A VIGNETTE CONCERNING THE DEIFICATION OF THUTMOSE IV

Melinda Hartwig Georgia State University

The tomb of Tjenuna (TT 76)containsanin- memoriae and environmental factors. Early in the triguing vignette of four royal figures, which ap- nineteenth century, Jean-François Champollion pears on the top register of the western back wall visited the tomb and wrote in Notices descriptives of the transverse hall of his chapel (figs. 1 and about the scene in context, stating it was “un 2).1 The first, labeled “the perfect god Menkhep- tableau représentant des meubles précieux et des erure” (ntr nfr Mn-hprw-r#) has yellow skin, and ornements, parmi lesquels sont des statuettes en wears the¯ ˘ and a , a golden or du roi A et de la reine B.” King A corre- collar with armlets, a yellow- and red-striped sponded to Thutmose IV, and Queen B referred royal kilt, and a sporran with pendant uraei. This to .4 Beside the of Tiaa, Champol- figure of Thutmose IV is shown censing a black lion also drew a copy of the queen’s statue, fac- statue wearing a yellow- and red-striped royal kilt ing left. Some time later, Robert Hay’s assistant with a pendant-uraei sporran, a golden collar and traced the statues while they were still visible on armlets, and a khepresh crown with a uraeus. He the wall. In Torgny Säve-Söderbergh’s 1957 pub- carries in his hand a staff, and his other hand lication of the tomb wall, Nina de Garis Davies is raised in a gesture of address.2 Behind stands reconstructed the statues by following these trac- a smaller, yellow statue identified as the “great ings, and the author and Davies deduced the fol- royal wife, Tiaa, may she live!” (hmt. wrt tı-" #A #nh.tı"). lowing: Tiaa wears a yellow dress and a ,˘ and carries a sistrum and a in one hand, The statues certainly belong to the first regis- and a lotus in the other. Behind her is another ter, as part of the censer is still in situ. The left statue of a king, this time of red stone. He wears group, consisting of a smaller figure of Thut- the khepresh crown with a uraeus, a golden collar mose IV in front of statues of the king and and armlets, and a blue- and red-striped royal kilt Queen Ti"a…is joined together in Hay’s trac- with yellow frontlet and a pendant-uraei sporran. ings and its location is thus clear; the third This vignette is part of four registers of gifts that statue is too high for the second register and were presented to the king during the New Year’s therefore can only belong here.5 festival. These gifts include pectorals composed of solar-crowned lions or uraei, collars with falcon- These tracings show Thutmose IV raised on headed terminals, statues, mirrors, vases what appears to be a plinth, censing three stat- of Egyptian and foreign manufacture, and royal ues, all of which stand on similar bases on a con- implements of power such as the mace and sickle. tinuous reed mat. Säve-Söderbergh and Davies Adjacent to the New Year’s gifts, Tjenuna and identified this figure as Thutmose IV and not most likely a family member offer a pectoral to a statue of the king, but gave no reasons for Thutmose IV, who is seated in a kiosk.3 this assignment. When one looks at the drawing, The scene sustained damage from damnatio the top of Thutmose’s “plinth” roughly joins the

1 PM 1,1(2), 150,(5). 4 Jean-François Champollion, Notices descriptives 1 (Paris: 2 Betsy M. Bryan, “Portrait Sculpture of Thutmose IV,” Didot Frères, 1835), 481. JARCE 24 (1987): 18–19,n.33. 5 Torgny Säve-Söderbergh, Four Eighteenth Dynasty Tombs, 3 See discussion in: Melinda Hartwig, Tomb Painting Private Tombs at Thebes 1 (Oxford: Griffith Institute, 1957), and Identity in Ancient Thebes, 1419–1372BCE,Monumenta 50,n.4. A visit to the tomb by the author in 1996 confirmed Aegyptiaca 10 (Turnhout: Brepols, 2004), 54–73, 79–81, the presence of the censer, which still remains on the wall. esp. 71, 79. a vignette concerning the deification of 121 bottom of the statue bases, suggesting that this and larger social world of the deceased, as well as plinth was actually a continuation of the reed how the tomb owner desired to be remembered mat that underlay the entire register. In tracing to the living, and maintained in the hereafter. the censing figure of Thutmose, Hay’s assistant It is important to note that back wall scenes, may have mistaken the tie of the reed mat, as it as well as other images in the tomb chapel, remained on the wall, for the end of a separate also reflected historical, religious, and cultural base, thus creating a plinth for a figure that origi- influences present at the time of the painting’s nally had none. creation, all within the dictates of decorum.11 While two of the statues are identified, the Occurring as it does in a mortuary installation, black statue of the king facing the censing figure this vignette is also governed by time, or the has engendered some debate. Several scholars permanent, static eternity ruled by the god of the have assigned this black statue to Amenhotep II.6 underworld, . However, the “” title that identi- At first glance, the image of the king offering fies the statue of Tiaa was not one that she held to himself is an unusual motif, and not usually during the reign of her husband, Amenhotep II. associated with the art of the 18th Dynasty. Later She only received it upon the accession of her kings such as Ramesses II are shown offering to son, Thutmose IV, to the throne.7 This, and the their statues or divine manifestations.12 During iconographical similarities of both the unnamed the reign of Ramesses II, this motif was found red and black statues with portrayals of statues on private stelae,13 and in relief in the king’s of Thutmose IV, suggests that the statues belong temples at Abu Simbel and Wadi es-Sebua.14 On to this king.8 Säve-Söderbergh also conceded that private stelae, Ramesses II appears twice, once as these two statues belonged to Thutmose IV.9 a statue on a plinth and again as a supplicant, Theownerofthetomb(TT76)inwhichthis censing or offering to himself. During the reign vignette occurs was Tjenuna, who bore the title of Amenhotep III, images of the king censing “chief steward of the king” and called himself the or praying to his deified form are preserved in “true foster child of the king, beloved of him” (sdty the Soleb Temple in , but not in Egypt ¯ nsw mA# mry.f ).10 Tjenuna is identified as one of proper.15 On private stelae, Amenhotep III is the king’s most powerful officials, who also had worshiped in various divine guises by officials, a close, personal relationship with the ruler. The but to date there are no examples of the king vignette occurs on the back wall of the tomb, the worshiping himself.16 Instead, Amenhotep III is most sensitive indicator about the identity, life, venerated as a manifestation of a divine force,

6 Cyril Aldred, “The ‘New Year’ Gifts to the ,” nastien,MÄS17 (Munich: Bruno Hessling, 1969), 112–113; JEA 55 (1969): 79,n.2; and Marianne Eaton-Krauss, “Con- Amin A.M.A Amer, “Some observations on the statue-cults cerning Standard-Bearing Statues,” SAK 4 (1976): 70,n. of Ramesses II,” JSSEA 26 (1999): 1–7. 11. 13 Stela of in the Aeg. Seminar of Munich, 7 On titles of Tiaa: Betsy M. Bryan, The Reign of Thut- in: Habachi, Features, 33–34, ill. 21,pl.13b; Hild. 377,in mose IV (Baltimore: The Johns Hopkins University Press, Labib Habachi, “Khatâna-Qantir: Importance,” ASAÉ 52 1991), 108; Bryan, “Antecedents to Amenhotep III,” in Amen- (1954): 536; J.J. Clère, “Nouveaux documents relatifs au culte hotep III: Perspectives on His Reign, ed. O’Connor and des colosses de Ramsès II dans le Delta,” Kêmi 11 (1950): Eric Cline (Ann Arbor: University of Michigan Press, 1998), 36–38,pl.3A; Leiden F 1963/2.1 in Ali Radwan, “Einige 44–45. Aspekte der Vergöttlichung des ägyptischen Königs,” in 8 Compare the statue named “Menkheperure, beloved Ägypten, Dauer und Wandel,SDAIK18 (Mainz: Philipp von of ” in Norman de Garis Davies, The Tombs of two Zabern, 1985), Abb. 9. Officials of Thutmosis IV (nos. 75 and 90) (London: Egypt 14 Habachi, Features, 5, 12, 43,pl.2. Rolf Gundlach, Exploration Society, 1923), pl. 12, with the black statue in “Das Dekorationsprogramm der Tempel von Abu Simbel TT 76; and both statues with those on the upper register und ihre kultische und königsideologische Funktion,” Systeme of Thutmose IV’s Peristyle Court (see Hartwig, Tomb Painting und Programme der ägyptischen Tempeldekoration, 3. Ägyptologische and Identity,fig.19,pl.18,3). Tempeltagung Hamburg, 1.–5. Juni 1994, Akten der ägyptologischen 9 Säve-Söderbergh, Four Eighteenth Dynasty Tombs, 51. Tempeltagungen1,ÄAT33 (1995): 47–71. 10 Urk. 4, 1578, 12–1579; Hartwig, Tomb Painting and Iden- 15 LD 3, 84a, 84c. See also Peter Pamminger, “Zur tity, 79,n.219. Göttlichkeit Amenophis’ III,” BSFÉ 17 (1993): 83–92. 11 Hartwig, Tomb Painting and Identity, 15–19, 51–54. 16 For examples, see: Ali Radwan, “Amenophis III, dar- 12 Labib Habachi, Features of the Deification of Ramesses II, gestellt und angerufen als Osiris (wnn-nfrw),” MDAIK 29 ADAIK 5 (Glückstadt: J.J. Augustin, 1969), 34–35;Diet- (1973): 71–76; Radwan, “Einige Aspekte,” Abb. 10, 25;Su- rich Wildung, Die Rolle ägyptischer Könige im Bewusstsein ihrer sanne Bickel, “Aspects et fonctions de la déification d’Amen- Nachwelt 1: Posthume Quellen über die Könige der ersten vier Dy- hotep III,” BIFAO 102 (2002): figs. 8–12.