Fascism and Social Revolution
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LE RASSEMBLEMENT DES GAUCHES REPUBLICAINES ET SES COMPOSANTES Article Extrait De La Revue Recherches Contemporaines, N° 5, 1998-1999
LE RASSEMBLEMENT DES GAUCHES REPUBLICAINES ET SES COMPOSANTES Article extrait de la revue Recherches contemporaines, n° 5, 1998-1999 Le Rassemblement comme rassemblement Éric DUHAMEL De toutes les formations politiques, le RGR est probablement celle qui a le moins retenu l’attention des historiens. Les histoires générales de la 4e République se contentent de le qualifier de cartel électoral quand il n’est pas purement et simplement assimilé au Parti radical1. Or, le RGR, sans avoir été un parti politique stricto sensu, a été beaucoup plus qu’un cartel électoral ; en fait une confédération de forces politiques comparable à l’UDF. Mais si l’UDF, à l’origine cartel électoral, s’est transformée en "groupement politique"2, le RGR, ainsi que nous le verrons, a été pensé d’emblée comme une formule originale de regroupement de forces politiques. A ce titre, le RGR a joué un rôle et remplit une fonction non négligeable durant la 4e République. En outre, il constitue un type d’organisation dont la connaissance peut utilement enrichir les études sur les associations partisanes. Le lecteur ne trouvera pas dans les lignes qui suivent une étude exhaustive de cette formation mais, à l’occasion de la publication des notes politiques de Pierre de Léotard dans ce numéro de Recherches contemporaines, une brève présentation. L’histoire du RGR est celle de ses paradoxes. Le moindre n’a-t-il pas été de voir associés dans une même formation radicaux et manifestants du 6 février 1934, survivants de Vichy et résistants parmi les plus authentiques ? Que ce Rassemblement ait eu une influence certaine au Parlement, quand bien même ses principales composantes sont sorties discréditées de la seconde guerre mondiale, à l’exception 1. -
“Politics, Ballyhoo, and Controversy”: the Allied Clandestine Services, Resistance, and the Rivalries in Occupied France
“Politics, Ballyhoo, and Controversy”: The Allied Clandestine Services, Resistance, and the Rivalries in Occupied France By Ronald J. Lienhardt History Departmental Undergraduate Honors Thesis University of Colorado at Boulder April 8, 2014 Thesis Advisor: Dr. Martha Hanna Department of History Defense Committee: Dr. John Willis Department of History Dr. Michael Radelet Department of Sociology 1 Song of the Partisans By Maurice Druon Friend, can you hear The Flight of the ravens Over our plains? Friend, can you hear The muffled cry of our country In chains? Ah! Partisans, Workers and peasants, The alert has sounded. This evening the enemy Will learn the price of blood And of tears.1 1 Claude Chambard, The Maquis: A History of the French Resistance Movement (New York: The Bobbs-Merrill Company, Inc. , 1976), vii. 2 Table of Contents Abstract---------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------4 Introduction--------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------5 Chapter 1: Impending War, the fall of France, and the Foundations of Resistance---------------------8 France’s Initiative becomes outdated: The Maginot Line-------------------------------------------------------11 Failures to Adapt to the Progress of War: The Invasion and the fall of France----------------------------14 Collaboration and Life Under Occupation-------------------------------------------------------------------------20 Organization -
LONDON METROPOLITAN ARCHIVES LIBERATION SOCIETY A/LIB Page 1 Reference Description Dates ADMINISTRATION Minutes A/LIB/001 Minute
LONDON METROPOLITAN ARCHIVES Page 1 LIBERATION SOCIETY A/LIB Reference Description Dates ADMINISTRATION Minutes A/LIB/001 Minute book [of the committee] of The British Jan 1850 - Anti-State-Church Association; indexed; Nov 1853 marked "Vol. 2" A/LIB/002 Minute book of the Executive Committee of the Nov 1853 - Society for the Liberation of Religion from State Dec 1861 -Patronage and Control; indexed A/LIB/003 Minute book of the Executive Committee of the Jan 1862 - Society for the Liberation of Religion from State Dec 1867 -Patronage and Control; indexed A/LIB/004 Minute book of the Executive Committee of the Jan 1868 - Society for the Liberation of Religion from State Dec 1872 -Patronage and Control; indexed, marked "Vol. V". A/LIB/005 Minute book of the Executive Committee of the Jan 1873 - Jul Society for the Liberation of Religion from State 1877 -Patronage and Control; indexed, marked "Vol. VI". A/LIB/006 Minute book of the Executive Committee of the Sep 1877 - Apr Society for the Liberation of Religion from State 1883 -Patronage and Control; indexed, marked "Vol. VII". A/LIB/007 Minute book of the Executive Committee of the May 1883 - Society for the Liberation of Religion from State Dec 1889 -Patronage and Control; indexed, marked "Vol. VIII". A/LIB/008 Minute book of the Executive Committee of the Jan 1890 - Apr Society for the Liberation of Religion from State 1898 -Patronage and Control; indexed, marked "Vol. IX". A/LIB/009 Minute book of the Executive Committee of the May 1898 - Society for the Liberation of Religion from State Apr 1907 -Patronage and Control; indexed, marked "Vol. -
The Labour Party and the Idea of Citizenship, C. 193 1-1951
The Labour Party and the Idea of Citizenship, c. 193 1-1951 ABIGAIL LOUISA BEACH University College London Thesis presented for the degree of PhD University of London June 1996 I. ABSTRACT This thesis examines the development and articulation of ideas of citizenship by the Labour Party and its sympathizers in academia and the professions. Setting this analysis within the context of key policy debates the study explores how ideas of citizenship shaped critiques of the relationships between central government and local government, voluntary groups and the individual. Present historiographical orthodoxy has skewed our understanding of Labour's attitude to society and the state, overemphasising the collectivist nature and centralising intentions of the Labour party, while underplaying other important ideological trends within the party. In particular, historical analyses which stress the party's commitment from the 1930s to achieving the transition to socialism through a strategy of planning, (of industrial development, production, investment, and so on), have generally concluded that the party based its programme on a centralised, expert-driven state, with control removed from the grasp of the ordinary people. The re-evaluation developed here questions this analysis and, fundamentally, seeks to loosen the almost overwhelming concentration on the mechanisms chosen by the Labour for the implementation of policy. It focuses instead on the discussion of ideas that lay behind these policies and points to the variety of opinions on the meaning and implications of social and economic planning that surfaced in the mid-twentieth century Labour party. In particular, it reveals considerable interest in the development of an active and participatory citizenship among socialist thinkers and politicians, themes which have hitherto largely been seen as missing elements in the ideas of the interwar and immediate postwar Labour party. -
Jesse Collings, Agrarian Radical, 1880-1892
University of Massachusetts Amherst ScholarWorks@UMass Amherst Doctoral Dissertations 1896 - February 2014 1-1-1975 Jesse Collings, agrarian radical, 1880-1892. David Murray Aronson University of Massachusetts Amherst Follow this and additional works at: https://scholarworks.umass.edu/dissertations_1 Recommended Citation Aronson, David Murray, "Jesse Collings, agrarian radical, 1880-1892." (1975). Doctoral Dissertations 1896 - February 2014. 1343. https://scholarworks.umass.edu/dissertations_1/1343 This Open Access Dissertation is brought to you for free and open access by ScholarWorks@UMass Amherst. It has been accepted for inclusion in Doctoral Dissertations 1896 - February 2014 by an authorized administrator of ScholarWorks@UMass Amherst. For more information, please contact [email protected]. JESSE COLLINGS, AGRARIAN RADICAL, 1880-1892 A Dissertation Presented By DAVID MURRAY ARONSON Submitted to the Graduate School of the University of Massachusetts in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree DOCTOR OF PHILOSOPHY August 1975 History DAVID MURRAY ARONSON 1975 JESSE COLLINGS, AGRARIAN RADICAL, 1880-1892 A Dissertation By DAVID MURRAY AFONSON -Approved ss to style and content by Michael Wolff, Professor of English Franklin B. Wickwire, Professor of History Joyce BerVraan, Professor of History Gerald McFarland, Ch<- History Department August 1975 Jesse Collings, Agrarian Radical, 1880-1892 David M. Aronson, B,A., University of Rochester M.A. , Syracuse University Directed by: Michael Wolff Jesse Collings, although -
Kurt Eisner, the Opposition and the Reconstruction of the International
ROBERT F. WHEELER THE FAILURE OF "TRUTH AND CLARITY" AT BERNE: KURT EISNER, THE OPPOSITION AND THE RECONSTRUCTION OF THE INTERNATIONAL To better understand why Marxist Internationalism took on the forms that it did during the revolutionary epoch that followed World War I, it is useful to reconsider the "International Labor and Socialist Con- ference" that met at Berne from January 26 to February 10,1919. This gathering not only set its mark on the "reconstruction" of the Second International, it also influenced both the formation and the development of the Communist International. It is difficult, however, to comprehend fully what transpired at Berne unless the crucial role taken in the deliberations by Kurt Eisner, on the one hand, and the Zimmerwaldian Opposition, on the other, is recognized. To a much greater extent than has generally been realized, the immediate success and the ultimate failure of the Conference depended on the Bavarian Minister President and the loosely structured opposition group to his Left. Nevertheless every scholarly study of the Conference to date, including Arno Mayer's excellent treatment of the "Stillborn Berne Conference", tends to un- derestimate Eisner's impact while largely ignoring the very existence of the Zimmerwaldian Opposition.1 Yet, if these two elements are neglected it becomes extremely difficult, if not impossible, to fathom the real significance of Berne. Consequently there is a need to reevaluate 1 In Mayer's case this would seem to be related to two factors: first, the context in which he examines Berne, namely the attempt by Allied labor leaders to influence the Paris Peace Conference; and second, his reliance on English and French accounts of the Conference. -
The French Communist Party and the Comintern
WILLIAM A. HOISINGTON.JR CLASS AGAINST CLASS: THE FRENCH COMMUNIST PARTY AND THE COMINTERN A STUDY OF ELECTION TACTICS IN 1928 Since the 1930's the French Communist party has faithfully endorsed the policy decisions of the Soviet Union, oftentimes despite disagree- ment with major Soviet pronouncements.1 In the 1920's, however, the French Communist leadership was divided over the appropriateness of Soviet instructions on matters that appeared to many French Com- munists clearly within the exclusive domain of the French party. The intrusion of the Comintern, the Soviet-dominated international Communist organization, into the pre-campaign discussion of the tactics for the 1928 elections to the French national assembly forced French Communists to re-examine their goals, their position in French politics, and their relationship with the Soviet Union. The decisions of the French party leaders, made amid what was perhaps the last animated and freewheeling public party debate, determined the party's relationship with the USSR for a full forty years. The disagreement over election tactics originated in the concern of a Comintern official for the politics and posture of the French party. Jules Humbert-Droz, director of the Comintern's Latin Secretariat and Comintern representative to the French party congress at Lille in June 1926, was alarmed at the efforts of French Communists to reach election agreements with members of the Socialist party.2 To Humbert - 1 The French Communist party's criticism of the invasion of Czechoslovakia by the Soviet Union, Bulgaria, East Germany, Hungary, and Poland was a rare example of infidelity. See The New York Times, August 22, 1968. -
Register of Lords' Interests
REGISTER OF LORDS’ INTERESTS _________________ The following Members of the House of Lords have registered relevant interests under the code of conduct: ABERDARE, LORD Category 10: Non-financial interests (a) Director, F.C.M. Limited (recording rights) Category 10: Non-financial interests (c) Trustee, Berlioz Society Trustee, St John Cymru-Wales Trustee, National Library of Wales Category 10: Non-financial interests (e) Trustee, Stephen Dodgson Trust (promotes continued awareness/performance of works of composer Stephen Dodgson) Trustee, West Wycombe Charitable Trust ADAMS OF CRAIGIELEA, BARONESS Nil No registrable interests ADDINGTON, LORD Category 1: Directorships Chairman, Microlink PC (UK) Ltd (computing and software) Category 7: Overseas visits Visit to Dublin, 6-7 May 2015, to talk on UK Election at seminar organised by Goodbody and the British Irish Chamber of Commerce who paid for airfares, accommodation and hospitality Category 8: Gifts, benefits and hospitality Gift of two tickets and lunch at Challenge Cup Final as guest of the Rugby League, 30 August 2015 * Gift of tickets for England-Australia game during Rugby World Cup as guest of Rugby Football Union, 3 October 2015 Gift of one ticket to the semi-finals of the Rugby World Cup, 24-25 October 2015, given by Rugby World Cup 2015 and RFU Category 10: Non-financial interests (d) President (formerly Vice President), British Dyslexia Association Category 10: Non-financial interests (e) Vice President, UK Sports Association Vice President, Lakenham Hewitt Rugby Club ADEBOWALE, -
Before New Liberalism: the Continuity of Radical Dissent, 1867-1914
Before New Liberalism: The Continuity of Radical Dissent, 1867-1914 A thesis submitted to the University of Manchester for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy in the Faculty of Humanities 2019 Nicholas A. Loizou School of Arts, Languages and Cultures Table of Contents: List of Figures 4 Abstract 6 Introduction 10 Research Objectives: A Revision in Politico-Religious History 10 A Historiographical Review 13 Methodology and Approach 23 1. Radical Dissent, Social Gospels and the Community, 1860-1906 28 1. Introduction 28 2. Growing Communitarianism and Religious Theology 29 3. The Importance of Radical Dissent and the Community 37 4. Nonconformity and the Urban Working Class 41 5. Nonconformity and the Liberal Party 51 6. Conclusion 56 2. Nonconformity, Liberalism and Labour 58 1. Introduction 58 2. The Significance of Nonconformity in Co-operative Class Relations 62 3. The Reform League 69 4. Nonconformity, Class and Christian Brotherhood in the Age of Gladstone 77 5. ‘That Church and King Mob’: Nonconformity, Brotherhood and Anti-Tory Rhetoric 82 6. Liberal-Labour Politics and the Late Nineteenth Century Social Turn in Nonconformity 87 7. Conclusion 93 3. Birmingham and the Civic Gospel: 1860-1886 94 1. Introduction 94 2. The Civic Gospel: The Origins of a Civic Theology 98 3. The Civic Gospel and the Cohesion of the Birmingham Corporation: 1860 – 1886 102 4. The Civic Gospel and Municipal Socialism: 1867-1886 111 5. The National Liberal Federation 116 6. The Radical Programme 122 7. Conclusion: The Legacy of Birmingham Progressivism 128 4. From Provincial Liberalism to National Politics: Nonconformist Movements 1860-1906 130 2 1. -
The London School of Economics and Political Science
The London School of Economics and Political Science «Les Belles Années du Plan»? Hendrik de Man and the Reinvention of Western European Socialism, 1914-36 ca. Tommaso Milani A thesis submitted to the Department of International History of the London School of Economics for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy, London, September 2017. 1 DECLARATION I certify that the thesis I have presented for examination for the MPhil/PhD degree of the London School of Economics and Political Science is solely my own work other than where I have clearly indicated that it is the work of others (in which case the extent of any work carried out jointly by me and any other person is clearly identified in it). The copyright of this thesis rests with the author. Quotation from it is permitted, provided that full acknowledgment is made. This thesis may not be reproduced without my prior written consent. I warrant that this authorisation does not, to the best of my belief, infringe the rights of any third party. I declare that my thesis consists of 99,843 words. 2 ABSTRACT The thesis discusses the trajectory of the Belgian socialist thinker and activist Hendrik de Man (1885-1953) between 1914 and 1936 ca, with particular attention to his endeavours to renew Western European social democracy after the Great War. The first half of the thesis deals with de Man’s theoretical evolution. Having become convinced of the inadequacy of orthodox Marxism as a conceptual framework for the Left while serving as soldier and diplomat during WWI, de Man sought to overcome the split between reformism and revolutionary socialism by developing an ethical conception of socialism outlined in the book Zur Psychologie des Sozialismus (1926) and, subsequently, by elaborating planism, a democratic socialist ideology supposedly more in tune with the socio-economic conditions of the 1930s. -
La République De L'entre-Deux-Guerres Victorieuse Et
IV – LA VIE POLITIQUE EN FRANCE (environ 35% du temps consacré à l’histoire) Frédéric Cabras, professeur d’histoire-géographie, collège Olympe de Gouges – Plan-de-Cuques (13). Thème 1 - LA RÉPUBLIQUE DE L’ENTRE -DEUX -GUERRES : VICTORIEUSE ET FRAGILISÉE CONNAISS ANCES : DÉMARCHE : Deux moments forts : - De la guerre à la paix (1917-1920), la vie L’étude s’appuie sur des personnages (par politique française est marquée par la fin de exemple Clemenceau…) et des événements l’union sacrée et le retour à la vie politique (le Congrès de Tours) particulièrement parlementaire, dans un climat importants. d’affrontements politiques et sociaux. - Les années 1930 : la République en crise L’étude s’appuie sur des images et le Front populaire. significatives et quelques mesures emblématiques du Front populaire. CAPACITÉS Connaître et utiliser le repère suivant - Victoire électorale et lois sociales du Front Populaire : 1936 Décrire - L’impact de la révolution russe en France - Les principaux aspects de la crise des années 1930 - Les principales mesures prises par le Front populaire en montrant les réactions qu’elles suscitent A. QUELQUES REMARQUES PREALABLES Pour donner de la cohérence à l’ensemble de la séquence et permettre à chacun d’appréhender la notion de « vie politique » qui constitue en quelque sorte le fil rouge de la dernière partie du programme d’histoire, il parait opportun d’inscrire le thème 1, « la République victorieuse et fragilisée » dans une approche problématisée de la République. De plus, le sujet qui est vaste nécessite de faire des choix et de concevoir des problématiques de leçons bien resserrées autour des enjeux majeurs. -
Reformism and Jules Guesde: 1891–1904
LESLIE DERFLER REFORMISM AND JULES GUESDE: 1891-1904 "One difficulty with analysis in social science is that it deals with categories, not people." Daniel Bell, The End of Ideology A subtitle of this essay could conceivably read, "a subject in search of a biographer". It examines the motives of Jules Guesde, who intro- duced and organized Marxism in France, in shifting from revolutionary to reformist, and back to a revolutionary position. In charting these movements I have applied some new evidence, that found in recently available police archives, to an old problem. Some procedures ought to be made clear. Reformism is viewed mainly as a question of tactics; most socialists always sought as their objective basic changes in the status of the underprivileged and in the nature of property ownership. In any case, what socialists did is at least as important as what socialists said. No attempt is made at a structural analysis of the various socialist factions. Maurice Duverger has shown that little institutionalization existed here and that individual leaders enjoyed great personal power and prestige. Some, presumably Guesde, were "very authoritarian and very imbued with their personal power and not much inclined to dilute it." Leaders continued to exert considerable influence after the esta- blishment of institutional frameworks - as that given to the Parti ouvrier franfais in 1890. * In his amazingly comprehensive study of the Guesdists, Claude Willard agrees that despite an annual congress and a National Council, Guesde and Lafargue "played a primary role and stamped the party with their imprint".2 Finally, the presentation of recent evidence must abridge in a short paper much that is already familiar.