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Stalinist Homophobia and the “Stunted Archive”: Challenges to Writing the History of Gay Men's Persecut Healey, Dan. "Stalinist Homophobia and the “Stunted Archive”: Challenges to Writing the History of Gay Men’s Persecution in the USSR." Russian Homophobia from Stalin to Sochi. London: Bloomsbury Academic, 2018. 151–176. Bloomsbury Collections. Web. 31 May 2021. <http:// dx.doi.org/10.5040/9781350000810.ch-007>. Downloaded from Bloomsbury Collections, www.bloomsburycollections.com, 31 May 2021, 15:59 UTC. Access provided by: Universitäts & Stadtbibliothek Koln Copyright © Dan Healey 2018. All rights reserved. Further reproduction or distribution is prohibited without prior permission in writing from the publishers. 7 Stalinist Homophobia and the “Stunted Archive”: Challenges to Writing the History of Gay Men’s Persecution in the USSR The use of political terror against homosexual men in the USSR began as a specifi c feature of Stalinism. During the 1930s, Joseph Stalin and his Politburo colleagues enthusiastically welcomed the use of secret police repression against so-called “pederasts,” and embedded homophobic terror in their system of rule. So integral was homophobic prejudice to the system that Stalin built, that after his death in 1953, Soviet authorities thought it was entirely natural to continue persecuting homosexuals. In fact, they “renewed the struggle against sodomy,” modernizing and expanding systems of police surveillance that remained in place to the end of the Soviet Union. Despite this apparently straightforward story of persecution, great diffi culties exist in documenting, interpreting, and explaining this history. Historians trying to chronicle political terror against Soviet homosexuals work with extremely diffi cult, but interesting, challenges. The anti-sodomy law of 1933–4 was adopted with an unusually high degree of secrecy, especially when compared with other Stalin laws that punished aspects of social life such as petty theft, abortion, or juvenile crime. Sources about Soviet terror against homosexuals remain carefully concealed, thanks to document- production practices of the 1930s, and later archival classifi cation. Under Stalin, there was an unwritten taboo on speaking in government documents about homosexuality. This taboo went beyond the convention of using euphemisms for heterosexual sexuality found in Stalin-era documents. Only in secret police fi les and in occasional high- level Party correspondence intended for a tiny readership was homosexuality explicitly discussed. While 151 152 RUSSIAN HOMOPHOBIA FROM STALIN TO SOCHI state and Party archives in the Russian Federation reveal a great deal about state terror, very little of the material that these archives made available to researchers after 1991 discusses homosexuals as victims. Fuller and freer access to the archives of the Federal Security Service (FSB , successor to the Soviet KGB ), and the Archive of the President of the Russian Federation ( APRF, the “Presidential Archive”) is essential before historians can fi ll in this historical “blank spot” of the Stalin era. Defi ning “political terror” and other forms of state persecution is not simple for historians of the USSR . Types of state violence against populations varied enormously over the seventy-four years of the Soviet regime, and involved a spectrum of measures from summary execution without trial, to sentencing to the Gulag system of forced labor camps, and forced deportation and exile in “special settlements.” 1 Under Stalin, the regime framed these measures in its ideology variously: as deliberate and supposedly “planned” population transfers and restructuring to facilitate projects like the collectivization of agriculture; as preventative forms of social and national cleansing to make cities “socialist” or to secure border regions; and as punishment for imagined or genuine anti-Soviet treachery. 2 Some forms of terror, such as the mass executions and imprisonments under the infamous secret police Order No. 00447 of July 30, 1937, which launched the “Great Terror” of 1937–8, were obviously “political” in the commonly accepted sense – that is, directed from the Kremlin by Stalin and the Party elite against specifi c categories of political “offenders.” 3 There were other forms of state terror that did not begin with orders from the top leadership, but which emerged from secret police activities and proposals. 4 The adoption of a law against male homosexuals in 1933–4 was apparently one of those police initiatives. Despite its origins at this time in the increasingly intrusive surveillance and population categorization practices of the secret police, the Stalinist anti-sodomy law quickly acquired a politicized justifi cation in Soviet ideology. Moreover, our knowledge of how police monitored, arrested, and imprisoned homosexuals during Stalin’s rule, and after his death, is also very limited. It is a symptom of the silence in the available archives that weighty recent studies of Stalin’s policing fail to say anything about roundups of homosexuals in Soviet cities as the new anti-sodomy statute was adopted. 5 Accounts of wartime and postwar policing say nothing about the persecution of male homosexuals. 6 What is more, for the years after 1953, we do not know anything about what political decisions were taken about the status of the homosexual. Who made the decisions? In which state or party body? When? On what rationale? We know very little about how the KGB interacted with the regular police (the “militia”) when dealing with homosexuals. We do not know which agencies gave the orders for infamous Brezhnev-era arrests under the anti-sodomy law that had a political dimension: those of fi lm director Sergei Paradzhanov, in 1974; poet Gennady Trifonov in 1976; and archaeologist Lev Klein in 1981. We do not have an accurate and full count of the numbers of men sentenced under the anti- STALINIST HOMOPHOBIA AND THE “STUNTED ARCHIVE” 153 sodomy law. (Between 25,688 and 26,076 men were convicted of sodomy offenses between 1933 and 1991 in the USSR , but these fi gures include no statistics for twenty- two years of the period and include no secret police statistics. The likely total is probably something approaching 60,000.) 7 Would- be historians of the Communist state’s repression of homosexuality, whether for the Stalin era or the late Soviet decades, still have many unanswered questions. The “stunted archive” of this history, created by heteronormative Soviet and Russian information regimes, is not the only problem facing historians. 8 There have been releases and disclosures of state documents that hint at the contours of the story, but the way these have come to light, the manner of their presentation, and, crucially, their interpretation have marginalized their impact. Sometimes, a critical document has been seen only by a single researcher with privileged access to closed archives, and we only know of the material through the medium of that researcher’s publications. We have often learned of these documents through the ubiquitous post-Soviet genre of sensational “archival revelations” rather than serious scholarship. Frequently enough, unfortunately, these documents have been subject to homophobic, simplistic, or unprofessional readings by scholars, journalists, archivists, and curators. Many similar problems arise with the provenance and interpretation of non- offi cial sources: Vadim Kozin’s diary, for example, is unsympathetically edited and scholars cannot consult the original text. Questions about its provenance, whereabouts, and the integrity of the full document, have not been answered. 9 Even where scholars have access to such documents, as in the case of Nikolai Kliuev’s letters, they frequently lack the will to read homosexual content empathetically and professionally. 10 The tattoos gathered from the bodies of Soviet ex-prisoners by Danzig Baldaev present a wealth of information about same- sex relations in the camps and prisons of the USSR, but their presentation in the compendia published by an art house, with an eye to the commercial market, is sketchy about their provenance. 11 Both offi cial and unoffi cial records of LGBT existence in Russia and the USSR are frequently mistreated by scholars and critics who fail to engage with LGBT historiography, reading practices, and source criticism. When it comes to the specifi c question of Soviet terror, there has been a general failure in the historical profession, in Russia and beyond it, to recognize homosexuals as victims of Stalinist violence, to consider where and how the records of this persecution are concealed in the archives, and to press for fuller disclosure of the archival record. Poor reasoning and faulty conceptualization of homosexual existence governs much interpretation of the question and the available documents. The entire picture needs an overhaul with fresh research and re-conceptualization using queer theory, informed and professional source criticism, and empathetic “queer eyes” in the archives. These issues are not merely narrow questions of historical technicalities. I would argue that this relative lack of historical information about the 154 RUSSIAN HOMOPHOBIA FROM STALIN TO SOCHI mechanisms and scale of Soviet homophobic persecution affects contemporary debates about the status of the Russian LGBT community. In a cultural war over the production of queer knowledge, the “stunted archive” of Soviet queer history has political consequences. When we speak about the gay victims of Soviet persecution, we are forced by the current information famine to deal in conjecture and assumptions. For
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