Neophilologus (2018) 102:15–24 https://doi.org/10.1007/s11061-017-9541-9

Go´ngora’s Sonnet ‘‘El Cuarto Enrico yace mal herido’’

Diane Chaffee-Sorace1

Published online: 24 October 2017 Ó Springer Science+Business Media B.V. 2017

Abstract This article is an analysis of Luis de Go´ngora’s skillful employment of language to characterize King Henry IV of in the funereal sonnet ‘‘El Cuarto Enrico yace mal herido.’’ Go´ngora wrote his poem in 1610 to honor Henry who was murdered in in that same year by Jean-Franc¸ois Ravaillac. In the text the Spanish lyric poet creates historical, mythological, and heraldic allusions, rhetorical figures, and images of color. In particular, he is adept at forming various types of metaphors. By relating these metaphors to charges on Henry’s coats of arms as well as to accounts of the king’s personal history, Go´ngora paints a brilliant verbal picture of one of France’s most beloved rulers. This vibrant description of King Henry reveals that Go´ngora, the baroque poet, was also Go´ngora, the master of portraiture and expert commentator on events connected to the period in which he and the monarch lived.

Keywords Luis de Go´ngora Á Spanish Golden Age Á Poetry Á Heraldry Á King Henry IV of France

The Spanish baroque poet Luis de Go´ngora wrote verse extolling patrons, friends, sovereigns, politicians, ecclesiastics, and other important individuals. He also often composed sonnets to commemorate events involving these men and women such as their births and deaths. Although Go´ngora mostly praised his fellow Spaniards, he sometimes extended his acclaim to luminaries with roots outside of his country. For example, he lauded the queen, Margaret of Austria, the Portuguese nobleman, Cristova˜o de Moura, and the painter, El Greco. Thus, it is no surprise that the poet

& Diane Chaffee-Sorace [email protected]

1 Loyola University Maryland, Baltimore, MD, USA 123 16 D. Chaffee-Sorace wrote the eulogistic sonnet ‘‘El Cuarto Enrico yace mal herido’’ when King Henry IV of France was murdered in 1610.1 The son of Jeanne d’Albret and Antoine de Bourbon (Pitts 2009: 1–2), Henry had been instructed in his childhood in Protestant precepts by tutors hired by his Huguenot mother (Pearson 1963: 4). As a teenager, he began fighting for the in the (1562–1598), a conflict between Roman Catholics and Protestants (Pearson 1963: 7–8; ‘‘Wars of Religion’’ 2017). After Jeanne, Queen of , died in 1572, Henry rose to be the crowned head of that realm (cf. Pearson 1963: 11; Pitts 2009: 57–58). In 1589, Henry III of France was assassinated, and Henry of Navarre succeeded him as king according to monarchical tradition (Pitts 2009: 142–43). However, the Holy League, a powerful Catholic group designed by the Cardinal of Lorraine, organized by the Duke of Guise, sanctioned by the , and supported by Philip II of Spain had been trying to exterminate the Huguenots in France (Pearson 1963: 25–26). Under Henry III, the Protestants had enjoyed some freedom of worship, and the country had benefitted from some peace, but hostilities broke out in 1584 because Henry of Navarre became heir to the throne (‘‘Wars of Religion’’ 2017). Realizing that, if he remained a Protestant, he would never be France’s king in more than a name and that civil war would be a permanent problem in his homeland, Henry of Navarre decided to convert to Catholicism (Pearson 1963: 80, 82). He believed that this was the only way to restore prosperity and amity to France as Henry IV (Pearson 1963: 82). By the time of his death, Henry IV was a very popular king.2 Go´ngora probably admired him for his and strong leadership, traits lacking in Spain’s Philip III who was controlled by the influential and corrupt Duke of Lerma.3 Possibly, too, the slaying of Henry shocked Go´ngora, evoked his sympathy, and inspired him to pen the adulatory sonnet. This is especially plausible, for unlike in France, there had not been any in Spain during Go´ngora’s lifetime.4 In fact, after receiving the first of a pair of stab wounds, Henry had exclaimed, ‘‘Oh the security of Spain!’’ according to a servant of his wife, Maria de’ Medici (Da´vila

1 Where appropriate I have modernized the spelling and capitalization in Go´ngora’s piece and in quotations from works by other writers. 2 Pearson reports that Henry still ‘‘lives in the love’’ of the (1963: 241). 3 Cf. Feros (2000: 1). See Luis Rosales who perceives the sonnets in honor of Henry IV by Go´ngora’s Spanish contemporaries such as the Count of Villamediana and Francisco de Quevedo as an expression of desengan˜o motivated by satire (1966: 74, 78; cf. De Armas 1986: 56). Rosales understands these texts to describe the French king, a rival of Philip III, as a role model, while indirectly addressing Philip about the relinquishment of Spanish authority (1966: 78). Rosales’s interpretation could also apply to Go´ngora’s poem. Cf. Frederick de Armas who comments that verse by the Count of Villamediana points out the difference between Henry’s ‘‘tolerance and Spain’s warlike, imperialist stance’’ (1986: 56). In contrast to Philip’s struggle to defend Catholicism (e.g., Spain’s expulsion of the and conflict in the Low Countries), Henry signed the of to establish the rights of both Catholics and Protestants in France (see the discussion of Philip’s in Feros 2000: 139–141; Pearson 1963: 133–134). Since Go´ngora was an ‘‘anti-imperialist poet’’ in the latter part of his life (de Armas 1986: 56), it is logical that Henry’s action would have resonated with him. See Chaffee-Sorace (2016: 11, 14) who cites Pearson, de Armas, and Rosales. Noting the plethora of sonnets about Henry’s death, Robert Jammes suggests that ‘‘los poetas fueron en esta ocasio´n solicitados por una academia’’ (1987: 239). 4 Even as late as the mid-nineteenth century, the word for did not exist in the poet’s native land (Wallis 1853: 185; Churton 1862: 112). 123 Go´ngora’s Sonnet ‘‘El Cuarto Enrico yace mal herido’’ 17

1623: 100; cf. Churton 1862: 112). The king’s injuries were delivered by Jean- Franc¸ois Ravaillac, a Catholic and a ‘‘religious maniac,’’ who attacked Henry in Paris as the king sat in his royal carriage on route to visit the Duke of Sully.5 Ravaillac committed the fatal crime for two main reasons. He was under the false impression that Henry was planning to go to war against the Pope, and he incorrectly thought that the king was not returning France’s Protestants to Catholicism.6 Focusing on the Bourbon ruler’s demise, Go´ngora records the unjust and grave assault on Henry in the opening lines of the sonnet (Salcedo Coronel 1644: 751): El Cuarto Enrico yace mal herido, Y peor muerto de plebeya mano. (Go´ngora 1628: 1: 33, vv. 1–2)7 As in much of his carefully crafted verse, the poet goes on to incorporate figures of speech, images of color, and mythological, historical, and heraldic allusions into this text. Specifically, he includes metaphors of people, animals, weapons, and nature. By relating them to the coats of arms and personal life of Henry, he creates a portrait of a beloved monarch. In his depiction of Henry, Go´ngora compares the king to the legendary character, Orion: El que rompio´ escuadrones, y dio al llano Ma´s sangre, que agua Orio´n humedecido. (Go´ngora 1628: 1: 33, vv. 3–4) Here, the idea is that Henry was a warrior who bathed the fields of battle in more blood than Orion soaked them in rain.8 However, some of the blood which Henry spilled on the countryside was that of birds and animals. The king was known to go hawking for partridges and, with the help of his greyhounds, to capture hares (Pearson 1963: 225). On occasion, his passion for the chase was detrimental to his health, as when he caught a bad cold in pursuit of a stag at (Pearson 1963: 225–226). Henry’s enthusiasm for hunting was shared by Orion, except that the sport cost the Greek youth dearly. In one widely read tale recounted by Hesiod and translated by Hugh G. Evelyn-White, Orion went to Crete to hunt with Artemis and her mother, Leto (1914: fragm. 4). While at that island, he appeared to threaten the destruction of all the beasts on Earth (Hesiod 1914: fragm. 4). To preempt their slaughter, Earth sent a giant scorpion against him which stung and killed him

5 Pearson (1963: 239–240); cf. Pitts (2009: 328–329). See Salcedo Coronel who states that Ravaillac had previously spent time in jail for homicide (1644: 751). Ravaillac had also persevered for 3 years in a plot to kill Henry, but he was thwarted in his initial attempt by the fear of carrying out such a heinous act (Salcedo Coronel 1644: 751). 66Pearson (1963: 240–241), cf. Pitts (2009: 327–328). See Chaffee-Sorace (2016: 18n17) who quotes Pearson and Pitts. 7 Ciplijauskaite´ explains that the term ‘‘mal herido’’ was used in tournaments and that the phrase ‘‘peor muerto’’ brings to mind the vile manner in which Henry died (Go´ngora 1969: 204). See Salcedo Coronel (1644: 751). 8 Chaffee-Sorace (2016: 5). See Salcedo Coronel: ‘‘Y que dio a la campan˜ama´s sangre de sus contrarios, que suele dar agua el pluvioso Orion’’ (1644: 751). As the constellation of Orion rises and sets, storms and rain are thought to accompany it (Smith 1849: 55). 123 18 D. Chaffee-Sorace

(Hesiod 1914: fragm. 4). Following Orion’s ill-fated end, Zeus put him and the arachnid in the sky as constellations.9 The scorpion and its star formation further link Orion to Henry because the king was born under the zodiac sign Scorpio.10 Besides making associations between Henry and Orion, the first stanza of Go´ngora’s sonnet connects the French sovereign to Sancho VII of Navarre. It does so by subtly alluding to two specific coats of arms. One belonged to Sancho as King of Navarre, and the other to Henry as King of France and Navarre. Each shield is decorated with charges symbolic of the Battle of Las Navas de Tolosa which took place on July 16, 1212.11 With the aid of Alfonso VIII of Castile, Pedro II of Arago´n, different military orders, and many soldiers, Sancho VII fought massive troops of Muslims there. Go´ngora conjures up this renowned conflict and relates the history of Sancho to that of Henry by referring to France’s king as the man who ‘‘rompio´ escuadrones.’’ The poet’s choice of words is very apropos since Sancho destroyed whole squadrons of men at Las Navas de Tolosa. For instance, he broke through the chains of the Imesebelen, slaughtering these warriors one by one. During the battle, the Imesebelen stood prepared to die for Islam as they encircled the red tent of Muha´mmad al-Na´sir, the Almohad caliph. Anchored to the ground and shackled together by their knees, they protected their leader, also called ‘‘El Miramamolı´n.’’ Unfortunately for the Muslims, the Christians were triumphant, although al-Na´sir managed a swift retreat with a small group of loyal supporters. Eventually reaching Marrakesh, he cloistered himself in his palace, abdicated to his son, and led a life of pleasures and wine before dying a few months later. In escaping from the Christians, al-Na´sir had left behind thousands of dead soldiers and his most prized possessions. A story states that one of his treasures, an emerald lost from his turban as he fled his camp, was retrieved by Sancho who had it set in his own escutcheon.12 Images of El Miramamolı´n’s brightly colored tent and the sanguinary scene at Las Navas de Tolosa are evoked by a red field on Sancho’s coat of arms and on the sinister half of Henry’s previously mentioned shield. Blazoned on both devices is an outline of a large carbuncle (or escarbuncle) drawn with gold chains and decorated with an emerald at its center point.13 In heraldry the carbuncle indicates supremacy, and the chains, a ‘‘reward for acceptable and weighty service’’ (‘‘Heraldic Meanings’’ 2016), signify nobility if made of gold (Covarrubias 1611: 169r).14

9 Hesiod (1914: fragm. 4). For more versions of the story of Orion, see Smith (1849: 55). 10 Henry’s birthday was December 13, 1553 (Pitts 2009: 1). 11 ‘‘La Batalla de las Navas de Tolosa’’ (n. d.). Unless otherwise noted, the following information in this paragraph is from this source. 12 Sagu¨e´s(2014). Sagu¨e´s reports that the caliph’s gem was once the principal decoration on the cover of a Coran and that a jewel in the Museo de Orreaga-Roncesvalles is presently on display as this emerald (2014). However, a study done in 1982 claims that the stone dates from the sixteenth century and is from a Columbian mine in either Chivor or Muzo (Sagu¨e´s 2014). 13 See the pictures in ‘‘Symbols of Navarre’’ (n.d.) and ‘‘Navarre’’ (2017). Cf. Covarrubias who describes Sancho’s escutcheon (1611: 169r). 14 Since the chains on the shield of Navarre are depicted in the shape of a heraldic carbuncle (cf. Whitmore 1866, 38), it is possible that the jewel lost by al-Na´sir may not have been an emerald, but rather a green carbuncle. This would make sense because the Arabs thought that the carbuncle could protect soldiers from wounds received in battles (Pavitt and Pavitt 1922: 233). Fittingly, the stone is associated with the zodiac sign Scorpio (Pavitt and Pavitt 1922: 230). 123 Go´ngora’s Sonnet ‘‘El Cuarto Enrico yace mal herido’’ 19

Collectively these objects epitomize a win by a prominent individual contributing substantially to the welfare of others. Having fought to preserve Catholicism for his country, King Sancho VII was such a person. Sancho’s heraldic characterization is similarly descriptive of Henry of Navarre. Just as Sancho succeeded in defending militarily his religious faith, the French king won battles for the Protestants (Buisseret 1984: 21–25, 29–34). Moreover, Henry was an unforgettable gentleman, and much like Sancho, an enlightened of powerful armies: Glorio¨so france´s,15 esclarecido Conducidor de eje´rcitos, que en vano De lilios de oro el ya cabello cano, Y de guarda rea¨l iba cen˜ido. (Go´ngora 1628: 1: 33, vv. 5–8) Yet, in verses five to eight of Go´ngora’s text, Henry’s demise is implied by allusions to two major circumstances which failed to prevent that tragedy: the king’s head encircled by the crown of France and his body surrounded by the Guardia Real.16 The message here is that neither the king’s greatness nor the security provided by his attendants was sufficient to save him from Ravaillac’s crime (Salcedo Coronel 1644: 752). On the day of the murder, mounted guards, pages on foot, and noblemen accompanied Henry as he set out in his coach for Paris (Pitts 2009: 323). Sadly, at the moment of Ravaillac’s attack, no one was watching over the king, and no one could react fast enough to stop the regicide (Pitts 2009: 324, 328–329). Although mainly about Henry’s death, the poem’s second quatrain includes an important reference to his coat of arms as King of France and Navarre. Whereas the sinister half of his escutcheon has the already commented red field blazoned with the charge of a carbuncle, the dexter half has a background adorned with three golden fleurs-de-lis.17 These flowers evoke the king because they are the color of the metal gold which denotes a rich or powerful man (Covarrubias 1611: 571v). In heraldry, this color stands for ‘‘generosity and elevation of the mind’’ (Heraldic Meanings 2016), traits particularly applicable to Henry (cf. Chaffee-Sorace 2016: 12). For example, when he heard that his soldiers had pillaged the peasants of Champagne, he made his officers hasten to satisfy all complaints from that district (Pearson 1963: 94). He even showed strong ethics and good-heartedness in his dealings with his opponents. In 1590, after his troops had besieged Paris, a terrible famine arose there. For that reason, some starving residents dropped from the city walls to beg him for bread and permission to leave behind their poor living

15 Henry was a ‘‘glorioso france´s’’ in so far as he achieved many victories in combat (Salcedo Coronel 1644: 752). In both the Mille´ edition of Go´ngora’s works (1900: 505) and the Ciplijauskaite´ edition of the poet’s sonnets (1969: 204), the comma following ‘‘esclarecido’’ has been removed and placed after ‘‘france´s.’’ I have adopted this change in punctuation. 16 See Ciplijauskaite´’s interpretation of the poem’s seventh and eighth lines (Go´ngora 1969: 204). 17 Cf. Ciplijauskaite´ who states that the lilies on the Bourbon shield are white and that Go´ngora transfers to them the color gold from the sovereign’s crown (Go´ngora 1969: 204). 123 20 D. Chaffee-Sorace conditions. Not only did Henry give the hungry people food, but he also let thousands of them cross his military lines. His acts of beneficence and compassion prompted Queen Elizabeth of England to write to him that he had kept Paris from surrendering.18 Like the color gold, the figure of the fleur-de-lis alludes to qualities of King Henry. Originally linked to religion, the lily was believed to have sprouted from the tears that Eve shed as she left the Garden of Eden.19 According to a legend, Clovis, the Frankish king, received at his baptism a lily from the Virgin Mary.20 A symbol of purity, the flower was used by the Roman to connect the blessedness of Mary with special occasions. For instance, at one singular affair, the coronation of by Leo III in AD 800, the Pope presented to the emperor a blue banner decorated with many golden fleurs-de-lis. The pattern on the standard was analogous to the design on Louis VII’s twelfth-century coat of arms. However, in 1376 the number of flowers on the French shield was reduced to three by Charles V in honor of God the Father, the Son Jesus, and the Holy Ghost.21 This trio of lilies became the emblem of the Bourbon king, Henry IV. Considering that the fleur-de-lis is associated with the Crown of France, purity, and the Roman Catholic Church (‘‘Fleur-de-Lis’’ 2016), it suggests Henry’s title, Christian piety, and religious conversion. In addition, since the Catholic Church regarded the lily as an insignia for the Virgin Mary (‘‘The Fleur-de-Lis in Heraldry and in History’’ 2016), the flower’s appearance on Henry’s escutcheon implies that the monarch enjoyed the refuge of the Holy Mother. Nonetheless, Mary could not keep Henry from his wretched fate: Una temeridad astas desprecia, Una traicio´n cuidados mil engan˜a, Que muros rompe en un caballo Grecia. (Go´ngora 1628: 1: 33, vv. 9–11) As it happened, the violence against the king was so unexpected that it was comparable to the assault by the Greeks on Troy. Interestingly, the Trojan horse may not have been a structure allowing enemy fighters to sneak into and destroy that city. Instead, it may have been a large siege machine containing men who operated it to open the ramparts of the metropolis (Wood 1998: 230). As told by the classicist Armand D’Angour, the story of that subterfuge was probably just a myth inspired by these types of devices which, to avoid fire, were draped with damp equine hides (qtd. in Pickles 2014). Known as ‘‘wooden horses,’’ such attack engines were

18 This narrative is from Pearson (1963: 71–72). 19 In this paragraph, I rely heavily on information from ‘‘Fleur-de-Lis’’ (2016). 20 In a different version of the tale, an angel gave him a golden lily when he converted to Christianity (‘‘The Fleur-de-Lis in Heraldry and in History’’ 2016). Cf. Chaffee-Sorace who cites this source (2016: 10). 21 The Sacred Trinity is also represented by the three petals of the fleur-de-lis (‘‘The Fleur-de-Lis in Heraldry and in History’’ 2016). 123 Go´ngora’s Sonnet ‘‘El Cuarto Enrico yace mal herido’’ 21 developed in Assyria in the twelfth century BC and onwards.22 Thus, in the anecdote, the horse was the vehicle for a wily entrance into Troy, but in reality, it was an instrument for knocking down the walls of that city. The stealth exemplified by the fabled Trojan horse and the strength characteristic of an actual battering ram were combined in Ravaillac’s cruel act. On the afternoon of , the assassin moved out of the shadows along the Rue de la Ferronnerie to surprise the king who was riding in the royal coach (Pitts 2009: 328). Having tried in vain earlier in the day to maneuver himself into a good position for striking Henry, the assailant was finally able to do so by jumping onto the carriage wheel nearest to the king (Pitts 2009: 328). Next, while supporting himself on a mere spoke, the knife-wielding Ravaillac stabbed the sovereign and killed him (Pitts 2009: 328–329). The detailed account of Henry’s regicide helps to explain lines nine and ten of Go´ngora’s sonnet. Their meaning is that Ravaillac’s bold determination let him pass fearlessly by the lances (‘‘astas’’) of the royal soldiers, because a betrayal could easily elude a thousand precautions.23 Moreover, the guards had not proven to be very useful during the past attempts on Henry’s life (Pitts 2009: 323). As a result, the king ordered their captain away on an assignment (Pitts 2009: 322 and qtd. in Chaffee-Sorace 2016: 14). Refusing to heed the warnings of impending doom, Henry stated that he had listened to them for 20 years and had concluded that his future was in the hands of God (Matthieu 1837: 34; Pitts 2009: 323). Consequently, when the king’s son, Ce´sar de Vendoˆme, tried to convince his father to talk to an astrologer who had foreseen much danger for Henry, the ruler ridiculed his son for his gullibility and informed him that the man was merely seeking money (Matthieu 1837: 29–30; Pearson 1963: 239–240; Pitts 2009: 323). The fact that the king had done little to stay safe from harm is consistent with the proposed interpretation of lines nine and ten of Go´ngora’s text. Still, a second reading of them is plausible. Since ‘‘astas’’ can signify horns, the word hints at Henry’s lustful behavior towards women. Dubbed the ‘‘Vert Gallant,’’ the king had innumerable amorous affairs throughout his adulthood.24 His promiscuity must have disgusted Ravaillac who was a ‘‘religious maniac’’ (Pearson 1963: 240). Surely Ravaillac would have looked scornfully at Henry’s metaphorical ‘‘astas’’ long before proceeding to slip by the king’s security to commit an act of treason. In addition to denoting lances or intimating lasciviousness, the ‘‘astas’’ in the poem are suggestive of the horns of animals. Specifically, they are reminiscent of

22 Wood (1998: 230). By quoting Pausanias in translation, Wood declares that anybody not believing the Trojans to be completely dumb would realize that the horse was an apparatus for demolishing the city walls (1998: 230). Cf. Salcedo Coronel who mentions various theories regarding the Trojan horse (1644: 752–753). 23 Cf. Salcedo Coronel: ‘‘Una temeraria resolucio´n desprecia la ma´s prevenida seguridad, no temiendo el riesgo de las armas’’ (1644: 752). He goes on to cite a saying from Seneca, ‘‘quisquis vitam suam contempsit, tuae dominus est,’’ which he translates as ‘‘quien desprecia su vida, es duen˜o de la ajena’’ (1644: 752). The dictum can be found in Seneca’s Epistolae morales (1896: 58). Also recognizing that ‘‘una traicio´n engan˜a muchas atenciones cuidadosas,’’ Salcedo Coronel applies Seneca’s phrase to Ravaillac and the slaying of the king (1644: 752). 24 Pearson (1963: 98); cf. Buisseret (1984: 12). See Chaffee-Sorace (2016: 8) who cites Pearson and Buisseret. 123 22 D. Chaffee-Sorace the two collared, belled, and horned cows blazoned on Henry’s small arms as King of Navarre.25 The pair of bovines ‘‘represent the ancient Iberic tribe of Vacceans, said to be the ancestors of the Be´arnais’’ (‘‘Be´arn’’ 2007). It was at the Chaˆteau de Pau in Be´arn that Henry came into the world (Buisseret 1984: 2), and so the Catholics called him ‘‘the Be´arnais’’ (Pearson 1963: 38). Upon his arrival, his maternal grandfather, Henry d’Albret, alluded to some old banter by Spanish detractors. The jesting concerned the infant’s grandmother, Queen Margaret, who had given birth to Henry’s mother. Evoking the escutcheon of Be´arn and referring to Margaret and her daughter, the detractors had chanted, ‘‘Oh wonder, the cow has brought forth a ewe.’’ Remembering the past teasing, Henry d’Albret joyfully remarked, ‘‘See how my ewe has now brought forth a lion!’’26 Indeed, the baby grew up to have the qualities of this heraldic beast, a charge appearing on his grand arms as King of Navarre.27 The traits that Henry shared with the lion were ‘‘dauntless courage, bravery, strength, ferocity, and valor.’’28 As for his relationship to the animal in general, Henry’s dealings at Champagne and Paris revealed that he exemplified the lion’s reputed generosity.29 Despite his kindness, Henry IV met the tragic end nuanced in the last tercet of Go´ngora’s poem: Archas burlo´ el fatal cuchillo; oh Espan˜a, Belona de dos mundos, fiel te precia, Y armada tema la nacio´n extran˜a. (Go´ngora 1628: 1: 33, vv. 12–14) In these verses, Go´ngora first states that Ravaillac mocked the archers of Henry’s Guardia Real with the knife that slew the king (cf. Salcedo Coronel 1644: 754). Next, he contrasts Henry’s situation and, by extension, that of France with that of Spain, pointing out the loyalty and fortitude of the Spaniards for whom such an evil deed against their sovereigns was never possible (Salcedo Coronel 1644: 750–751, 754). Elaborating further, Go´ngora concludes his piece by admonishing his country to protect itself from foreign treachery (Churton 1862: 245). In sum, the poet employs images of heraldry as well as metaphors of people, animals, weapons, and nature to paint a picture of King Henry IV of France in the sonnet ‘‘El Cuarto Enrico yace mal herido.’’ In the text, Go´ngora portrays the monarch as a successful warrior, a commander of armies, an accomplished hunter, a ladies’ man, and an extraordinary French gentleman. Noble of character, Henry was a triumphant leader who could be equally fierce and compassionate. Like the symbolism on his coats of arms, he stood for wealth, benevolence, piety, and, except

25 See the illustration in ‘‘Navarre’’ (2017). 26 The source of this tale is Pe´re´fixe de Beaumont (1896: 12–13). 27 See the picture in ‘‘Navarre’’ (2017). 28 The list of attributes is from ‘‘Symbolism of Heraldic Colors, Furs, Lines, and Ordinaries (2017). See Pearson who describes Henry as being brave by nature, taking part in warlike actions, and maintaining an insouciant courage when ‘‘in the midst of treachery, intrigue, murderous conspiracy, broken treaties, and frequent warfare’’ (1963: 27, 29, 38). Pearson also comments on Henry’s athletic physique and ability to work or fight with only a few hours of rest (1963: 97). 29 See Aesop (2017). Cf. Covarrubias: ‘‘El leo´n es animal ferocı´simo, y juntamente generosı´simo entre todos los animales despue´s del hombre’’ (1611: 521r). 123 Go´ngora’s Sonnet ‘‘El Cuarto Enrico yace mal herido’’ 23 for matters of the heart, honorable principles. However, Henry was not careful regarding his personal safety. He failed to heed the warnings of others about the prospect of danger, an error which ultimately led to his death. When all the metaphors, allusions, heraldic images, uses of color, and references to Henry are considered together in ‘‘El Cuarto Enrico yace mal herido,’’ they indicate that Go´ngora was more than a baroque poet. He was a master of portraiture and skillful commentator on events relating to Henry and the period in which he and the king lived.

References

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