sabiha that Only one of the mothers seeing the video there were other children in the house to play actively looked for new ideas of things to do with her child, implying that she need not do with her son. She was the only one who so. Sabiha told her this was not enough, that expressed a need for information, and who had mothers must themselves work with their had some education in England. I have no children, to overcome their disabilities. She evidence that any other mothers changed their gave examples of how she had become more practices as a result of information conveyed aware of her daughter's attempts to in the video. However, it is possible that some communicate. Unfortunately discussion ended did so later. When training teachers in at this point, through the arrival of another Pakistan, apparently without any result, I speaker. realised eventually that there was a normal interval of several months between my Group 3.Seven mothers, meeting at the suggestion of a practical idea and its school. implementation in their classroom. The third group of mothers watched the video in silence. Afterwards they made only a few The response of Group 1, who felt that non-committal comments, "very good"; "yes, their household duties prevented them from we do these things". This group saw the video giving the best support to their children, was after a tour of the school and meeting some of surprising. I had envisaged that mothers would their children's teachers. They were have more difficulties if they had no relatives preoccupied and more concerned to talk about to help them. These mothers regarded the what they had seen in school than about the relatives as a problem, and believed mothers video. without inlaws could more easily play with and enjoy their children. They were unwilling Aborted attempts.I planned to show the video to risk damaging family relationships by to two other groups, but they both stopped changing their approach to their child. This meeting earlier than expected for the summer supported Sigel's point (1983, p.10), and did not reconvene in the autumn because mentioned above. It is tempting for the social workers responsible were seconded professionals to suggest that these mothers, for training. Some other mothers joined who claim to know the importance of play and Group I, so I arranged to visit again to show interaction, should prioritise their child's

82 433 needs. Yet these women were under considerable family pressure, and the maintenance of good relationships with their inlaws was the higher priority. The mothers agreed that migration had resulted in changes in family roles. Grandparents no longer played with their grandchildren, with the result that now nobody did. In Group 2, one mother showed how she had thought about her child's communicative needs. She argued vigorously with other mothers about the importance of giving time to stimulating and interacting with their children, on the basis that children with special educational needs should be treated in a special way, not because this was an appropriate model for all children. In working with the mothers described in Chapter 8, I had preferred to emphasise the needs of the `special' child to be treated as normally as possible, speaking to her as to other children, using the same language as to other children. However, where mothers do not normally expect to interact with young, normally developing children, it may be necessary to stress that the child's disability requires a special approach. This does not criticise their child-rearing practices in general, but suggests a different approach for a different child.

83 9 4 Chapter 10. DISCUSSION & CONCLUSIONS The preceding chapters explored issues obtain the drugs used to stabilise his epilepsy, relating to the language acquisition of children the other through repeated gastro-intestinal of Pakistani origin attending SLD schools, infection. These two made no observable both theoretical insights from research progress while they were away. literature and those arising from practical research studies. Some conclusions from each 10.1.2 Parents' interaction with their section or phase of the research are children summarised or discussed at the end of each The literature described in Chapter 5 showed chapter. This chapter brings together these that mothers in some cultures do not regard conclusions, drawing out the significant issues, their role as including playing with their with recommendations for changes in practice children. Some may not expect to interact and further research. verbally with their young children. 10.1 Factors Affecting Language My study of nursery/infant children Acquisition of Bilingual Children (Chapter 8) found that half the mothers of 10.1.1 Range of experiences younger children did interact well, according The literature on bilingualism shows different to dominant British cultural values, with their ethnic and social groups having very different children. Other mothers gave three reasons for experiences of bilingualism. Some problems in not interacting verbally: their child would not educating bilingual children result from understand; their child should learn English, applying the results found with one group to but first learning the MT would make this others in a quite different situation. The harder;children should interact with other present study found wide variations in the children rather than with adults. Hameeda's experiences of language and bilingualism mother believed that Hameeda's disability amongst British Pakistani children living in prevented her from understanding anything. one English Midlands city and attending one This mother regarded interaction with children SLD school. Some became bilingual; some did as part of her normal role, as shown when not acquire English at school; others were another baby was born, after this study was unable to express themselves in their MT, completed. She was delighted when she found though they learnt to use some English. that Hameeda could understand and talk, and thereafter provided support to her language Most of the children studied came from development at home. Other mothers were not homes where only the MT was used; some so easily persuaded to change their role. had siblings who used English at home, a few were from homes where some English was One group of mothers, after viewing the used by adults. Most children heard and used prepared video, (Chapter 9) indicated that they only English at school, apart from my knew the value of interactive play with intervention, although there were some children: they claimed that they would prefer exceptions to this (notably the two girls who to spend time on such activities, but pressure played together using their MT). from inlaws prevented it. They argued that the inlaws required that they, the children's Some children came from homes where mothers, should fulfil traditional roles, while there was plenty of interaction between mother themselves neglecting their traditional role as and child. Others experienced little language grandparents, playing with children. stimulation or opportunities to interact at home. Some played with siblings and had In some bilingual households, the family what were regarded as 'normal' experiences of normally used the MT, but when directly childhood within their family; others were addressing the children attending the special treated differently because of their perceived school they always used English. These disability, sometimes to the extent of always children were thus excluded from the normal being addressed in a different language from pattern of family interaction. This occurred in that used for all other family interactions. some families where the mother had little or no English, so that there was effectively no Four of the children studied made visits to verbal interaction between mother and child. Pakistan of between three and six months. The Some of these children developed patterns of two older pupils, Jehanzeb and Zulfikar, language use which appeared disordered (i.e. appeared to benefit from this. Jehanzeb's not following a normal pattern of Punjabi skills improved, and he stopped development), rather than delayed. Some mixing English words with Punjabi. Zulfikar parents appear to have taken this approach as attended a mainstream school in Pakistan. The a result of following professionals' advice. two younger children both became ill while Professionals should be made aware that away, one as a result of not being able to advising families to speak only English with

84 25 their 'special' child may severely disrupt communicate, whether verbal or non-verbal. patterns of parent -child interaction, with Whereas in a bilingual family children are harmful results far outweighing any dubious understood whichever language they use, benefits they might expect. children in school were not understood when they tried to communicate in their MT. Inmy 10.1.3 School experiences opinion, such a situation can be compared, in The literature explored in Chapters 2, 3 and 4 terms of disregard for the child's needs, with pointed to the importance of providing those schools where deaf children used to have children with MT support in school. their hands tied to prevent them from signing; or to the practice of punishing children for The older children who were studied using their left hands. (Chapter 7) had had no support for their MT at school. Some nevertheless became fluent in 10.1.4 Emotional factors in bilingual both languages. Most of the children who language acquisition spoke both languages had higher MLUscores Recent language acquisition research in their MT than in English, even after fiveor recognises the importance of emotional factors more years at school. This suggests that the in early MT acquisition. Bilingual education home was a more effective environment for research recognises that some children language learning to take place than school. It experience emotional trauma on submersion in also suggests that children would have had a culturally unfamiliar second language, with more opportunities for learning and cognitive stresses impeding second language acquisition development had they been able to use their and cognitive development. Where such MT in school. Similarly, the group of children negative emotions are experienced atan early who spoke only in their MT would have been stage of first language acquisition, it is enabled to learn more had they been suggested that there might be negative encouraged to use and extend their abilities consequences for the child's development of through their MT. Experience with the communication skills. younger children, particularly Hameeda, indicates that some children who do not speak My research did not look directly for their MT, because of limited opportunities to signs of emotional distress amongst the interact at home, might nevertheless have bilingual children. Many children on entering learned to do so if encouraged to interact the Special School nursery class were clearly using MT at school. This would facilitate very distressed for several days, weeks or learning English once communication skills longer. Most of my children had already were established. passed this phase when I started making observations. However, when a child's initial Some of the bilingual children, in junior distress diminishes, she finds she is ina classes, had the most advanced English skills situation where people behave in unfamiliar of any child in their class, and the absence of ways; she is required to behave differently peer models may have prevented further from the way she acts at home. Shemay progress in English. Teachers' expectations become happy at school, or she may remain were sometimes too low and approaches to distressed. If the latter, she may not wish to teaching language were not always communicate; but lack of communicationmay appropriate, especially the emphasis on be counted as evidence of inability, rather than labelling skills. her choice. In a school system moving towards measurable results, it is easier to find the child Although the children I studied could not `guilty' of severely delayed development, than talk on starting school, they were not learning to accept that the child may in fact be coping two languages concurrently in the same way heroically with an alien and discouraging as children in bilingual families. Before environment. (It was not without reason that starting school they had already had my study refers to 'children attending SLD experience of their first language and culture. schools', rather than `SLD children'). They had learnt to recognise the sounds and rhythms of speech, and facial expressions and The children's delay in their development body movements. As seen in Section 3.4.1, of social skills meant that they were not able Genesee (1989) refers to research suggesting to provide one another with the peer support that babies by six weeks old can distinguish which is often used as a support strategy ina between the sound systems of different submersion situation in mainstream schools languages. When the children I studied first (Thompson, 1994). came to school, they would have been surrounded by unfamiliar sounds and Emotional factors may also be involved expressions, which they would not be able to where children do not speak their MT. One recognise. Their monolingual teacherswere girl lived in an extended family household unable to recognise their attempts to where at least one other child claimed to be

85 unable to speak her MT. although several stronger language to support cognitive and other women in the house, including her second language learning. Few children have mother, spoke no English. difficulty in separating their languages, and if they do, exposure to a 'pure' form of either 10.2Effects of Bilingualism on Cognitive language can be expected to result in the child Abilities `separating' both languages. The study of literature in Chapters 4 and 5 found no evidence that children's cognitive Only one of the older children I studied abilities are in any way diminished by learning used mixed forms of expression. Jehanzeb .to speak two languages. If children's MT is used only English words with other teachers, enabled to develop, at the same time as the but after realising I was bilingual he used second language is being learnt, there is mixed utterances with me. This stopped after convincing evidence that their cognitive skills he visited Pakistan. Thereafter he used benefit. Controversy focuses on whether unmixed utterances, keeping to one language. children should be taught through their second Other children who included English words language or through their MT. There is a when speaking their MT, were following the substantial consensus that there is a threshold patterns normally used in their home level which a child needs to achieve in both community. There was no evidence that the languages before being able to learn and children receiving bilingual support would develop new cognitive skills through a second have any more difficulty in separating their language. Until the threshold level in the MT languages. Even if MT teaching were has been reached, the emphasis should be on introduced throughout the school, children developing MT skills, and using MT as the would still have considerable exposure to medium for learning cognitive skills. This `pure' forms of English. view is held not only by proponents of bilingual education, but in books on teaching Some of the children at first found it English as Second Language such as Tough strange that I spoke to them in their MT in (1985). Evidence for this has largely been school. However, Urdu and Punjabi speakers ignored in SLD schools in England, where soon accepted this and were happy to use both most of their pupils enter schools with levels languages when talking to me. The Pushto of achievement in their MT well below any speakers did not. This underlined the threshold which has been proposed. importance of starting using children's MTs with them from when they first start at school, While it would be naive to assume that even though they are not themselves talking at children cannot make progress through second this time. language education, it is clear that, for some children, having to learn a second language I could provide only a little MT support before having access to other aspects of to the nursery children, at most one lesson education, because they are taught in English, weekly, but this was enough to provide certain forms a substantial hurdle. If special educators insights into its benefits. Support was directed claim to meet individual children's needs there to developing children's social communication can be no justification for placing unnecessary skills. Children were provided with the additional barriers to their learning. Political opportunity to use expressions which they had positions favouring minority group heard, internalised and understood. Some assimilation are clearly inappropriate in a children started to name objects using the context where they add to the problems of more familiar MT words during the MT children with learning difficulties. support sessions, developing basic concepts. Hameeda's parents had reported that she could Among the older children whom I not speak at all, but she started to talk during studied, those with the most advanced MT play sessions and quickly showed that she language skills, in either language, were able knew many words and expressions. She had to speak both languages. However, it was not needed encouragement to start talking. She possible to deduce a cause and effect had not talked at home before this and could relationship between their bilingualism and easily have continued to be silent at school, if other skills. Several of the older children had, specific efforts had not been made to enable and enjoyed using, translation skills. her to express herself.

10.3Effects of Supporting MT Use in Children who had my regular sessions of School MT support were ready to communicate with Earlier models of bilingual language other MT speakers in school, students and acquisition favoured separating the context in volunteers, without the extended 'warming up' which each language was used, and were phase that sometimes was needed with other concerned about language 'mixing'. It is now children, who had not previously been seen as beneficial for a child to use her encouraged to use their MTs in school.

86 97 The only child in the nursery/infants Parents have difficulties in classes with which I worked who acquired the communicating with professionals, even when ability to speak his MT, but not English, was a interpreters are provided or parents understand Gujerati speaker.I could provide no MT English (Chapter 5). However, experience with support at school. He learnt to talk at home, the detailed profile (Dewart & Summers, but his skills could not be utilised in school. 1989) shows mothers giving thoughtful He remained silent and did not learn to speak answers, where questions are specifically English. directed to examples of how a child communicates or responds. Where questions Results with Hameeda and Ashok suggest are more general, in my experience parents that if children are not helped to communicate may say that their child cannot talk if his verbally until they have learnt enough English speech is not clear enough to be understood by to do so at school, they may not do so at all. strangers, although he communicates in ways By the time such children acquire enough that his family understands. English to use it to communicate, they and their teachers are accustomed to them being Bilingual assessment alone does not take passive at school, they have fallen into into account cultural, sub-cultural or individual undemanding routines. The child's poor differences in child development patterns language skills are attributed by teachers to the resulting from child rearing practices. Where child's disability, rather than to the teachers' professionals recognise that a child's poor linguistic understanding, or to the school development is not following the pattern usual being a linguistically disabling environment. in the majority culture, the most effective Ashok's mother provided him with a lot of response may not be to attempt to remediate encouragement to talk at home, so that, this by rapid admission to a special school,or although he did not speak at school, he even into an integrated nursery setting. The became quite fluent in his MT. Hameeda, child may make better progress if allowed to however, had not been encouraged to speak at continue to develop within the home culture. home until my intervention, so might never Some children's potential for development is have learnt to do so. likely to be underestimated. Even after several months in an assessment placement a child MT support, from the time of a child's from an ethnic minority home may still be admission in school, should prevent some going through a 'silent' period or be suffering children from giving up their attempts to emotional effects from submersion in a strange communicate. Theoretical considerations environment. Unfortunately, inflexibility in the indicate that a monolingual model of MT education system means that a child is likely education in the early years, followed by a to remain in the SLD school even if she later bilingual approach, may be the most effective progresses to the extent that another type of means of teaching children to speak both educational provision would be more languages. However, political considerations, appropriate. In this situation the child does not and possibly parental wishes, make it unlikely have appropriate peer models, and may suffer that this could be considered. However, even from inappropriate teacher expectations. the limited amount of support for MTs which I was able to provide could be seen to bring 10.5 Teachers' Attitudes to Bilingualism benefits. and Minority Children Some schools have adapted to provide a 10.4 Assessment Issues cultural framework in harmony with that of The need for bilingual and culturally children's homes (Chapters 3 & 4); yet many appropriate assessment has been stressed for teachers have attitudes towards bilingualism several years, but is still hardly normal which lead to an unfavourable view of the practice (Desforges, 1995). consequences of bilingual education. Teachers' attitudes are crucial in determining whether Most of the children I studied were children may be enabled to use their MT in reported to be unable to speak in any language school. While I did not set out formally to at the time of school entry. However, some of study teachers' views, many clearly had a the children started attending the nursery at the negative view of children's bilingualism, and age of two years, an age at which lack of thought that MTs should be 'replaced' by spoken language alone is not sufficient English as quickly as possible. Further study developmental delay to indicate severe of teachers' views could try to separate their learning difficulties. It was not clear to what attitudes towards language and culture from extent parents were enabled to be involved in their attitudes to disability. I felt that the the assessment procedure, or whether school attitudes of some teachers were based less on placement was as a response to their traditional 'racism', than on their view of the perception of their child's needs, rather than children as 'disabled', having 'Severe Learning the recommendation of professionals. Difficulties'. Such children could not also

87' 28 have another 'identity' as a member of an however, opportunities for mothers to meet ethnic group, but should be helped to acquire together and discuss such issues may help the majority community norms of behaviour. them formulate their own solutions. Mothers, Personal Construct Psychology (Kelly, 1955), in groups, welcomed the opportunity to might be effective in further exploring discuss the changes in their life as a result of attitudes to 'bilingualism', 'ethnic minorities', migration, and how this affected their ideas 'Pakistan', 'disability', 'learning difficulties'. and practices regarding child-rearing. Teachers need greater knowledge about There were clear limitations in the video's language and its acquisition (Cox, 1991) and effectiveness as a means of communicating about bilingualism (Martin, 1995). They need new ideas to mothers without education. One to learn the extent to which their assumptions mother watched videos regularly, but only to about what children need to learn, and about `look at the fashion' and listen to the music. family values, are culturally biased rather than She did not follow a story line. Watching my universal.Most of all they must be video, she responded to visual images, e.g. a encouraged to develop sensitivity to the home shopping catalogue, but not to the individual needs of children and their families. intended message. Lack of such awareness in the school prevented me from establishing a general 10.7 Suggested Approaches to Facilitate practice of using the language skills of Bilingual Support in Schools bilingual assistants, students and volunteers. At present the low number of teachers Yet those teachers who did facilitate their belonging to ethnic minorities makes it helpers to use MTs with the children found it difficult for special schools to employ a a valuable experience, for themselves as well substantial number of teachers from the same as the children. ethnic and linguistic communities as their pupils. Resources need to be available to The increasing pressures and demands on provide specialist training to members of teachers hardly encourage them to browse ethnic minorities who wish to make a career in among research literature. Attractive forms of special education. communication should be utilised, showing the trend of research findings, with practical Nevertheless, where teachers are not classroom points to note, yet without over- available, other possibilities are open. While simplifying or 'talking down' to teachers. schools may still be provided with staff additional to their own budget, from Section 10.6 Providing Information to Parents 11 resources, it is increasingly important for Most of the mothers who were already schools to look at ways of employing more providing their child with a communicative, bilingual ancillary staff. If headteachers and interactive environment were interested to governing bodies are motivated to do so they receive more information. Hameeda's mother, can explore ways to ensure that members of who did not interact with her child because the community they wish to target are aware she thought she was too disabled to of opportunities for employment e.g. by understand, changed her behaviour advertising in media which are accessed by dramatically on learning that Hameeda could members of ethnic minority groups. talk. The other mothers did not make significant changes of interaction practice with Once the school has some bilingual their children. Some were worried about the members of staff these may spend part of the effects of their child speaking a language other time supporting and encouraging parents, than English, others did not think it volunteers and students to use their bilingual appropriate for mothers to talk to their skills within the school. Teachers need to children until they could respond. demonstrate that they recognise the value of bilingual skills, and are ready to learn. Video proved a useful tool for showing parents the skills their own children achieved The monolingual teacher, who is ready to in school, and showing teachers the skills learn from bilingual colleagues and from achieved at home. It produced a dramatic parents, can learn some basic phrases to change in one family's behaviour.It was also enable her to respond appropriately to children useful for promoting group discussion of if they use their MT. I was able to do this child-rearing practices. Two groups of viewers with some children from Bengali speaking had vigorous discussions afterwards, although families, after instruction from parents. it was not clear that the specific language- related messages had been understood. Children will benefit from MT support at all ages. However, it is particularly vital in the It is doubtful whether external agencies early stages, where a child's acquisition of can, or should, change family structures; basic communication skills will be facilitated.

88 cja I found houseplay to be a particularly effective 10.8.1 Home and pre-school focus: activity for encouraging use of MT for young All professionals involved in working children. Talking to the child, in her MT, with children from ethnic minorities describing what she was doing, or what she should be aware of issues relating to was looking at, without demanding a response, bilingualism and cultural differences. often resulted in the child joining in by Sensitivity is required when advising making some comments. Older children may parents to use approaches in interacting not respond at first to a teacher who tries to with their children which differ from their use some words of their language, if they have `natural' approach. Professionals should not previously heard their MT used at school. be aware of family dynamics, where However, they would benefit from MT support mother may be under pressure from other to facilitate cognitive development when new family members which does not permit skills are introduced. her to follow their advice. While it may be easy for a school to Parents may need reassurance that it is support some minority languages, there may desirable to speak to their child in their be others where it is difficult, because the MT. Both the literature and my research minority community is very small, pressures found that parents, including mothers with on community members, such as refugee little or no English, are still sometimes groups, or because of cultural restrictions of told that they should speak English to the movement of women. This should not their child at home, so that the child prevent support from being made available would only have to learn one language. where it can be done. An ethos of acceptance Information should be made available to of minority languages can be communicated to all professionals involved with young the child and his family, making it more likely children, and addressed directly to that the family will themselves provide parents, countering this myth. support. A policy of inclusive education would enable children to be educated within their 10.8.2 Classroom focus: teachers, classroom home locality, where there may be other assistants, volunteers. pupils belonging to the same linguistic Teachers and other classroom workers community. However, as seen in Section 2.3.4, should acquire more knowledge about teachers will need to plan carefully to ensure language, about bilingualism and about that the child with special educational needs the extent of cultural variety to be found has opportunities to interact with other in the families of the children they teach. children. They should realise that many of their ideas about children and their needs are As stated in the introduction, I first not scientific facts, but their own cultural became concerned to learn more about constructs. Books and journal articles are bilingualism as I was unsure about whether I available on these topics: they should be was providing the most suitable environment made available through school libraries for Nerjish, a Persian speaking child in our and teachers encouraged to read and multilingual school in Pakistan. After making attend relevant courses. this study, I would not modify my bilingual approach; I would instead, in such a situation, Teachers need to work together and share increase my work with her family, especially information with parents. Simply asking encouraging her siblings to provide appropriate parents whether their child can talk may opportunities for interaction. not produce accurate information about their child's abilities. The Pragmatics 10.8 Recommended Goals and Action Profile of Early Communication Skills To meet the educational needs and legal (Dewart & Summers, 1989), ininformal entitlements of the children studied here translation, proved an effective ways of clearly requires a steady enhancement of obtaining this information. Ongoing knowledge and awareness of bilingualism and records should be kept of children's the range of cultural variables affecting it, progress in MT skills. among teachers, educational managers, psychologists, other professionals, parents and Schools can help parents to develop or minority community leaders. Some maintain a positive attitude to their enhancement could be achieved with already languages by making bilingual members existing resources, but this will not happen of staff available to see parents when they until attention at various levels is focused on visit, or contact the school by telephone. the problem and potentials. Written notices in minority languages, welcoming parents and giving directions also convey a positive message, as well as displays of children's work. Such practices have been usual in mainstream would include different patterns of schools for many years, but are not language acquisition found in different always found in special schools. communities. Teachers need to be aware of their Within schools the effects of more attitudes to disability and to ethnicity, frequent MT support, and the recognising that children have an identity effectiveness of different ways of other than 'a child with special providing this support, need to be educational needs'. investigated, as do the cognitive effects of MT support to older children or those 10.8.3 Assessment and school management with more advanced development. The focus: headteachers, governors, educational effects of including bilingual children psychologists. with more severe delays in development Other professionals and managers should in mainstream education need to be have similar opportunities to those reported, so that comparison may be made recommended for teachers to increase with children attending 'special' their knowledge and awareness of cultural provision. variation and bilingualism. More research needs to be done on Efforts should be made to prioritise the finding effective methods of providing appointment of bilingual and culturally information for mothers, and of enabling sensitive staff, and utilise the skills of families to communicate confidently with parents, volunteers and students. the school. Approaches to adapting school practices, so that they provide more School policies should be refocussed to effective ways of building on children's support MT development. This should be experiences at home need to be included in school development plans. developed, both in mainstream and special schools. Parents' views and priorities Considerable effort should be made to about education for their children with ensure that parents are fully informed of special educational needs also deserve issues regarding children's assessment and study. school placement, and that parents are enabled to play a full part in this. Research is also needed on teachers' attitudes, their self-awareness, and 10.8.4 Policy, research, advisory and exploring methods for changing these. professional training focus: educational The methods of Personal Construct researchers, trainers, professional Psychology may provide a tool for doing organisations, LEA advisers, community this, and to explore ways of enabling leaders. mothers to provide more effective support for their children within the resources and Policies should be refocussed to support constraints of their own beliefs. MT development. 10.8.5 Media and campaign focus: Systematic programmes of training for community groups, politicians, journalists, teachers and for classroom assistants are campaigning groups. needed. Bilingual workers would benefit from training to enable them to use their Leaders of ethnic minority communities skills effectively. Monolingual teachers should become more aware that some and bilingual ancillaries could be trained children belonging to their communities to work more effectively as teams. have special educational needs. They may Interpreters working with parents, whether increase understanding of these children's in educational, health or social service needs by informative articles in the contexts, need training in background minority language media. These leaders issues related to families having a child should realise that children's needs may with special educational needs. not be fully met in present circumstances. They may choose to take political action Initial teacher training needs more focus or to increase awareness of issues through on child language development, on the the media or campaigns. needs of bilingual children and those with special educational needs. Research is needed on a broad range of issues related to bilingualism and children learning to live in two cultures. This

90i o APPENDIX 1. LANGUAGES SPOKEN BY THE FAMILIES

The languages spoken by families involved in 10% of the population as their mother tongue this study include Urdu, Pushto, Punjabi, (Federal Bureau of Statistics, 1990). In Mirpuri and Bengali. Pakistan Urdu is the main language of primary and secondary education, along with English; 1. Bengaliis a member of the Eastern branch in the province of Sind, Sindhi is also usedas of the Indic group of the Indo-European a medium of education. Other regional language family, widely spoken in Bangladesh, languages are not officially usedas the where it is the official language, now known medium of education; some teachers douse as Bang la, and in the West Bengal province of them informally for explaining work, when India, which includes Calcutta. Standard pupils do not understand their Urdu textbook. Bengali is the medium of education both in Urdu is also spoken in India by Muslims in Bangladesh and West Bengal, and hasa , in Uttar Pradesh and Bihar, and substantial literature, with its own script Hyderabad. In everyday speech it would be derived from Sanskrit. Many of the families barely distinguishable from Hindiwere it not originating from Bangladesh speak `Sylhetti', for expressions derived from religionwhich dialects of Bengali spoken in the Sylhet region include greetings, and interjections which of Bangladesh. Many features of Sylhetti sprinkle conversation. Literary forms of Hindi differ from standard Bengali, but it hasno use words and constructions taken from written form or literature, and is not Sanskrit, while literary Urdu borrows from recognised in Bangladesh as a separate Persian and Arabic. Speakers define language. Many Bengali speakers also know themselves as speakers of Urdu or Hindi some Urdu. according to religion, Muslims identifying themselves as Urdu speakers and Hindusas 2. Pushtois a member of the Iranian branch Hindi speakers. The written scripts of Urdu of the Indo-European family. Spoken in the and Hindi are different, Urdu script beingan North-West Frontier Province (NWFP) of adaptation of Persian and Arabic, while Hindi Pakistan, it is also an official language of script is related to Sanskrit. . Pushto speakers are found in every city of Pakistan as there is a tradition of The term `Khairiboli' is sometimes used migrant labour and trade from NWFP. Pushto as a neutral term to include both spoken forms has little official status and is not an official (Khubchandani, 1983). This is the name for medium of . It hasan the dialect spoken in an area close to Delhi. It extensive literature, written in a modified is now preferred to the term 'Hindustani', used , produced on both sides of the during the time of British rule in India. border with Afghanistan. There aremany dialects of Pushto, but they are all mutually Masica (1991, p.29) refers to attempts by comprehensible. One family included in this partisans to establish the priority of their form study speak the 'standard' Yusufzai dialect; of language. Advocates of Urdu maintain that others speak Khattak and Peshawar dialects, Hindi was artificially developed from Urdu by which are all familiar to the writer. Hindu scholars removing elements of other languages and replacing them with forms 3.Urdu - Hindi, Punjabi and other languages derived from Sanskrit. Hindi partisans regard of the region. Urdu as a form of Hindi corrupted by Standard forms of these languages are elements from Persian and Arabic; (other mutually intelligible. Khubchandani (1983) writers have included Turkish). Masica states describes the area where Urdu, Hindi and that Urdu writers until about 1800 referredto Punjabi are spoken as a "fluid zone"people their language as Hindi, further confusing the identify themselves as speakers of oneor other issue. He also refers (p.461) to themore recent language by non-linguistic criteria. Various suggestions that modern standard Urdu/Hindi non-literary languages and dialects are spoken, is based on a Punjabi dialect rather thanan some restricted to use by particular castes, earlier language distinct from Punjabi. speakers switching the form of language according to context. In India, Urdu is largely Within Pakistan, Urdu is the official identified with Muslims, Hindi with Hindus language. Though not indigenous to the and Punjabi with Sikhs. geographical area of Pakistan, it was the language of refugees from India at Partition in 3.1Urdu. Grierson (1919-27) placed Urduas 1947. Kazi (1987) describes changing a member of the Central group of the Indo- attitudes to language and ethnicity in Pakistan, European language family. It is the official as demonstrated by changes in the policy of language of Pakistan, but spoken by less than language of education and in the contents of

App.1p. 1 0 the curriculum taught in part of the province and , Hindko and schools and as laid down by the other terms are used to refer to the government. He argues that at various times languages/dialects of the north and west. during the the government Crystal (1987) regards Punjabi as belonging to has tended to devalue the indigenous the Western Indic branch of the Indo-European languages: only Sindhi is widely read amongst family, although some Indian writers, its speakers or used as a following Grierson, place it with Urdu and in schools. Hindi, thus separating it from the Lahnda / Hindko group. 3.2Punjabi.The Punjab region was partitioned between India and Pakistan, so that 3.3Lahnda / Hindko / Mirpuri.Lahnda is a both nations now have a Punjab Province. term used by some orientalists and linguists to Linguistic identity there continues to be refer to the languages spoken in Northern associated with religious or political affiliation. Punjab, parts of south west and western Sikhs describe themselves as Punjabi speakers, Kashmir (Pakistani held areas), and parts of while Muslimsusing the same spoken form of NWFP (Peshawar and Kohat valleys, and languageoften describe themselves as Urdu areas east of the Indus valley bordering on speakers, and Hindus as Hindi speakers. Kashmir). The language used in the Mirpur Hindi and Punjabi scripts are distinct though area of Azad Kashmir is considered to be an both derived from Sanskrit. When literate, Eastern form of Lahnda, as is the language people use the form appropriate to their spoken in parts of northern Punjab bordering religious community. Most forms of Punjabi Kashmir and the . This includes the are mutually comprehensible with Urdu-Hindi areas from which most Pakistani 'Punjabi' or (Romaine, 1989). `Mirpuri' speakers in Birmingham originate.

Romaine records that following Both Masica and Shackle question the Independence, Hindu leaders in India wished usefulness of the term Lahnda, finding the to regard Urdu and Punjabi as 'dialects' of languages/dialects referred to are too diverse Hindi, while Shackle (1979, p.198) points out to be put together as one group. Masica that in Pakistan, Punjabi was officially particularly expresses the need for more study regarded for some time as a dialect of Urdu- in the Chabhali and Punchi areathe area and that this is still a commonly held view. which includes Mirpur. Grierson also referred Punjabi has many lexical and grammatical to this area when he wrote that dialects of features in common with Urdu-Hindi, the Lahnda, particularly in mountain areas, change greatest difference being the tonality which rapidly, within a few miles. occurs in Punjabi, where an 'h' occurs in Urdu-Hindi (Shackle, 1979). The term Lahnda is, however, used in the Pakistan census (1961), and by Crystal (1987). Within the Indian Punjab, various dialects Some Punjabi advocates wish to regard these are spoken. Towards the East these blend languages as dialects of Punjabi, but there is gradually with Hindi (Zograph, 1982), but the increasing advocacy for recognition as dialect spoken in Amritsar and westward separate languages for some, such as Hindko (much of this area now being in Pakistan) has and Potohari. Shackle (1979, 1980) and become the standard written form, which in Masica (1991) point out that no speakers of India has the status of an official language and languages of the Lahnda group use the term is used in education. Shackle indicates that, in `Lahnda'. In Pakistan the term more familiar India, Punjabi advocates may discourage study is Hindko, particularly in the areas where of the varieties of Punjabi, preferring to speakers live alongside Pushto speakers. Here, emphasise Punjabi unity and to stress the as Shackle (1980) notes, the term 'Hindko' features which distinguish it from Hindi. means 'the Indian language', as opposed to Supporters of Punjabi are thus unlikely to Pushto. Grierson's explanation of the term as research dialect differences nor are those referring to use by Hindus is unacceptable, as who hold the language in little esteem. it is used by many long established Muslim communities. Hindko is the term now used In Pakistan there is no standard form of throughout NWFP and also in parts of Punjab, Punjabi. A written form, usually using including (formerly Campbellpur). In modified Arabic script, is accepted only bya other parts of Punjab and Azad Kashmir, small intellectual minority. Most Punjabi speakers refer to themselves as speaking speakers are unaware that it is possible to `Punjabi' or terms referring to the name of the write their language. Punjabi is spoken in the place such as Potohari, Mirpuri or Punchi. central and eastern part of Pakistan's Punjab Province.Seraiki is spoken in the southern The comments of Mich (1981, p.27) are

App.1 p1203 particularly relevant to language in the areas under consideration: "From the Balkans to Indochina's western frontiers it is still rare to find a village in which one cannot get along in more than two or three tongues. While it is assumed that each person has his patrius sermo [native language], it is equally taken for granted that most people speak several `vulgar' tongues, each in a vernacular, untaught way." 4. What is the practical significance of this? Some standardised tests are being developed for use with children from `Punjabi-speaking homes'. These are based on Indian standard Punjabi, and thus may be inappropriate for assessing Pakistani children, especially those speaking the `Lahnda' group of languages, even if such families describe themselves as speaking Punjabi. Moreover, some of these families say they speak Urdu. In my observation, people who claim to be speaking Urdu speak a form closer to the standard forms of Urdu or Punjabi than some others, with fewer dialect words peculiar to their village or valley; but the language of text- books is found only in a small number of homes, mostly, but not always, of professional families.

App.1104 APPENDIX 2. SOME HISTORICAL GLIMPSES OF BILINGUAL EDUCATION

Elite bilingual education impose linguistic uniformity to achieve Bilingual education's long history is illustrated linguistic equality, and this has been the by Lewis (1965, 1977). He writes of the Greek policy of French governments ever since." empire, when Greek became the language of (Harding & Riley, 1986, p.28) trade from southern India to the Western Mediterranean. An elite was provided with a A government report on education in Greek education, as when "Alexander Wales, The Blue Books of 1847, described the arranged that 30,000 youths in Bactria should Welsh language as go to school to learn Greek." (Lewis, 1977, "a vast drawback to Wales, and a manifold p.47) Yet literacy (and thus, presumably, barrier to the moral progress and education) in local languages also continued commercial prosperity of the people. It is throughout the periods of Greek and early not possible to over-estimate its evil Roman domination. In Rome the patrician effects." (Part II, p.66, cited in Baker, classes generally preferred a bilingual Greek- 1985, p.42) Latin education for their sons. Lewis notes The Blue Books report resulted in the (1965, p.68) that forbidding of the use of the Welsh language in "Cicero could address the Syracusean schools. This was followed, however, by a senate in Greek because the Romans period of impassioned debate. By 1922, Smith adopted bilingualism as an essential could assert (p.271), a little optimistically, that feature of the education of their sons. "no educationist now questions the From the time of Horace onwards an supreme place of the vernacular to the first educated Roman was proficient in two place in the curriculum, long and bitter languages." though the controversy has been." However, Smith's own work, using verbal Greek nurses and slaves were employed to tests administered in English, demonstrated, to introduce Greek from an early age and his own satisfaction and that of a generation of bilingual textbooks were produced. However, researchers, that bilingual children were controversies developed - the Greek-speaking disadvantaged. Romans were mocked for errors in their Latin. There was debate about the age at which the The early 20th century saw the two languages were best introduced to formal comparison of the 'intelligence' of different education, and the difficulties for children. racial groups as a respectable academic Lewis (1965, p.69) quotes Paulinus of Pellus pursuit, with IQ measurements replacing the (Euchar 81) complaining that earlier attempts to estimate the 'mental "To have to learn two languages is all capacity' of different races by the dimensions very well for the clever ones []. But for an of the skull (Romaine, 1989, p.236). In fact, average chap like me the need to keep up the measuring of skull size to seek correlations two languages is very trying and with 'intelligence' continued throughout the exhausting." century. Lynn (1992) reviews studies from 1984 to 1990. As the Roman empire expanded, a policy of educating the children of the local nobility The once-fashionable Eugenics movement resulted in Latin becoming the medium of placed in question even the survival of groups education. Following the collapse of Roman deemed 'genetically inferior': In this climate power, formal education was largely in the of thought, studies which seemed to show that hands of the Church, so in Western Europe low performance in IQ tests by members of Latin continued to be emphasised in schooling. minority ethnic groups was the result of inferior language and culture, or bilingualism, Education for linguistic minorities had at least the merit of making the apparent Minority languages were often viewed deficit appear remediable, rather than it being unfavourably and as a threat to the purity of an incurable genetic endowment. the majority language. Minority language Romaine (1989, pp.100-101) refers to the speakers were sometimes gravely use of IQ tests on immigrants to the United disadvantaged. After the French Revolution it States in the early part of this century, when was argued that Goddard recommended the use of tests at ports "linguistical diversity had been maintained of entry, resulting in the exclusion of those intentionally by the Old Regime in order who 'failed' the tests. Hakuta (1986, p.21) to keep the privileged classes, who spoke suggests that it was Brigham's use of the Paris dialect, in power. [The post- intelligence tests on various immigrant groups, revolutionary government] decided to in the decade following the First World War

App.2 p.1.1 5 that resulted in the debate about bilingualism untimed. being a language 'handicap'. Brigham himself did not believe people were disadvantaged by At no point did Lewis make any reference being tested in an unfamiliar language. His to the medium of instruction or cultural basis opponents believed they were (Romaine, 1989 of the schools. His category of maximum p.101), and drew the conclusion that minority "Welshness", group 1, was defined as languages were 'handicapping'. "children whose first language is Welsh and whose knowledge of English is slight;" Following this period, studies were made His second groups were those "children whose of the effects of bilingualism on children's first language is Welsh but who can express cognitive abilities, 'mental instability' and themselves with a fair degree of facility in vocabulary. Some researchers were supporters English." From his definition it would seem of MT education, while others thought that reasonable to consider group 1 as monolingual education should be in the language of the Welsh-speakers, instead of regarding them as majority community or elite. the most 'bilingual'.

Language research in Wales from the Similar methodological weaknesses were 1920s to 1950s was directed largely to present in other studies, before 1960, of comparing the results on a variety of IQ tests, minority language speakers from several other of groups of children, selected on the basis of countries. Romaine (1989, pp.101-103) language. At this time Welsh was still reviews work from the USA in the same regarded in most communities as a low-status period which showed similar results. The language. From Smith (1922), and Saer (1923) arguments put forward seemed to be in favour to Lewis (1959), most studies seemed to show of providing a monolingual education in the bilingual children at a disadvantage. This dominant language, as it was the minority period of work is open to many criticisms languages rather than bilingualism that were tests were administered in English, the weaker seen as disadvantageous. language of the bilingual pupils, and poor results were thought to 'prove' their inferior In 1962, Peal & Lambert published the abilities. Children's 'weakness' was results of their studies showing cognitive particularly evident in 'verbal' tests conducted advantages to be related to bilingualism, in English. heralding a new era for studies of bilingualism. Nevertheless, Braun & Klassen Lewis (1959) was ready to criticise earlier in 1972 still felt they were able to tests for looking only at results of verbal tests `demonstrate' that the language of administered in English. Using other tests monolingual children was 'superior' to that of which measured non-verbal skills, he found bilingual children, on the basis of testing the less significant differences, or no difference, bilinguals only in their second language. between bilingual English and Welsh-speaking children and monoglot English-speaking While indigenous and immigrant children.Lewis's own study (1959) took ten- minorities were considered at a disadvantage year-old children from 10 schools, placing through their 'bilingualism', in some colonised them in 4 groups in "order of decreasing countries a more enlightened view seems to `Welshness". On testing with a non-verbal have been held. Malherbe in South Africa IQ test, the results appeared to show the published in 1946 his report on a survey English-monolingual children at a clear showing that children attending bilingual advantage. As a possible explanation for schools in which they were initially taught in poorer results of Welsh-speaking children, their first language and later in both, made including those who were in fact virtually better progress in the second language than Welsh monolinguals, Lewis (p.21) suggested those attending monolingual schoolswhile that their first language was unimpaired (Malherbe, "it may well be that the bilingual child, 1946, 1960). This referred to English/Dutch having to make a choice between two bilingualism, rather than that of African languages (and possibly trying to use both languages. on occasions) tends to be slightly slower at thinking than the monoglot, and is thus In India as early as 1926, West produced a penalised on all timed tests." critique of the work of Saer and Smith, demonstrating that they had shown little other This followed Morrison's study of 1958 in than that children benefit from MT education which bilingual children's performance was (pp.85-89). In calling for a MT education significantly poorer than monolinguals on system in Bengal he quoted sources from timed tests, but not when using a test that was South Africa, America and India, arguing for

App.2 p.2 1_ 0a the benefits of MT education (pp.75-76). This Appel & Muysken (1987, p.104) refer to followed more than a century of debate about Macnamara's "Balance hypothesis", proposed the language medium of education in Bengal, in 1966. They report its claim that as described by Sinha (1964). The issues were "human beings have a certain potential, or clearly alive in some unexpected times and perhaps neural or physiological capacity places, including colonial settings not often for language learning. If an individual regarded as enlightened. The first report of a learns more than one language, knowing `School for All Nations' at Malacca in 1834, one language restricts the possibilities for run by a Christian mission, asserted that learning other languages. More proficiency "Our fundamental principle, that of in one language implies fewer skills in teaching English through the medium of other ones." the native languages, has been kept steadily in view, and has become a During the earlier studies, the focus of practical rule of easy and constant language study was on vocabulary, so there application, attended with the happiest was concern about the number of words a results. It not only makes the attainment of bilingual child had the capacity to learn. Lewis our difficult language much easier to a (1959, p.17) mentions in a footnote that native boy, but leads him to a more "E.M. Barke and D.E. Parry-Williams, thorough knowledge, and correct use, of for example, reported that the bilingual his own language, and affords him a good children did not have so great a exercise of mental discipline."(First vocabulary in either language as that Report, 1835) of the monoglot children." This seems to have been regarded as an More than a century later, UNESCO still explanation why bilingual children appeared to found it necessary to issue the advice that perform less well on verbal tests translated education should to be provided in the MT of into their mother tongue than monolingual all children and "extended to as late a stage in children did on the untranslated version. education as possible." (UNESCO 1953, p.48) Abudarham (1987, p.19) refers to Other writers found bilingual children researchers from Wales in the early part of prone to 'Mental instability'. This was thought this century, who concluded that "the to result from internal stress arising within one vocabulary levels of monoglots were superior person having two incompatible systems of to those of DL [dual language] peers." thought. Some interpretations of the Sapir- However, more recent evidence (ibid., p.96; Whorf hypothesis expressed the view that Romaine, 1989, p.182) points to bilingual different languages resulted in different ways children acquiring as many verbal concepts as of classifying experience and perceiving monolingualsbut some of these may be reality. Cummins (1984) refers to Jensen's expressed in only one of their languages. (1962) description of the bilingual child as Macnamara's hypothesis and related views are lacking self-confidence and a sense of no longer accepted in academic circles, but security. Jensen believed this could lead to they are sometimes confused with the concept `extreme introversion' or to antisocial of `semilingualism' (see Section 3.5.2). aggressiveness, and sometimes to schizophrenia.

That the research studies of the early period showed many bilingual children having emotional difficulties did not surprise Cummins (1984, p.101). "Children were made to feel that it was necessary to reject the home culture in order to belong to the majority group and often ended up unable to identify fully with either cultural group." However, although the situation in Wales has now changed, many children of minority communities still attend schools where the culture of their home is not understood or valued, with negative emotional effect (Trueba, 1989, 1991).

A further issue of concern has been capacity for learning language.

App.2 p.3107 APPENDIX 3. POLITICS & BILINGUAL EDUCATION

Planning for bilingual or minority language majority. While this may be true of some children has been a political issue throughout communities, it does not appear to be a its it history. At the Imperial Education general rule for all minority groups, including Conference, 1923, Dr. W.J.Viljeon made it "a the Pakistani community in UK (see Appendix cardinal principle that the problem should be 5). regarded as educational and that politics should be excluded from it." (West, 1926, To what level can minority language education p.13)Nevertheless, policies regarding be provided? bilingual children have continued to be made Some countries provide educational on ideological grounds with little attention to opportunities through to higher education in all the results of educational research- unless their official languages, e.g. Belgium, those results supported, and perhaps had been Switzerland, Canada, and to a lesser extent, influenced by, the prevailing ideology. India. Yet provision of higher education in minority languages requires considerable Policy-making is usually affected by financial and human resources, as well as public attitudes, especially within democratic appropriate materials. The former can be countries with a tradition of public debate. In allocated quite quickly, if there is sufficient the USA, a period of encouragement for political will, but the latter cannot be pulled bilingual education has been followed by the out of a hat. growth of the 'English-only' movement (Hornberger, 1990; Lyons, 1990). Although a Macauley's much-quoted Education survey reported by Huddy & Sears (1990) Minute of 1835 (cited in Bary et al, 1958, pp. found a majority of the population to be in 596-601) committing government education in favour of a bilingual education policy, British India to the medium of English against respondents who were well informed about the strong opposition from the Orientalist party, nature of the programmes, including those was based partly on the fact that textbooks of living in Hispanic areas, were actually more modern knowledge were available in English, likely to oppose bilingual policies. but decades would pass before they could be made available in the vernacular languages. Financial resources may limit special With the passage of 160 years, and after provision for minority groups: democratically nearly 50 years of political Independence, the elected governments are wary of introducing language of higher education in Pakistan or maintaining models for minority education remains English. which appear to require additional financial resources. (Paulston, 1990; Otheguy, 1986; The gap between the availability of up-to- Saifullah Khan, 1980, p.74 and footnote on date knowledge via textbooks in English and remarks by teachers' Unions). via textbooks in Urdu is greater now than in 1835, and this argument has effectively limited Equal Opportunities and Integration the 's periodic efforts Education in minority languages may be to enforce the extension of Urdu-medium regarded as restricting the future development education from secondary to higher education, of speakers of these languages to within their and from humanities to modern science. As own community. In parts of Germany, the long as doctors, engineers, pilots, economists programme of MT education for families of and scientists need English for their migrant workers is regarded as encouraging professional training, Pakistan's elite and its repatriation (Romaine, 1989). In Germany, as aspiring middle-class will give their children a with black African education in South Africa flying start by sending them to private under apartheid, the assumption has been English-medium kindergartens, primary and made that minority language education is of a secondary schools. Throughout the 1980s, lower standard than that provided in higher efforts to alter this situation foundered on the status languages. fact that the people with political power in Pakistan, however strongly they favoured Paulston (1990) argues that migrant Islamisation and indigenisation of education, communities will eventually switch to using usually wanted their own children to have the dominant language of their adopted nation English-medium education. and that bilingual education in such a situation is not necessary. She perhaps Planners may feel intuitively that it is assumes that minority groups themselves better to start the use of the dominant regard assimilation as desirable, and that it language from an early stage. Educational will take place rapidly if allowed by the planners are seldom specialists in linguistic

App.3p.1 and cognitive development, whereas they migrant languages by that of the majority is themselves have usually been educated in the seen as an important factor in the process of dominant language of their country. It may eliminating a separate cultural identity. seem obvious to them education should Education may be used as a tool to achieve proceed in the dominant language from the this, and would generally be monolingual in earliest possible age, rather than by transfer at the majority language. Bilingual education is a later age. Where the education system is acceptable to assimilationists only if used as a already bilingual, rather than exclusively first short term means of facilitating later language, these questions are less urgentbut assimilation into the monolingual system. issues of time allocation, differences with age, type of bilingual education, need to be In many developing countries a single considered. language of education has been adopted as a focus of national unity. Abdulaziz (1991, p.80) UNESCO, since 1953, has been calling for writes from Tanzania of the feeling that primary education to be provided in the first "teaching in the other mother tongues might language of the child, on the basis of research have a negative effect on the policy of and experience showing that this will give a national integration and a common political better foundation, whatever the language of culture." Khan (1989) calls for a change in later provision. Nevertheless, Abdulaziz (1991, the Pakistan Government policy of Urdu - the p.80) notes that Tanzania is reconsidering its MT of 10% of the people - as the medium of policy of Swahili primary education, because education throughout Pakistan, and asks why the standard of secondary and university national unity must be based on the sufferings education, conducted in English, was of five-year-olds. Yet the practical difficulties dropping. Serpell (1993) also gives as one of in are such as no planner can the reasons for the adoption of English as the contemplate with ease.Five-year-olds in sole language of education in Zambia, the Pakistan may have Punjabi, Sindhi, Pushto, need to start early in the language of further Urdu, Baluchi as major MTs, with some five education. He shows how this focus on higher million speaking Hindko, Brahui, Gujerati, education has resulted in a system of Shina, Balti, Khowar, Kohistani, Kafiri or education that is inappropriate to the economic Kashmiri.India has a policy of 'mother and vocational needs of most of the tongue' education - but has redefined the term population.In fact, the adoption of English in `mother tongue' to include only 47 languages Zambia occurred after independence - an which may be used as the medium of earlier policy had been one of conducting instruction in schools, out of a total of 1,652 primary education in regional languages. listed in the Census of India, 1962 Where colonial powers have followed such a (Pattanayak, 1981). policy, they are of course later accused of deliberately withholding modern knowledge The USSR had an official policy of from the colonised peoplean argument also linguistic freedom. Serdyuchenko (1966, p.41) directed, by modernising Indians, against the claimed that there was a policy of educating Orientalist party in early 19th century India. children in their 'native' language and that "school studies in the USSR are conducted in Hamers & Blanc (1989, p.189) refer to more than 70 languages". He cited Lenin as African countries such as Burundi where, on having rejected the notion of a State transition from primary to secondary school, Language, instead instituting a principle of the child is expected to switch from equality of languages and nations. Sutton monolingual education in one language to (1988, p.104) points out that although "every monolingual education in a second language Soviet child has a right to education in the (French or English) without any preparation, native tongue" the Russian language was and with obvious setbacks to confidence and necessary for higher education and in practice progress. In a small country such as "many accommodations are made" - in areas Cameroon, where two hundred languages are such as Dagistan where a population of 1.7 in use and economic resources very limited, million speak 30 languages. Homan (1992, even Baetens Beardsmore (1992) an advocate p.70) describes the Eastern European model of MT education, regards the provision of where 'basics' are taught in the morning and mother tongue education for all as providing cultural activities take place in the afternoon, insurmountable difficulties. and finds such a model appropriate for the provision of minority language and culture. Assimilation or a Multiethnic Society? Where rapid assimilation of minority Similarly Harrell (1993) reports that communities is considered politically has an official policy of encouraging regional desirable, the replacement of minority or minority languages. He finds an uneasy

App.3 p.2 103 coexistence between this policy and the enabled children to be taught through the traditional view of the Han (the majority medium of their first language until able to community in China) having a 'civilising' role `benefit entirely from education in English' towards the other communities. The languages (Romaine, 1989, p.224) of the Han, though mutually incomprehensible, share a single written form and are all Trueba (1989) refers to O'Malley's considered to have high status. The attitude to Children's English and Services Study (1982) (non-Han) minority languages is illustrated by which found that in the USA in 1980 there Zuo (1983) who reports that the Jinuo were 600 federally funded bilingual language was unsuitable for cognitive tasks programmes in 79 languages reaching 315,000 and thus for use in schools. Harrell points out children (18.5% of the estimated 1.7 million that the system for registering minoritygroups children speaking minority languages). has resulted in groups of speakers of a diverse Nevertheless Cazden & Snow (1990, Preface, variety of languages being classified asa p.9) comment that many children in the USA single ethnic group- and therefore only one are "only transient bilingualsmonolingual must become the 'standard', and be used for speakers of a home language before theygo to education. school and monolingual speakers of English 12 years later." The USA.In the USA, in 1963 a bilingual education programme was developed at Coral During the 1980s, President Reagan Way elementary school in Miami. This school expressed strong views against maintenance of had a number of pupils from Cuban refugee minority languages (Romaine, 1989, p.225; background. Although parents were Casanova, 1991, p.172) and attempted to cut "economically and educationally advantaged, the federal support for 'transitional' bilingual many of their children performed poorly in education (long-term bilingual education being Miami's monolingual English school ineligible for support). The 'English Only' programs" (Lyons, 1990, p.68) This Coral movement developed, opposing bilingual Way school provided bilingual education to education and calling for English to be the both English speaking and Spanish speaking only language recognised for officialpurposes. children in an integrated setting, and children Imhoff (1990, p.55), a leader of 'U.S. achieved excellent academic results (ibid., English', a political group opposed to bilingual 1990; Secada, 1990). Other schools in Dade education, writes of bilingual educators County, Florida, then developed bilingual rejecting and condemning "the unifying, programmes (Romaine, 1989). A number of dynamic, cosmopolitan culture of America in other pilot bilingual education projects for favour of the separatist, atavistic, changeless, Spanish speaking children were developed in exclusive cultures of ethnic groups." Heargues the 1960s and cited in hearings for the 1967 that ethnic leaders call for language Bilingual Education Act which called for maintenance only to maintain their personal bilingual education for Hispanic children. power base. Children are "reduced to pawns in However, before the law was finally passed, it their game" (ibid., p.61). had changed from being directed towards providing a bilingual and bicultural education The State of California, passeda for all children, to being 'compensatory' constitutional amendment in November 1986 programmes for children 'deficient' in English (Proposition 63) making English the official skills, and largely from low income families. language of the state. This "charges the Lyons commented (p.68) that "The native- legislature with preserving and enhancing the language instruction thus provided was not role of English as the common language of the designed to help the child's native language state, requiring that no law may be passed that but only to allow children to progress in ignores or diminishes this role" (MacKaye, academic subjects while acquiring English." 1990, p.136). Herman (1993, p.106) reports that Dade County, whose earlyprogrammes Students of Chinese origin in San of bilingual education were regardedas a Francisco took legal action in 1970 alleging successful model, now has "the strongest infringement of their Civil Rights through English Only ordinance in the United States." unequal educational opportunities (Lauv. Nichols). On appeal they won their case, In a rapidly-changing world where people resulting in the legal requirement for feel there are few certainties to holdon to, the additional provision for language minority demands even of a small minority can seem students. Federal guidelines were then threatening to the less stable members of the produced (the 'Lau Remedies') which majority community. Some feel that minority recommended the setting up of transitional demands for maintenance of first languageare bilingual programmes (see next section) which in effect a refusal to learn English, so

App.3 p.3 bilingual education is perceived as "a crutch bilingual education to second language for lazy students" or a plot to "create a programmes. separatist non-English speaking community" (Mac Kaye, 1990, p.139). The results of Media debate continues on an ideological research have been dismissed by groups such basis, leading Cummins (1991c, p.184) to as 'U.S. English' and replaced by intuitive suggest that dominant sectors of US society statements about children learning a new are committed to maintaining thesocial status language more easily at a young age and if quo to the extent that they are in a situation divorced from any "the more empirical evidence is produced contact with their first language (Imhoff, that certain types of programmes result in 1990). personal and academic growth among minority students the more vehement will The US Federal Department of Education be the denial of this evidence and rejection commissioned a study by Baker & deKanter of these programs." into the effectiveness of bilingual education. Lyons (1990, p.79) points to the need for They were specifically looking at programmes foreign language teaching in the U.S.A., where of transitional bilingual education (Secada, the present inefficient use of resources results 1990, p.86). They found insufficient evidence in a system of monolingual students attending to demonstrate that transitional bilingual expensive colleges and graduating knowing programmes were more effective than other less of their target language than bilingual forms of educationwhich was taken to mean kindergarten children - for whom the objective second language medium education. Willig is to replace their language with English. (1985) however analyzed some of their material further and found very different Europe. Within Europe, racial tensions and results, which demonstrated that children arguments over bilingualism have not achieved more effective learning in bilingual generally reached the level of embattlement programmes when a broader range of and legislation seen in the USA; yet the academic criteria were used, and where the `ethnic cleansing' in former Yugoslavia and experimental and comparison groups were language struggles in some former parts of the correctly matched. The US General USSR suggest that the North American Accounting Office was then asked by experiences should be given careful Congress to examine the research on bilingual consideration. education. A panel of experts was consulted, a majority of whom found theresearch Most European countries have immigrant evidence favoured bilingual education (e.g. communities. Others also have communities of Secada, Mulhauser, Casanova). Opponents of `guest workers' whose presence in the country bilingual education, however, point out that is temporary. The 1977 EEC Directive on the the majority of the experts consulted were Education of Migrant Workers (77/486/EEC) known to be proponents of bilingual education required Member States to provide teaching of (Imhoff, 1990). their first language to children of migrant workers. Poulter (1986, p.178) points out that Mulhauser (1990) points out that the this applies only to children of other EEC education of children who speak minority nationalities. However, the EEC Council of languages has two goalslearning English and Ministers agreed in 1977 that these benefits making academic progress in other subjects. should also be extended to children of non- While the effectiveness of bilingual education EEC nationals, though this agreement carries programmes as a means of teaching English no legal obligation. was debated at length, children'sabilities to progress in other aspects of their education McLaughlin & Graf (1985) describe a was not given such full consideration, asthere range of types of schooling in Germany, with have been few evaluations of children's the school attended depending on the policy of learning of subjects other than language, in the area where the child lives. Some ethnic bilingual as opposed to other situations. minority children are included in mainstream Similarly the future outcomes of bilingual classes, some attend special classes following education, as discussed by Secada (1990) have the normal curriculum or transitional schools not been studied. Mulhauser points out that, providing second language teaching prior to finally, it was the issue of feasibility of integration in German-medium schools. Others providing first language education for all, have MT instruction with additional second rather than the issue of effectiveness of language teachingsometimes leading to different types of education, which was the transfer at the end of the primary stage, but major deciding factor in US Congress voting sometimes continuing this model through to transfer a proportion of funding from secondary education. Some children attend MT

App.3 p.4 schools following the curriculum of their account of the needs of second language country of origin. learners or of different cultural experiences. In the 'Bavarian Model', children receive Political and social costs MT education until they reach the fifth grade- Where politicians and planners feel able to on the basis that they "cannot learn a second take a longer-term view, the costs of language and simultaneously learn subject supporting children's MT and minority matter in that language" (Ibid., 1985, p.246). cultures during the earlier years of their This, however, is seen by many people as education are modest compared with the later segregationist, because in practice, such costs of ethnic strife, and the interim costs of children are denied the opportunity of entering depressed expectations, anger, confusion, an academic stream for secondary education cognitive delay and unfulfilled potential of and their certificates are not so well regarded millions of children and young people, with by employers as those from German medium the resultant shortfall in their economic and schools. The 'Krefeld Model' provides cultural contribution to their communities. bilingual instruction, with separate German and minority language streams for some Comparatively few politicians seem subjects, but others are taught in German to willing to look at these longer-term human mixed groups. concerns. The outlook for improved MT support for children who are already in some Sweden provides three types of education form of 'special' provision is not therefore for immigrant minorities. (Romaine, 1989, immediately promising. For this reason, the p.230; Skutnabb-Kangas, 1984, pp.288-9). recommendations in the present study focus Children may attend the ordinary Swedish not so much on the children's rights and on class, with additional teaching either in humanitarian concerns, but on the possibilities Swedish or their MT; they may attend for more effective and efficient use of `compound' classes, with both Swedish- already-existing resources. speaking children and one other MT group only, taught by two teachers, one Swedish and one a speaker of the MT; or they may attend MT classes, with Swedish as a second language. Nevertheless, Skutnabb-Kangas (1991) writes of continuing Swedish hostility to proposals for MT education for the Finnish minority.

In Luxembourg, the normal education system is trilingual. Luxemburger is used in nursery schools. In the first year of primary school, children are introduced to German, and in the second year to French (Baetens Beardsmore & Lebrun, 1991; Kollwelter, 1993). Policies for migrant children are not coordinated. In the town of Differdange, Portuguese and Italian children have two to three hours weekly of MT lessons in which they study Arithmetic, Science, Geography. The village of Larochette provides MT courses and German as a foreign language. In Luxembourg city there are some pilot. schemes. However, since 1989 there has been concern about the need to provide more suitable provision for the immigrant population and a concern to determine how MT classes should be developed (Kollwelter, 1993).

In the Netherlands children are provided with up to two and a half hours of mother tongue teaching weekly (Fase, 1993). However, Appel (1989a) shows that minority children's education in the Netherlands is hampered by teaching methods which take no

App.3 p.512 APPENDIX 4: SOME EXAMPLES OF BILINGUAL EDUCATION

Many different types of bilingual schools have In the USA, the Coral Way programme been described in the literature. However, was set up in 1963 for Cuban refugees and there have been no comparative studies of English speakers. (The Cuban refugees were different approaches, and reports are usually Spanish speakers, but unlike many Spanish written by writers who have a personal speakers in USA they were not from an commitment to their approach. economically weak section of society). This school provided bilingual education to both Canadian bilingual immersion programmes English speaking and Spanish speaking are amongst the best documented. These children in an integrated setting, and children provide bilingual education for children who achieved excellent academic results. (Lyons, are speakers of the majority language. They 1990; Secada, 1990). This has been followed are taught for a period by bilingual teachers, by other programmes in which majority and who use only the target language (usually minority language speakers have been French). After a period of immersion, often educated together in schools where both lasting two years, the children have some languages were taught on an equal basis. lessons in English as well as some in French. This immersion aims to be an effective way of Morison (1990) describes a dual language teaching fluency in a second language, but it is programme in a New York school, where both in no way intended to replace the dominance Hispanic and non-Hispanic children study of the child's MT. together, having alternate days of instruction through English and Spanish. During the early Elite bilingual education is provided in years the same, bilingual, teacher teaches many countries to a small number of children. throughout, alternating languages. In the junior Baetens Beardsmore & Koh ls (1988) describe school classes share two teachers, one for the the European schools which English day, one for Spanish. The school tries "attempt to guarantee mother-tongue to maintain a balance of equal number education and cultural maintenance Spanish and English dominant children. There while promoting a European identity is a demand from white middle class parents through instruction in 2, 3 and even 4 for places, and for the programme to be languages" (p.681) extended into middle school, as the school is Up to 9 languages are in use for instruction in seen to produce excellent results. the school. The MT is the main medium of primary education, but a second language is Schools in minority language communities taught as a subject from first entry in the Schools may, for geographical reasons, have a school. From the third year at school, large majority of pupils from a minority physical education is taught in the second linguistic community. language, and sessions of creative activities such as sewing, cooking, construction, take Lambert (1981, p.13) describes the St.John place in multilingual groups. In secondary Valley Bilingual Education Project. The school the second language is used for some St.John Valley was home to a French speaking instruction, and a third language is introduced. community in New England (USA), where By the final two years the child studies maths, 85% of families used French either as the only philosophy, science and classical languages, home language or bilingually. Prior to the and the study of their first language through project, education was provided in English. In the first language while other subjects are Project schools a third of the elementary studied through the medium of the second or curriculum was offered in French. These were third language. This system requires pupils to compared with control schools which interact with peers who are native speakers of continued to offer only English. The their second and subsequent languages. bilingually educated children did better both in English and other academic subjects than those Dual language schools attending the control schools. Some schools for children belonging to economically weaker minority groups have Some schools 'separate' the languages tried to include children who speak the taught by using languages on alternate days or majority language as their MT, in Dual for particular lessons. Other schools allow Language programmes. True 'Dual language' switching of languages, some according to programmes aim that their pupils should defined policies, others freely. Diaz & Kling ler become bilingual and biliterate in both (1991, p.181) describe a programme in Texas languages. where teachers are encouraged to switch language as much as possible, and give all

App.4 p.1 i 3 instructions in both languages. Maori, Samoan and Cook Island languages, three bilingual programmes (Maori, Samoan Some schools employ bilingual teachers and Cook Island) a second language unit for and pair teachers of each language where recent arrivals teaching English through MT, insufficient bilingual teachers are available, as well as a mainstream English programme. others use monolingual teachers for their The school is divided into mixed-age 'family respective lessons. Faltis and Jacobson groups', which parents choose, the child proposed a 'New Concurrent Approach' normally staying with the same group for six (Fa ltis, 1989), in which code-switching, years. All children are encouraged to use their occurring according to clear guidelines, is an MT whenever possible. Teachers of bilingual important educational tool. Using this method, groups use the minority language for half the both languages are supposed to be used for an morning and on alternate afternoons. Children equal amount of time. Teachers initiate code- use the language of their choice in reply. switching - pupils always respond in the language used by the teacher. Complete Are there sometimes benefits in separating-. sentences are used in a single language. languages? Sixteen 'cues' are listed for code switching, Pacheco (1983) argued that there may be including review of material presented in one benefits to a child when a clear separation is language in another, switch to first language made between instruction in her two languages for explaining concepts, to gain attention or - Spanish in the morning and English in the gave praise or reprimand. Teachers were afternoon. He described a child, Elisabeth who trained in using this method and it appeared had been exposed at home to two languages that they were able to learn to follow the used 'in an unsystematic fashion'. Up to the guidelines for language use. age of 10 years her education had all been in English. Once she started receiving formal Holm & Holm (1990) describe a school in instruction in Spanish (her first language) her a Navajo reservation where children were all round performance improved considerably. taught bilingually. Primary classes had two No other model of bilingual education was teachers, one of whom used only Navajo and compared with this model - so the evidence the other only English. Children first learnt to points to the benefit of some education in MT read in Navajo, and English was an addition - rather than the superiority of one bilingual not a replacement. Maths was taught using model over another. both languages - concepts were explained in Navajo, while specialised vocabulary was in Standard forms or home dialect? English. Navajo language skills remained Trueba (1989, p.59) proposes a model for ahead of English. The amount of Navajo education where teachers are trained in using instruction was diminished with time from two the home language of students (including non- thirds in kindergarten, to ten percent by standard forms). Teachers do not mix `senior high'. languages during instruction. Initially English is used only in art, music and physical Streamed schools education (and English classes). The MT is Some schools provide streaming according to used for MT. Hornberger (1991) describes Potter "acquisition of knowledge, critical Thomas School in Philadelphia, where parental thinking skills and the pursuit of choice is the deciding factor in streaming. The children's inquisitive search for school has many bilingual teachers, while answers related to the subject." (p.61) monolingual teachers are paired. Language use At this stage the child's errors in use of her in upper grades is described as 'flexible'. MT are never corrected and no attempt is However, although the aim is to teach literacy made to develop the use of a standard form of in both languages, by upper grades the aim is that language. As English proficiency that all teaching other than specific Spanish increases the child transfers more subjects, literacy classes should be held in English. initially to a 'Sheltered English' programme, Hornberger points out that it is thus, for and then to the mainstream, but the MT Spanish speakers a maintenance programme, continues to be taught for enrichment. rather than an enrichment programme. The multilingual school In some countries schools cater for speakers of several languages. May (1991) describes Richmond Road School, in Auckland,New Zealand. With 113 pupils and 18.2 staff the school has pre-school 'language nests' in

App.4 p.2 114 APPENDIX 5. DEVELOPMENT OF THE PAKISTANI COMMUNITY IN ENGLAND Migrant labour is a widespread feature of the Ballard (1986) described how, at first, Pakistani economy. Ballard (1986) reported Mirpuri women came to England temporarily that 2.5 million Pakistanis were working to facilitate their sons' entry, returning to abroad, this being 10% of the adult male Pakistan with their daughters after a few population. The majority of these men were months. However, it was soon considered working in the Arab oil states, on a temporary possible for families to live in Britain without basis. Internal migration is also a feature of needing to adopt Western ways, particularly the labour market. For example, many men with respect to women mantaining their from the North-West Frontier Province work traditional separation from men; so the women in . began to remain with their husbands. Shaw (1994) reports that Punjabi wives described A large proportion of the Pakistani being sent to join their husbands by the family community in England originates in the Punjab in Pakistan, to prevent their husbands from or Mirpur, Azad Kashmir (the part of Kashmir forming liaisons with English women. administered by Pakistan). Anwar (1985) Contrary to what might be assumed from a points out that many families from these areas modern, middle-class English perspective on had already experienced displacement: the family, the purpose was to maintain men's during partition, the Mirpuris as a links with their extended family in Pakistan by result of the building of the Mangla Dam, a preventing them from taking up new large hydro-electric scheme. Many men from relationships in England, rather than uniting this area had been employed either in the pre- the nuclear family in order to settle away from Partition army or in shipping. Ballard (1983) Pakistan and weaken ties with those remaining refers to men from Mirpur being employed as there. stokers in steamships since the beginning of this century. Following damage to their ships Within the larger Pakistani communities in during the 1939-45 war, some found Britain a wide range of institutions is provided employment in munitions factories in the West by Pakistanis themselves. Anwar (1985) Midlands and Yorkshire. After the war, as mentioned shops, travel agents, women's steam shipping was run down, others found employers, banks, taxis, doctors, cafes, work ashore. Relatives and friends from their motoring schools, . He reported that home villages were called over to join them, the majority of adult Pakistanis in Rochdale and a pattern of 'chain migration' was set up had little contact with other ethnic groups. (Anwar, 1985; Ballard, 1983, 1986; Shaw, Only the professional groups and male 1994). transport workers had regular social contact with the indigenous white population. He These men had, at first, a clear aim to found parents showing concern about children save money in order to return to Pakistan and having social contact with white children at buy land and raise the social status of their school. family. There was no intention to remain permanently in England and no wish to be Anwar (1985) described the central acculturated. Those established in England importance of maintaining links with family would sponsor friends and relatives to join members in Pakistan. Men would defer them, loaning the cost of travel, arranging making major decisions until permission was their accommodation and often helping them received from their father in Pakistan, and to find work. parents would refer decisions about marriages to the elders in Pakistan, this being more Initially there was free movement between important than consulting the young people Pakistan and Britain; a man might arrange for themselves. a brother, son or other relative to take over his employment and home. Immigration While many families hoped that they restrictions eventually made this impossible. would eventually return permanently to Following an Act of Parliament in 1971, sons Pakistan, this has not been feasible for many. could enter England only if accompanied by Ballard (1986) found the economy of Mirpur their mother. Anwar (1985) reports that district stagnating and dependent on Punjabis readily brought over their wives, but remittances from overseas. Most families Mirpuris were more reluctant. Many said that during their first years abroad commissioned they planned to bring their wives only because the construction of a new family home in their they feared that the option might be withdrawn home villages, and hoped to return to set later. themselves up in business. However, there were few opportunities and competition was

App.5p.1 51- already intense between those already families to conform to Pakistani norms of returned. Many people have bought land, but behaviour. However, professional Pakistanis, agricultural policies in Pakistan make it who are often regarded, by non-Pakistanis, as difficult to earn a living from agriculture in spokespersons or community leaders for their unirrigated areas. Ballard found that land in minority group, are more likely to have Mirpur is increasingly being withdrawn from adopted many features of the British way of production. Hopes that children educated in life (Anwar, 1985). England would be able to obtain high status work in their home have The younger generation, of Pakistani also been dashed, as the limited number of origin, have learnt to switch between the government posts, and posts in other national culture of their parents and that of their school institutions such as banks, were rapidly filled. and wider society.Ballard (1994) suggests Ballard (1983) links these difficulties with lack that they are generally at home in both worlds, of government investment in rural areas for but are developing their own culture, different political reasons, and policies which exploit to that of their parents and that of the both the rural population and overseas majority. Shaw (1994) finds young people migrants. He contrasts this area with the maintaining, for their parents' benefit, 'a Jullundur area in India, from which many Sikh fiction' that they will move permanently to migrants in Britain originated. Development Pakistan. She found that they generally shared policies in this area have encouraged most of their parents' values. However, such investment resulting in both agricultural and studies may not penetrate very far into the economic development. complex of young British Pakistanis' thoughts and feelings. Lewis (1994) refers to the large Ballard (1986) noted that women in numbers of young Muslims who give concern particular find it hard to readapt to life in rural to their parents by adopting a secular 'pop- Pakistan without household machinery, cum-bhangra' lifestyle. Many young people spending hours on laborious tasks such as whose families originate from Pakistan collecting water from the well. Ballard (1994, identify themselves as 'British Muslims', but p.12) also suggests that many South Asians Lewis (1994) refers to the under-representation are now reluctant to return to their place of of the 16-25 age group at public worship, and origin as they have become accustomed to a the continuing preoccupation of many religious level of personal autonomy which they would groups with issues relevant to life in Pakistan not be able to enjoy if they returned to their but not to young Muslims in Britain. Their family home. lack of the linguistic skills (in Arabic, Persian and literary Urdu) necessary to study and fully While they may no longer expect to return participate in their family's religious traditions permanently, many families make regular results in young people leaving the religious visits to Pakistan. Many families continue to affiliations of their parents, either to join other prefer to arrange marriages for their children Muslim groups or to withdraw from religious with relatives in Pakistan. Shaw (1988) activities. studying Pakistanis in Oxford, found them investing in England, buying properties and expanding businesses, which she thought indicated a readiness to settle. Alternatively, it could mean merely that these Pakistanis had more confidence in the stability of financial institutions in Britain than in Pakistan.

Even those families who accept that they are now permanent settlers in Britain do not generally wish to emulate what they see as a white English lifestyle. Many Asians regard British people as lacking in honour with regard to sexual morality and family responsibilities, and having poor standards of hygiene (Ballard, 1994, p.13). The behaviour of young white people, particularly regarding respect for elders, decent dress and public behaviour with members of the opposite sex, is considered shameful.

Kinship networks bring pressure on most

App.5 p.2 1 <,,1 6 APPENDIX 6. BILINGUALISM AND THE BRAIN

Some bilingual people have been studied by frequently among bi- or poly-linguals. neurologists in order to gain insights into the However, both note that bias may operate in ways in which the brain processes language, the selection of reports for publication: and the relationship between the brain's research findings replicating previous work functions and language acquisition. linking left hemisphere to aphasia might be neglected. Zatorre refers to reports of recovery Bilingual persons' brain functions have of aphasics: sometimes both languages been studied and compared with those of recover, sometimes only one language; in monolinguals. These studies might have some other cases, languages alter in availability. implication for children with learning Reviewing previous studies, Zatorre, and also difficulties, where the brain is damaged, Whitaker, Bub & Levanter (1981), foundsome formed differently or delayed in maturation. indication that bilinguals use certain parts of the brain for tasks involving both languages, Trites (1984) described his research, from but other areas are specific to oneor other the mid 1970s, which suggested that difficulty language. However Zatorre was not convinced in acquiring French through immersion was that there was sufficient evidence to show that linked with delay in maturation of the the right hemisphere is used in significantly temporal lobe area, a condition predictable by different ways by monolinguals and bilinguals. specific neurological tests. He believed that as many as one in five children suffered from Access to language within the brain is this condition, which implied that, while they a process little understood at present. Baker would progress normally in MT education, (1993, p.114) refers to Fromm (1970), who they would be delayed in acquiring a second hypnotised a man who had spoken Japaneseas language. Children so identified could begin to a child but had 'forgotten' it. Under hypnosis, acquire the second language at the age of nine he was able to speak fluent Japanese. without any further disadvantage. This work Afterwards, he was again unable to doso. was dismissed by Cummins (1979b, 1984), who found no evidence relating the tests used The process of switching between by Trites to left temporal lobe functioning, and languages, 'deactivating' the language not in saw no relevance in any possible relation to use, or using a more mixed form of language right temporal lobe functioning. Cummins also when appropriate, has also interested argued that there was no significance in the neurologists. Grosjean (1989) points to the different results of the children in Trites's inappropriateness of comparing bilinguals with `successful' and 'unsuccessful' groups. The monolingual 'norms', as the language not in successful performance of those children when use is rarely completely 'deactivated'. returned to first language education was explained by Cummins as a consequence of While I know of no conclusive results their high IQ scores, and the requirement that which would affect approaches to developing they repeated a year on transfer. bilingualism in children with learning difficulties, technological developmentsare It is considered an established fact that revolutionising this field of study. It is most monolinguals use mainly the left side of possible that increasing knowledge will have their brain for language processing. Lambert profound implications for services to children (1990) refers to research suggesting that with severe learning difficulties in the future, bilinguals additionally use the right side, including new approaches to facilitating particularly during second language language development. acquisition. Some studies show late bilinguals using the right hemisphere more than early bilinguals. Romaine (1989) finds conflicting results from her review of research. Baker (1993, p.1 15) refers to the analysis of previous research by Vaid & Hall (1991) which found that "differences between monolinguals and bilinguals were the exception rather than the rule."

Zatorre (1989) and Romaine (1989) refer to research demonstrating that, while among monolinguals aphasia rarely accompanies right hemisphere damage, it doesso more

App.6 p.1* 117 APPENDIX 7. RESPONSES TO THE 'PRAGMATICS PROFILE'

Key G7 Points, perhaps cries. x : Mother says the situation does not arise. G8 Points. ? Mother had not noticed such a situation. B9 Reaching and pointing. Drags mother to n.a.:Question not asked. microwave when he wants something to eat - takes glass to sink and says "papa" A. Communicative Intentions when wants water ("pani" means water). BIO Points and says "give me" I. Attention Directing (a) To Self How doesgain your attention? (b) Request for action. How doeslet you know if she wants to be picked up? G1 Says "Ammi" [mummy]. G2 Taps mother's arm, uses Makaton signs GI Climbs up or lifts up arms. for food (biscuit sign used for all foods). G2 Lifts up arms. G3 Says "abe". G3 Says "bao". B4 Pulling. B4 Nothing. B5 Pulls at mother's hands, clothes and hair- B5 Lifts arms up, pulls at mother's arms. often makes sounds as well. B6 Lifts arms. B6 By crying, shouting "eh-eh". Calls father G7 Lifts arms, says "up". by saying "abba", brother "papa". G8 Pulls. Occasionally calls "ammi" for mother. B9 Lifts up arms and says "ja". G7 Tugging. B 10 Lifts up arms. G8 Pulls mother's clothes. B9 Pulls mum, says "Aja" [come]. B 10 Shouts. (c) Request for assistance.Ifneeds your help, for example if she was on a toy with (b) To Events, Objects, Other People: If you wheels and got stuck, or needed straps andwere going along the street or undone to get out of the buggy, what is walking in a park andsaw something she likely to do? interesting what would she be likely to do? GI Cries. GI Would not notice. G2 x G2 Points. G3 Calls for someone to help. G3 Points and vocalises. B4 Nothing. B4 Pulls mother. B5 Pulls at mother if he can reach her, B5 Points. otherwise cries. B6 Looks and shouts "eh-eh". B6 Cry. G7 Tugs and looks. G7 Cries. G8 Points to what she wants. G8 Cries. B9 Waves arms up and down or tugs and says B9 Says "uhuh", pulling noises. "ahahah". If sees catsays "goodgoodboy". B10 x B10 Points.

(d) Request for recurrence. If you were 2. Requesting bouncing up and down on your lap and she wanted you to do it again, how would (a)Request for Object. If you andwere in she let you know? the kitchen andsaw something she wanted something to eat that was out of G1 x reach, how would she let you know? G2 x G3 Pulls, bounces. G1 Nothing (eats only a little). B4 x G2 Pulls clothes, points, signs. B5 Makes little bouncing movements. G3 Points and pulls and uses her own word B6 x for what she wants e.g. water "bibi"; G7 Carries on moving. scrambled egg "wawa". G8 x B4 Nothing. B9 Makes pleading sounds "nene". B5 Pulls, points, says "de" [give]. B10 x B6 Points, says "oh,oh" and pulls mothe'rs clothes. Signs when wanting drink.

App.7 p.1 i (e) Request for information. Ifnotices (b) Greeting on departure. What does do something she does not know about (such when someone is going away? as something new at home), how does she ask you about it? GI Waves. G2 Waves bye-bye. G1 x G3 Says bye bye. G2 Looks at new clothes, ignores other things. B4 Says bye-bye and waves with prompting; G3 Points to it. spontaneously blows kisses to baby. B4 x B5 No reaction at first, but waves after they B5 x have gone. B6 Stares at it. B6 Sometimes waves in imitation. G7 x G7 Waves, says bye-bye. G8 Points. G8 Sometimes waves with prompting. B9 Takes a lot of interest in new things B9 Used to cry, but now waves and says stares, examines but does not ask. bye-bye when told to do so. B10 x B10 Nothing.

3. Rejecting. 5. Self Expression and Self Assertion.

Ifis at the table and you are giving her (a) Expression of emotion. Pleasure. Ifis some food that she does not want, what is enjoying something, how would she show she likely to do? it? G1 Closes lips and pushes food away. GI Nothing. G2 Pushes it away. G2 Claps hands. G3 Pushes, waves hand, grimaces. G3 Claps hands, laughs. B4 Pushes it away, spits it out. B4 Laughs, claps hands. B5 Pushes food away, closes lips and teeth B5 Smiles, laughs and claps hands - when tightly so it cannot be pushed into his very excited also pulls mother's or baby mouth. sister's hair. B6 Shuts mouth, pushes it away. Sometimes B6 Laughing and smiling. he shakes his head. G7 Laughs, claps. G7 Push it away. G8 Claps hands. G8 Pushes it away. B9 Claps hands, laughs, runs in circles and B9 Spits out and grimaces. Says "nei" [no], jumps up and down. also says this when he has had enough. B10 Laughs, shouts. B10 Shuts mouth. Upset. Ifis hurt or upset about something, how would she let you know? 4. Greeting. GI Cries. (a) Greeting on arrival.If a familiar person G2 Kicks, cries, pinches. comes to your home, how does usually G3 Cries, goes to parent for cuddle. react? B4 Cries. B5 Cries. G1 Takes no notice. B6 Sits very quietly when angry - cries if G2 Shakes hands when told to do so. upset. G3 No proper greeting. G7 Hits furniture, cries. B4 If likes someone, goes to sofa and pats it. G8 Crying. B5 Reacts to mother, father: will run to them, B9 Clenches fists and grimaces. name them. Does not respond to others. B10 Cries. B6 Embraces father, goes up to other well known visitors. G7 Is shy, hides face. (b) Asserting independence. If you are trying G8 Holds out hands to Father, does not to helpdo something like get dressed approach other visitors. and she wants to do it without help, how B9 Calls mother by namewhen she comes does she let you know? in, runs to grandmother saying "Amina, Amina". Jumps up and down and holds GI Cries. out arms. G2 Struggles. BIO Smiles and shouts. G3 Wriggles.

App.7 B4 Wriggles, struggles. B5 Says nothing B5 Always happy for mother to do anything B6 ? with himbut sometimes screams if bit of G7 ? rubbish he is playing with is taken away G8 ? from him. B9 ? B6 Pulls away. B10 ? G7 x G8 x B9 Wriggles and screams. 8. Giving Information. B10 Wriggles and screams. How wouldlet you know about something that had happened that you 6. Naming. weren't aware of (for example, something got broken, someone visited or got hurt Ifsees something she recognises, how when you weren't around)? does she label it? G1x GI Says "kutta" [dog]- only word used at G2x [But child does in school.] home. G3Runs and cries. G2 Uses gestures or Makaton signs. B4x G3 Uses own word. B5x B4- x B6x 135 x. G7x B6 Signs for drink, otherwise points and G8x (Never left alone! So an adult would tell others name for him. anything to be told) G7 x B9 Points, if grandmother tells mother about G8 Only says "kutta" [dog]. something that happens when she is out, B9 "papa" for water, animals "googoogirl" or he points and vocalises while she is "googooboy". Dances to disco music and telling. If he breaks something he brings laughs when sees people fall on tv. and shows the pieces. B10 Calls one brother by name, "obuh" B10 x water.

7. Commenting. B. Response to Communication

(a)Comment on Object. If you were tidying a 9. Gaining child's attention. room and you picked up a toy or piece of clothing, what sort of thing wouldbe If you want to get _'s attention, how do likely to say about it? you do it?

Glx GI Do not expect to get her attention. G2 Nothing. G2 Call her name. G3 Gives her name for it, if she has one. G3 Call her by name. B4 x B4 Call his name. B5 Nothing. B5 Moving close to him and saying his name. B6 Nothing. B6 Call his name. G7 Looks, says nothing. G7 Say her name. G8 x G8 Call her name. B9 x B9 Call his name. B10 Might shout "me". BIO Saying his name.

(b) Comment on non-existence.Ifnoticed 10. Interest in interaction that something was not where she expected it to be, how would she If you are sitting close toand talking to comment? him, how does he generally respond? GI? GI Looks at and handles mother's clothes. G2 ? G2 Looks, moves body, taps mother. G3 Goes to look for it. G3 Joins in, using sounds. B4 ? B4 Responds sometimes to inlaws who speak

App.7 p.3 to him in English. Mother does not speak B4 No attention to mother, but she thinks he to him much because she does not know may do sometimes to inlaws who speak to any English. him in English, but not sure. B5 Makes eye contact, moves body and face B5 Goes off, but messes about with object. and makes "conversation" with sounds. B6 Fetches it if in same room. B6 Makes some sounds. G7 Does not bring. G7 Looks, makes eye-contact, sometimes G8 Goes to mother, knowing it will be makes sounds. fetched for her. G8 No response (sits passively). B9 Responds appropriately. B9 Joins in making sounds and imitating. Is BIO x beginning to take turns. BIO Looks, laughs. (b) Response to request for information.If you askfor information, for example 11. Understanding of gesture. "where have you put teddy?" how is he likely to respond? If you point to something you want to look at, what does he usually do? GI Sometimes looks, usually not. G2 No response (has no toys, throws G1 x everything about). G2 Looks, if near. G3Looks around and fetches it. G3 Looks. B4Nothing. B4 Gets glasses if told to look, but soonlooks B5Looks for object. back to T.V. B6x B5 Looks, but after a delay of several G7Looks. seconds. G8 x B6 Looks. B9 Looks for, rather than give an answer. G7 Looks. B10 x G8 x B9 Looks even if it is quite far away. B10 Usually takes no notice. (c) Response to indirect requests. If someone comes to the door or telephones and asks "Is Mummy there?", how doesrespond? 12. Acknowledgement of previous utterance GI Comes to mother, but says nothing. When you are speaking tohow do you G2 x know that he realizes that you are G3 x speaking to him? B4 Nothing. B5 No response. G1 Looks and makes "mmmm" sound. B6 Opens door to look for mother. G2 Looks, smiles. G7 x G3 Makes sounds in response. G8 x B4 Looks. B9 Looks for, calls out "Amina". B5 Looks at face, makes "aaah" type noises. B10 x B6 Looks and makes "mmmm" sound. Does pretty much as told. G7 Looks. 14. Anticipation G8 x How doesreact to something like B9 He looks and makes sounds. 'Round and round the garden' or a B10 Looks, smiles and makes sounds. favourite nursery rhyme? GI x 13. Understanding of Speaker's Intentions. G2 x G3 Doesn't play such games or say rhymes at (a)Response to request for action. If you give home. a simple instruction such as "Go and get B4 x your coat" how does he respond? B5 Giggles in anticipation of tickling. B6 x G1 Not tried. G7 Likes music, not rhymes, no anticipation G2 No response expected, but goes out when games played. told in Punjabi to "go to bus". G8 x G3 Fetches it. B9 Joins in saying "baba black sheep"

App.7 p.4121 properly,makes sounds for other rhymes, B9 Understands in some contexts. and objects to changing to another rhyme B10 x before ready. B10 x

C. Interaction and Conversation 15. Responding with amusement [These two questions were regarded as an What sort of things make laugh? introduction to the following section. Two mothers answered them directly, others waited GI Nothing. for the subsequent questions] G2 ? G3 When she is well, laughs a lot when On what occasions do you feel that you playing and chasing with other children. andcommunicate well? B4 Playing with uncleplays "cricket" with him - with a bat and ball in the living B4 [Does not try to communicate with him. room. She believes that as he is learning English B5 Tickling, swinging in the air or chasing. in school she should not speak Punjabi to B6 Playing with other children. him, and she knows no English]. G7 Music. B9 When alone. G8 Does not laugh. B9 Putting something on mum's head, so it Can you describe a recent occasion when drops to the floor, seeing someone fall you andcommunicated with one over, dropping things downstairs. another? B10 When another child is told off. Laughs when he is told he is going out. B4 No. B9 Sitting together, playing at questions and answers, saying nursery rhymes and 16. Response to "NO" and Negotiation. looking at books.

If you have to say "no" tohow does he usually respond? 17. Initiating interaction. G1 Accepts. How would an interaction between you G2 Takes no notice, or has tantrum. typically begin? Do you always start off G3 Sometimes accepts it, sometimes has the interaction, or doessometimes do tantrums, sometimes keeps asking. so? How does he do it? B4 Ignores. B5 Stops, looks, does againmakes game of G1 x laughing. G2 x B6 Occasionally angry, other times becomes G3 Mother usually starts, but sometimes very quiet. Tasleem comes to mother and says "abe". G7 Cries, has temper tantrum. B4 x G8 Sometimes say noshe accepts it. B5 He sometimes starts by pulling at clothes B9 Has tantrums if T.V. is put off while he is or saying "ammi". watching. Sometimes has tantrums when B6 ? out, especially if not taken to Doctor's G7 Mother always starts, calls Jamila. surgery when nearby. G8 No. B10 Laughs and carries on. B9 Comes to mother, cuddles her and says "googoogirl". B10 Catches mother's or grandmother's eye. If you say"In a minute," how does respond? 18. Maintaining interaction or conversation. GI x G2 Does not understand. (a) For how many turns would an G3 Doesn't understand. interaction/conversation like this continue? B4 Ignores. B5 Gets cross. G 1n.a. B6 ? G2 n.a. G7 No understanding. G3 Several. G8 x B4 n.a.

App.7 135 22 B5 Usually one each, sometimes two or three. B6 n.a. 20. Presupposition and shared knowledge. G7 x G8 n.a. Are there times whentries to tell you B9 Indefinitely, sometimes all day. about something without putting you in the B10 ? picture as to what he is talking about? How does this happen? (b) When it is _'s turn in the conversation G3 No. what is he generally doing? B6 No. B9 No. G3 Sounds and gestures. B5 Body movements and sounds "aaah" B9 Makes sounds, sometimes imitation of 21. Conversational repair. words. If _is trying to tell you something and you do not understand, what does he do about [Some of the following questions were not put it? to all mothers] G3 Keeps trying, sometimes gets upset. B9 Keeps repeating, is sometimes upset. 19. Intelligibility.

How well is _'s conversation understood 22. Request for clarification. by you? If _doesn't understand something that is G3 Well. said to him how does he show it? B5 As expression of loving and needing attention. G3 Ignores it. B6 Makes wishes understood. B5 Looks bewildered. G7 No. G7 ? G8 ? B9 No. B9 Well. BIO Well. 23. Terminating an interaction. How well is _'s conversation understood by close family? How would an interaction between you come to an end? G3 Usually. B6 Understand most things. G3 Tasleem walks off. G7 ? B5 Looks awayoften picks something up. G8 n.a. B9 Mother finishes. B9 Well. B 10 Some. 24. Overhearing conversation. How well is _'s conversation understood by other people who know the child? If other people were having a conversation andwas within earshot, would he react G3 No. to something he overheard? If so, what? B6 No. G7 No. G1 No. G8 n.a. G2 No. B9 Occasionally. G3 Comes and says "aw" [yes] if hears own name. How well is _'s conversation understood B4 No. by strangers? B5 Own name; icecream; biscuit; weetabix. He looks and pulls on hearing these. G3 No. B6 Own name, biscuit. B6 No. G7 No. G7 ? G8 No. G8 ? B9 Own name, going out, chocolate. B9 No. BIO If he hears the words for "going out" in BEST COPY AVAILABLE App.7 p.6 either language. when they do not talk back. B10 ? 25. Joining a conversation. 27. Place. Doesever want to join in a conversation that other people are having? How does Where ismost likely to want to he try to go about it? communicate? G1 No. G1 [School G2 No. - said after prompt] G2 [School- said after prompt] G3 Pulls and makes sounds. G3 Home. B4 No. B4 School. [Unprompted] B5 Makes noise, pulls at mother. He likes to B5 Home. Cries in other people'shouses, will be in the middle. not sit still and makes trouble. B6 No. B6 No difference. G7 No. G7 Whenever together withsisters. B8 No. G8 When with brother. B9 Comes hugging and makes noises. B9 At home. B10 Makes lot of noise to join in B10 ? conversation.

28. Time. D. Contextual Variation When you are at home when is most likely to be communicative? 26. Person. G1 x Are there people whom likes to be with 02 If mother tries to be loving,Salma or to talk to more than others? pinches. G3 While playing and at mealtimes. G1 Mother. B4 Never. G2 Mother. B5 Whenever mother takes time G3 Mother and Father. to play with him. At nappy changing time heplays B4 Likes all family equally. about and runs laughing B5 Mother. away, he messes about at meal times. Likes bestto play at B6 All family equal. bed time. G7 Likes mother best, but talksto sisters. B6 No difference. G8 Other children. G7 When playing with sisters. B9 Mother. When she is out likesto be with G8 Playing with brother, Jehanzeb. grandmother, but leaves her once mother B9 When playing with mother andat is in. mealtimes B10 Grandmother. . When on toilet says "nei nei" [no, no] and shouts "Amina Aya"[Amina come] B10 ? Does the waycommunicates change according to whom he is with? If it changes, in what way does it change? 29. Topic. What does _like to talk about most? GI Never communicates. G2 More obedient with father, playsup B6x mother. G7 Talks with sisters. G3 Best at home, with family. G8 Talks with brother. B5 Does not play about with fatherdoes as G9 What he and motherare doing. told. G10x B6 No. G7 Only communicates withmother if mother alonebest with sisters. 30. Intrapersonal use of language in play. B8 Best with children,especially brother, Jehanzeb. When is playing alone, what sorts of B9 Talks to family, is shywith strangers now. sounds does he make? Talks to relations' children andis upset

App.7 p.7 GI Does not play at home. G2 Quiet. G3 Quiet, but is not often alone, plays with brothers. B4 x B5 Usually very quiet. B6 Just vowel sounds. G7 Plays with sisters. G8 Silent. B9 Sounds like talking but not real words. B10 Usually quiet.

31. Peer interaction.

Ifwas in the park and there were other children of about the same age there, how would he communicate with them? GI x G2 Would choose to remain alone. G3 Would watch them. B4 Would play alone, ignoring other children. B5 Not at all - play alone. B6 x G7 x G8 Does not play in park. B9 Would talk to self and go and babble to other child. B10 x

32. Books as contexts for communication. If you are looking at a book together, what does do? G1 x G2 x G3 x B4 x B5 x B6 x G7. [Looks at pictures in school, does not look at books at home.] G8 x B9 Sometimes points to objects that mother names, other times stares at them. B10 x

33 Awareness of social conventions

Doesshow any awareness that there are things he should or shouldn't say in certain company? G3 No. B9 No.

App.7 p.8125 APPENDIX 8. VIDEOSCRIPT (ENGLISH VERSION)

The following is my English text which was to find ways of getting a child to enjoy this translated into Urdu and was used in the togetherness - so that the child learns to want video described in Chapter 9. to do things with others.

Learning To Talk Busy mothers can find ways of involving their This film is about children learning to talk, child in the work they are doing. Mother and some of the ways in which we can help shows her child what she is doing in the them. kitchen, talks about it, perhaps lets her child play with some kitchen equipment if it is Here we see a young woman talking...but unbreakable, has no sharp edges, so is safe. talking involves more than one person. It takes She may be able to find a simple job hecan two or more people to have a conversation. do - mixing, stirring, beating eggs, or when she makes chappatis he may play withsome Some parents think it is up to their child's dough too. There are lots of simple, safe, jobs school to teach the child how to talk. But this you canthink of. is not enough. Helping a child to learn to talk is a full-time job. Everyone who spends time A baby first shows her interest in other people with the child must help. This means parents, by laughing - and people often try to grandparents, brothers and sisters all those encourage this by laughing back, or by tickling people who live with her. her to make her laugh more. If a child does A conversation can happen even when the not yet show an interest in other people and child does not speakwe must "listen" with what they are doing it can help to thinkup our eyes as well as our earsas we "talk" little games that will make him laugh. with our hands, face, eyes as well as our playing peeping games, tickling games, mouths. chasing him. If he enjoys something you do, he may show in some way that he wantsyou Here we see a little boy and his mother. They to do it again...that he is pleased and happy. are watching one another and sharing their ideas. In a way they are "talking" to one When you know he is interested in you, share another even though Tausif is not using words. interests in other things. He will learn through looking and doing things together, with you Sometimes, if a mother cannot speak much (or other family members) where the child will English, she may worry that, if she tries to show you something that interests him, so that help her child to talk her own language at you can do or look at it together. home, it will make more difficulties for him in learning English at school. But this really is It might be looking at books, or it could be not true! I hope that this film will show you playing together with a toy car or playing ball. that it is important for mother to talk to her Find things to look at together- maybe when child, in her own way, in her own language. outside you look at a flower together- you show him your interest, and then we hope that The child belongs to his* family, and being one day he will in turn show you something able to talk like everyone else is very he is interested in. important for him. * [In Urdu, the word for a 'child' isa masculine When lie is playing with toys, you might join form, but used in a non-gender-specific way]. in, talking about what you and he are doing. All people like to talk about their shared Also, many of the skills we need to learn one interestschildren are interested in toys. language are the same as for another. Helping' Tausif says "Look at this, mum". your child to learn to talk your language at home, whether you speak Urdu, Panjabi, There are other things too that a child can say Bengali, Pushto, French, Arabic or whatever, without using words. should make it EASIER for him to learn English at school. Sometimes a baby cries. What is she trying to tell us? Talking is something people do together so Perhaps she wants her mother, or perhaps she one of the first things a child needs to learn is wants some food, or maybe she is tired and that it is good to do things together. Parents, wants to sleep. Whatever it is, she is showing brothers and sisters can use their imagination that she wants something - and mothers

App.8 p.1 usually know what it is. Lionel is tired. He wants a drink of milk and to go to sleep, but hedoes not know how to say that. As the child gets older, he finds different ways of showing what he wants, even before learning to talk. He may point to something, or take mother's hand and lead her, or hold up his hands to be picked up. He may even develop more complicated ways of using signs, perhaps to show he wants food by pointing to his mouth, or by showing when he needs the toilet, or showing what games he wants to play. If he is able to show what he wants, when offering him something, try to give him a choice - show him the two things and see which he chooses, by looking or pointing - so he learns that he can 'tell' you things.

Even before he can use words a child can learn that he can make things happen by `telling' you his needs even before he will be ready to use words to ask for what he wants. Tausif's mother is listening to him with her eyes....she wondered if he was asking for something. To help your child learn to ask for what he wants, and to show his interests you need to watch out for what he himself is trying to say.

You can watch your child to see what he is trying to say, to help him learn to ask for what he wants and show what he is interested in. Talking is about doing things together, sharing our wants and interests. We want to encourage this in our children, so wedo things together with them. Family members can help their children learn to talk by helping their children in these ways, and by listening and watching for anything they may be trying to say

Being aware of what your child is trying to say will help a great deal in getting her to talk.

App.8 p.2127 BIBLIOGRAPHY

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