Remembering Peter Fraser
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Martyn Finlay Memorial Scholarship
Martyn Finlay Memorial Scholarship Code: 366 Faculty: Law Applicable study: LLB Part III Closing date: 31 August Tenure: One year For: Financial Assistance Number on offer: One Offer rate: Annually Value: Up to $2,400 Description In memory of the late Hon Dr Allan Martyn Finlay QC, Member of Parliament for the North Shore 1946–1949, Vice President of the New Zealand Labour Party from 1956–1958, President from 1958–1963, Member for Waitakere 1963–1978, Attorney General and Minister of Justice in the Labour Government of 1972–1975 and in 1973-1974 led the New Zealand case against the French nuclear testing at Muroroa. He was a long time member of the University of Auckland Council. The main purpose of the Scholarship is to enable academically able students who are demonstrably suffering financial hardship to continue their undergraduate Law studies in Part Three at the University of Auckland. Selection process - Application is made to the Scholarships Office - A Selection Committee assesses the applications - The Scholarship is awarded by the University of Auckland Council on the recommendation of the Selection Committee Regulations 1. The Scholarship will be known as the Martyn Finlay Memorial Scholarship. 2. One Scholarship will be awarded each year for a period of one year and will be of the value of $2,400. 3. The Scholarship will be awarded to a candidate who is enrolled in Part III of an undergraduate Law Degree and has paid the fees, or arranged to pay the fees, for full-time study. 4. Selection will be based on academic merit, demonstrable financial hardship and commitment to the community. -
NEW ZEALAND and the OCCUPATION of JAPAN Gordon
CHAPTER SIX NEW ZEALAND AND THE OCCUPATION OF JAPAN Gordon Daniels During the Second World War His Majesty’s Dominions, Australia, New Zealand, Canada and South Africa shared a common seniority in the British imperial structure. All were virtually independent and co-operated in the struggle against the axis. But among these white-ruled states differ- ences were as apparent as similarities. In particular factors of geography and racial composition gave New Zealand a distinct political economy which shaped its special perspective on the Pacific War. Not only were New Zealanders largely British in racial origin but their economy was effectively colonial.1 New Zealand farmers produced agricultural goods for the mother country and in return absorbed British capital and manufac- turers. Before 1941 New Zealand looked to the Royal Navy for her defence and in exchange supplied troops to fight alongside British units in both world wars.2 What was more, New Zealand’s prime minister from 1940 to 1949 was Peter Fraser who had been born and reared in Scotland. His dep- uty, Walter Nash, had also left Britain after reaching adulthood.3 Thus political links between Britons and New Zealanders were reinforced by true threads of Kith and Kin which made identification with the mother country especially potent. These economic and political ties were con- firmed by the restricted nature of New Zealand’s diplomatic appara- tus which formed the basis of her view of the East Asian world. New The author is grateful to the librarian of New Zealand House and Mrs P. Taylor for their help in providing materials for the preparation of this paper. -
Peter Fraser
N E \V z_E A L A N D S T U D I E S 1!!J BOOK 'RJVIEW by SiiiiOII sheppard Peter Fraser: Master Politician Fraser made more important decisions in more interesting times Margaret Clark (Ed), The Dunmore Press, 1998, $29.95 than Holyoake ever did. ARL!ER THIS YEAR I con International Relations at Victoria Congratulations are due to the E ducted a survey among University, the book is derived from organisers of the conference for academics and other leaders in their a conference held in August 1997, their diligence in assembling a fields asking them to give their part of a series being conducted by roster of speakers capable of appraisal of New Zealand's providing such a broad Prime Ministers according spectrum of perspectives on to the extent to which they Fraser. This multi-faceted made a positive contribu approach pays dividends in tion to the history of the that it reflects the depth of country. From the replies I Fraser's character and the was able to establish a breadth of his contribution to ranking of the Prime New Zealand history. Ministers, from greatest to The first three phases of least effective. Fraser's political career are It was no surprise that discussed; from early Richard Seddon finished in socialist firebrand, to key first place. But I was lieutenant in the first Labour intrigued by the runner up. Government, to wartime It was not the beloved Prime Minister and interna Michael Joseph-Savage, nor tional statesman at the the inspiring Norman Kirk, founding of the United or the long serving Sir Keith Nations. -
A Diachronic Study of Unparliamentary Language in the New Zealand Parliament, 1890-1950
WITHDRAW AND APOLOGISE: A DIACHRONIC STUDY OF UNPARLIAMENTARY LANGUAGE IN THE NEW ZEALAND PARLIAMENT, 1890-1950 BY RUTH GRAHAM A thesis submitted to the Victoria University of Wellington in fulfilment of the requirements for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy in Applied Linguistics Victoria University of Wellington 2016 ii “Parliament, after all, is not a Sunday school; it is a talking-shop; a place of debate”. (Barnard, 1943) iii Abstract This study presents a diachronic analysis of the language ruled to be unparliamentary in the New Zealand Parliament from 1890 to 1950. While unparliamentary language is sometimes referred to as ‘parliamentary insults’ (Ilie, 2001), this study has a wider definition: the language used in a legislative chamber is unparliamentary when it is ruled or signalled by the Speaker as out of order or likely to cause disorder. The user is required to articulate a statement of withdrawal and apology or risk further censure. The analysis uses the Communities of Practice theoretical framework, developed by Wenger (1998) and enhanced with linguistic impoliteness, as defined by Mills (2005) in order to contextualise the use of unparliamentary language within a highly regulated institutional setting. The study identifies and categorises the lexis of unparliamentary language, including a focus on examples that use New Zealand English or te reo Māori. Approximately 2600 examples of unparliamentary language, along with bibliographic, lexical, descriptive and contextual information, were entered into a custom designed relational database. The examples were categorised into three: ‘core concepts’, ‘personal reflections’ and the ‘political environment’, with a number of sub-categories. This revealed a previously unknown category of ‘situation dependent’ unparliamentary language and a creative use of ‘animal reflections’. -
Māori Land and Land Tenure in New Zealand: 150 Years of the Māori Land Court
77 MĀORI LAND AND LAND TENURE IN NEW ZEALAND: 150 YEARS OF THE MĀORI LAND COURT R P Boast* This is a general historical survey of New Zealand's Native/Māori Land Court written for those without a specialist background in Māori land law or New Zealand legal history. The Court was established in its present form in 1865, and is still in operation today as the Māori Land Court. This Court is one of the most important judicial institutions in New Zealand and is the subject of an extensive literature, nearly all of it very critical. There have been many changes to Māori land law in New Zealand since 1865, but the Māori Land Court, responsible for investigating titles, partitioning land blocks, and various other functions (some of which have later been transferred to other bodies) has always been a central part of the Māori land system. The article assesses the extent to which shifts in ideologies relating to land tenure, indigenous cultures, and customary law affected the development of the law in New Zealand. The article concludes with a brief discussion of the current Māori Land Bill, which had as one of its main goals a significant reduction of the powers of the Māori Land Court. Recent political developments in New Zealand, to some extent caused by the government's and the New Zealand Māori Party's support for the 2017 Bill, have meant that the Bill will not be enacted in its 2017 form. Current developments show once again the importance of Māori land issues in New Zealand political life. -
CHAPTER 4 the 1980S: OTHER DOMESTIC
CHAPTER 4 THE 1980s: OTHER DOMESTIC 06 CHALLENGES -40 GENEVA CONVET\IIIONS COVEM10V, (.0":1:;:`;713\S NO ATTACK ON %sk $sk 1\10 ATIO 0% ,p, cz' r NO aTTACK ON A pi,iFfor;:i,t444:7, ANDPEACE LET LA4 AND PEACE PREVAIL! Demonstration against mass destruction : Snowballers at a Nuclear Base. — Wiltshire Times CHAPTER 4 THE 1980s: OTHER DOMESTIC INITIATIVES 4.1 Introduction In the early 1980s a plethora of citizen organisations, especially strong in the UK, began to focus on nuclear weapons and international law. Although the UK Lawyers for Nuclear Disarmament (LND) helped inspire groups of non-lawyers such as Campaign for Nuclear Disarmament (CND), the International Law Against War (INLAW), the Institute of Law and Peace (INLAP) and Pax Legalis to use international law, it did not survive long. MacBride was an early influence on all these groups, and initiated further projects with a final goal of obtaining a request for an International Court of Justice (ICJ) advisory opinion through the UN. A variety of groups in the Netherlands, West Germany, Canada and the US challenged their governments policies in the courts. Inspired by the Greenham Women and the Nuremberg (1983) and London (1985) Tribunals, they worked collectively with lawyers taking creative actions which included the development of legally binding Nuclear Free Zones (NFZs) in cities, ports and states. Over 100 citizen-initiated Tribunals were held in Japan; and several states banned visits by nuclear warships through legislation or their constitutions (see 5.4 and 5.5). This chapter highlights some of these initiatives to illustrate how by the end of the decade the ground was fertile for pursuing the World Court Project (WCP) internationally. -
Politics of Forgetting: New Zealand, Greece and Britain at War by Martyn Brown. Australian Scholarly Publishing: Melbourne, 2019
Politics of Forgetting: New Zealand, Greece and Britain at War By Martyn Brown. Australian Scholarly Publishing: Melbourne, 2019. RRP: AU$49.95 ISBN: 978-1-925801-68-2 Reviewed by C. Dimitris Gounelas and Ruth Parkin-Gounelas The conventional account of wartime relations between Greece, New Zealand and Britain is one of unwavering solidarity in the face of appalling odds, and few would question its truth as a general narrative. More recent approaches, however, have opened up the cracks in this tripartite relationship. Martyn Brown’s Politics of Forgetting contributes to the on-going analysis of these rifts, demonstrating through an impressive range of scholarly evidence the way the political situation in Greece triggered tensions which sometimes had far-reaching consequences. The need to maintain morale meant that differences were pasted over; wartime censorship and the destruction of compromising documents helped to maintain a narrative of unquestioning mutual trust. But with the gradual release of some previously-classified material, things have begun to look rather different. Brown’s focus is on the New Zealand Official War History Project, which appeared gradually after the war under the general editorship of Howard Kippenberger, who along with Bernard Freyberg played a dominant role in commanding New Zealand forces in the Mediterranean. Citing the French philosopher Ernest Renan, he argues that “forgetting” is crucial to any narrative of nation: we usually remember what enhances an image of something honorable and heroic. These qualities certainly applied to New Zealand’s immediate agreement to send troops to defend the small Balkan nation that at the time, in 1941, appeared to be the only country holding out against the advancing Axis forces on the continent of Europe. -
Life Stories of Robert Semple
Copyright is owned by the Author of the thesis. Permission is given for a copy to be downloaded by an individual for the purpose of research and private study only. The thesis may not be reproduced elsewhere without the permission of the Author. From Coal Pit to Leather Pit: Life Stories of Robert Semple A thesis presented in partial fulfilment of the requirements for the degree of a PhD in History at Massey University Carina Hickey 2010 ii Abstract In the Dictionary of New Zealand Biography Len Richardson described Robert Semple as one of the most colourful leaders of the New Zealand labour movement in the first half of the twentieth century. Semple was a national figure in his time and, although historians had outlined some aspects of his public career, there has been no full-length biography written on him. In New Zealand history his characterisation is dominated by two public personas. Firstly, he is remembered as the radical organiser for the New Zealand Federation of Labour (colloquially known as the Red Feds), during 1910-1913. Semple’s second image is as the flamboyant Minister of Public Works in the first New Zealand Labour government from 1935-49. This thesis is not organised in a chronological structure as may be expected of a biography but is centred on a series of themes which have appeared most prominently and which reflect the patterns most prevalent in Semple’s life. The themes were based on activities which were of perceived value to Semple. Thus, the thematic selection was a complex interaction between an author’s role shaping and forming Semple’s life and perceived real patterns visible in the sources. -
Examining Print Media Coverage Leading Into New Zealand And
Examining Print Media Coverage Leading into New Zealand and British Columbia’s Respective November 6, 1993 and May 12, 2009 Electoral Reform Referendums by Abdullah Sinan Alzubaidi A thesis submitted in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of Master of Arts Department of Political Science University of Alberta © Abdullah Sinan Alzubaidi, 2018 ii Abstract This thesis examined whether the print media of New Zealand and British Columbia, in the immediate month campaign period leading into their respective November 6, 1993 and May 12, 2009 electoral reform referendums, provided a deliberative environment for citizens to make informed ballot choices. This is vital on such a vote. Grounded in theories of deliberative democracy, I evaluate the print media of NZ and B.C., specifically the New Zealand Herald, the Evening Post, the Vancouver Sun, and the Victoria Times Colonist broadsheets, against three indicators: quantity of coverage, balance of coverage, and presence and type of reasoning to support taken positions. Based on the gathered results, I conclude that both NZ and B.C.’s print media attempted to provide a deliberative environment so that citizens could make informed ballot decisions on competing electoral system options. However, New Zealand’s was stronger based on displaying a high quantity of coverage on their country’s referendum between FPTP and MMP, while British Columbia’s coverage was moderate on their province’s FPTP vs. STV vote. iii Preface This thesis is an original work by Abdullah Sinan Alzubaidi. No part of this thesis has been previously published. iv Acknowledgements There are many people who have helped me along the way as I have put this thesis together, taking it from just an idea and curiosity, to a completed piece of work. -
James Macandrew of Otago Slippery Jim Or a Leader Staunch and True?
JAMES MACANDREW OF OTAGO SLIPPERY JIM OR A LEADER STAUNCH AND TRUE? BY RODERICK JOHN BUNCE A thesis submitted to Victoria University of Wellington in fulfilment of the requirements for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy Victoria University of Wellington 2013 iii ABSTRACT James Macandrew, a Scotsman who migrated to Dunedin in 1851, was variously a businessman, twice Superintendent of Otago Province, an imprisoned bankrupt and a Minister of the Crown. He was an active participant in provincial and colonial politics for 36 years and was associated with most of the major political events in New Zealand during that time. Macandrew was a passionate and persuasive advocate for the speedy development of New Zealand’s infrastructure to stimulate the expansion of settlement. He initiated a steamer service between New Zealand and Australia in 1858 but was bankrupt by 1860. While Superintendent of Otago in 1860 and 1867–76 he was able to advance major harbour, transport and educational projects. As Minister of Public Works in George Grey’s Ministry from 1878–79 he promoted an extensive expansion of the country’s railway system. In Parliament, he was a staunch advocate of easier access to land for all settlers, and a promoter of liberal social legislation which was enacted a decade later by the Seddon Government. His life was interwoven with three influential settlers, Edward Gibbon Wakefield, Julius Vogel and George Grey, who variously dominated the political landscape. Macandrew has been portrayed as an opportunist who exploited these relationships, but this study will demonstrate that while he often served these men as a subordinate, as a mentor he influenced their political beliefs and behaviour. -
Closer Settlement in the Early Liberal Era
123 WOE UNTO THEM THAT LAY FIELD TO FIELD: CLOSER SETTLEMENT IN THE EARLY LIBERAL ERA Monique van Alphen Fyfe* This article undertakes a re-examination of the origins, construction and application of the Land for Settlements legislation in the early Liberal era. The Liberal's commitment to closer settlement reveals part of the story of highly contested land policy in colonial New Zealand. Land for Settlements legislation of the 1890s, aimed at "bursting up" the great estates, was predominantly the product of settlers' ideological aspirations and two determined politicians: John Ballance and John McKenzie. When measured against the rhetoric used to promote it, however, the policy was not necessarily effective: it was complicated by practical realities and a narrow vision of New Zealand as a vigorous Arcadian paradise. When contrasted with the treatment of Māori land, yet more of the complexity of the land issue and the frailties of the actors facing it are revealed. The article concludes by proposing that Liberal policy, while flawed in execution, may have nevertheless contributed something to the consolidation of the concept of New Zealand as an agrarian ideal, a concept that remains largely intact today. I INTRODUCING AN IDEOLOGY Ill fares the land, to hastening ills a prey; where wealth accumulates, and men decay.1 Liberal land policy has been an evocative and much examined topic for historians of decades past. The emergence of Waitangi Tribunal histories has since tended to homogenise Crown land policy such that very real shifts in government initiatives risk becoming overlooked. Land policy was, in fact, highly contested in colonial New Zealand. -
Māori Representation in a Shrunken Parliament
New Zealand Journal of History, 52, 2 (2018) Māori Representation in a Shrunken Parliament IN A REFERENDUM held in conjunction with New Zealand’s 2011 general election, Māori overwhelmingly supported the retention of the Mixed Member Proportional (MMP) voting system introduced in 1996. Māori support for MMP was significantly less equivocal than that of the general population.1 The extent of support is understandable. MMP brought many benefits for Māori voters, most obviously a large increase in Māori representation in Parliament.2 The bulk of Māori votes were no longer tied up in just four electorates where they could often be safely ignored. With all votes being equal, political parties had a heightened motivation to pay heed to Māori aspirations and to put forward Māori candidates. The benefits of MMP for Māori were increased through the retention of seats reserved for voters of Māori descent, along with the innovation of linking the number of such seats directly with the numbers enrolled to vote in them. In 1996 the number of Māori seats increased to five under the new rules, and further increased to seven in 2002.3 Previously the number of reserved Māori seats was fixed at four, and had been since 1867.4 New Zealand adopted MMP following a binding referendum held in 1993. In 1990 Ranginui Walker summarized some of the faults with the electoral system then in place, pointing to both historical and ongoing discrimination. Whereas the secret ballot applied in European electorates from 1870, it did not apply in Māori electorates until 1937.5 There were no Māori electoral rolls until 1949 and compulsory voter registration was not introduced for Māori until 1956.