The London School of Economics and Political Science

Total Page:16

File Type:pdf, Size:1020Kb

The London School of Economics and Political Science The London School of Economics and Political Science Smugglers and States: Illegal Trade in the Political Settlements of North Africa Max Gallien A thesis submitted to the Department of International Development of the London School of Economics for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy, London, January 2020 1 Declaration I certify that the thesis I have presented for examination for the PhD degree of the London School of Economics and Political Science is solely my own work other than where I have clearly indicated that it is the work of others (in which case the extent of any work carried out jointly by me and any other person is clearly identified in it). The copyright of this thesis rests with the author. Quotation from it is permitted, provided that full acknowledgement is made. This thesis may not be reproduced without my prior written consent. I warrant that this authorisation does not, to the best of my belief, infringe the rights of any third party. I declare that my thesis consists of 98,028 words. Statement of Inclusion of Previous Work I can confirm that small parts of this dissertation, primarily in Chapter 6 and Chapter 8, rely on interview data that was generated in the context of previous study for an MPhil in Modern Middle Eastern Studies that I undertook at the University of Oxford, but which has so far been unpublished. I can confirm that parts of Chapter 5 have been published in the context of a single- authored article in Perspectives on Politics. 2 Abstract This project explores the political economy of informal and illegal cross-border trade in North Africa, focusing in particular on Tunisia’s border with Libya, and Morocco’s North-East bordering Algeria and the Spanish enclave of Melilla. Based on extensive fieldwork, the project traces the informal institutions that regulate smuggling across the region, examines the resulting rent streams, and analyses their relationship to the region’s states through a political settlement framework. Following shifts in the domestic politics of Tunisia and Morocco as well as the regional border infrastructure, the project also traces the recent re-negotiation of the role of smuggling in the region. It argues that contrary to common assumptions, smuggling rarely occurs 'under the radar' of the state, but is instead embedded in a tight network of institutional regulation in which the regions' states play a key role. Furthermore, rather than subverting states, smuggling activities are a central feature of the region’s political settlements. The project highlights that the ability of different groups to navigate and negotiate the terms of their inclusion into these settlements is highly uneven, posing serious challenges for borderland populations. 3 To my parents, who ‘made in books’ long before I wrote one. 4 Acknowledgements I wrote this book. Its flaws and limitations are mine. Its strengths are a result of the kindness and insight of the people and communities that helped me research and write it over the past four years. Many without whom this project would have been impossible, I am not able to name here. Some appear as anonymised sources in the following chapters; some do not. I will be forever in awe of people in the border communities of Tunisia and Morocco who gave me their time, their trust, their hospitality and their stories, and I hope that I have been able to do them justice. There are, however, some people I can name: First and foremost, I would like to thank Kate Meagher, whose brilliance, precision and dedication consistently pushed me to dig deeper and think further, who had my back through all the challenges of this project, who taught me to be led by questions rather than academic fashion, whose sharp and constructive comments were invaluable throughout, and who, despite her best efforts, has not been fully able to exorcise my tendency towards obnoxiously long sentences. I am most grateful that I got to learn to be a scholar with her as a role model nearby. At the LSE, I would like to thank John Sidel, whose work on local power has been an inspiration, who came on as a second supervisor and provided great perspective and comments along the way. I would like to thank Susan Hoult, Rose Harris and Nina Craven for their support, Catherine Boone and Moritz Schmoll for their helpful comments and advice. The community of PhD students at LSE has been a constant source of solidarity and inspiration. Portia Roelofs’ advice and example have been invaluable, Nicolai Schulz’ enthusiasm for political settlements was infectious, and Florian Weigand’s unshakeable calm has been a blessing. It was a pleasure to learn from Guoer, Allison, Konstantinos, Michael and Kara. Valentina Zagaria shared invaluable feedback, her hospitality in Zarzis, and the experience of being found suspect by the police of Ben Guerdane. I would also like to thank LSE Health and Safety for their support throughout this project. I am also grateful to George Joffe, Thomas Hüsken, Matt Herbert and Ferdinand Eibl, who provided valuable advice, insight and feedback. I would also like to thank Melissa Leach and Mick Moore at IDS for giving me the time I needed to finish this project. 5 This endeavour started its life in an MPhil programme at Oxford University’s Middle East Centre. Here, I am deeply indebted to Adeel Malik and Michael Willis, who not only provided this project with encouragement, inspiration and advice but have also since shown excessive kindness in their support for me as a student and a scholar. I am incredibly grateful for the teaching and advice of Noa Schonmann, whose enthusiasm as a teacher and a scholar was the reason why I started studying the region in which this project is set, and who has been a role model throughout. Of a hugely inspiring MPhil cohort, I am particularly grateful for the camaraderie of Maria Bruckmann, Jennifer Ruth Shutek, Anna Jacobs and Megan O’Donell, who provided feedback, advice, and endless moral support. In Tunisia, I am most indebted to Mohamed in Ben Guerdane, for his fantastic translation, his patience and trust, his driving and part-time bodyguarding skills, for his insight and perspective. I am also grateful for the support and advice of two CEMAT legends, Larry Michalak and Laryssa Chomiak, and for the inspiration provided by the team and participants of the Tunis Exchange. In Morocco, I am particularly indebted to Jaouad and Mawya, not merely for their translation, but also the engagement, heart and care that they brought to the project, for the enthusiasm with which they showed me their Oujda, and their fantastic work throughout. I am also grateful for everyone in Oujda who took me in and offered me their perspective, particularly Isabelle, the Znasni boys, Soumia, Larbi and Ute. In Nador, my particular thanks go to Fouad Maachi and the team at ATPE, and in Melilla to Laia Soto. I was fortunate during this project to have spent some time as a visiting scholar at the Hilary Clinton Centre for Women’s Empowerment at Al-Akhawayn University Ifrane in Morocco, and at the German Institute for International and Security Affairs (SWP) in Berlin. I am very grateful to both institutions for their support. At AUI, I would particularly like to thank Doris Gray, Katja Žvan Elliott, and the team of Presidential Interns. At the SWP, I would like to thank Isabelle Werenfels for her endless faith, support, and kindness, as well as Stephan Roll, Luca Miehe, Wolfram Lacher, Jürgen Rogalski, Barbara Heckl, and the entire wonderful and brilliant team of the FG06. 6 I acknowledge and am grateful for the financial support of the Economic and Social Research Council, who funded my studentship, fieldwork, language training and overseas institutional visits. I am also grateful to the British Society for Middle Eastern Studies, who awarded me the Abdullah Al Mubarak Al Sabah Foundation prize, which further supported my fieldwork. I would like to thank the staff at The Elgin in Maida Vale, where most of this book was written, the Backwood Café in Brighton, where it was finished, and whoever found my laptop after I’d left it in the Earl of Lonsdale Pub in Notting Hill after a long evening. I am beyond grateful to Whittard of Chelsea for their marvellous Milk Oolong tea, without which the sustained focus that this project required would have been impossible. These have been long, and not always easy years. I am deeply indebted to all of you who stuck with me, put up with me, and had my back. Andy, Varshini, Safa, Sandhya, my parents Andrea and Martin, and my brother Oskar. You know what you did. Thank you. 7 Table of Contents Declaration ................................................................................................................... 2 Abstract ........................................................................................................................ 3 Acknowledgements ...................................................................................................... 5 Table of Contents ......................................................................................................... 8 Table of Figures ......................................................................................................... 13 List of Abbreviations.................................................................................................. 14 Chapter 1: Introduction .............................................................................................. 15 1.1 Introduction .....................................................................................................
Recommended publications
  • Re-Configurations Contextualising Transformation Processes and Lasting Crises in the Middle East and North Africa Politik Und Gesellschaft Des Nahen Ostens
    Politik und Gesellschaft des Nahen Ostens Rachid Ouaissa · Friederike Pannewick Alena Strohmaier Editors Re-Configurations Contextualising Transformation Processes and Lasting Crises in the Middle East and North Africa Politik und Gesellschaft des Nahen Ostens Series Editors Martin Beck, Institute of History, University of Southern Denmark, Odense, Denmark Cilja Harders, Institut für Politikwissenschaft, Freie Universität Berlin, Berlin, Germany Annette Jünemann, Institut für Internationale Politik, Helmut Schmidt Universität, Hamburg, Germany Rachid Ouaissa, Centrum für Nah- und Mittelost-Stud, Philipps-Universität Marburg, Marburg, Germany Stephan Stetter, Institut für Politikwissenschaften, Universität der Bundeswehr München, München, Germany Die Reihe beschäftigt sich mit aktuellen Entwicklungen und Umbruchen̈ in Nor- dafrika, dem Nahen Osten, der Golfregion und darüber hinaus. Die politischen, sozialen und ökonomischen Dynamiken in der Region sind von hoher globaler Bedeutung und sie strahlen intensiv auf Europa aus. Die Reihe behandelt die gesa- mte Bandbreite soziopolitischer Themen in der Region: Veränderungen in Konfikt- mustern und Kooperationsbeziehungen in Folge der Arabischen Revolten 2010/11 wie etwa Euro-Arabische und Euro-Mediterrane Beziehungen oder den Nahost- konfikt. Auf nationaler Ebene geht es um Themen wie Reform, Transformation und Autoritarismus, Islam und Islamismus, soziale Bewegungen, Geschlechterver- hältnisse aber auch energie- und umweltpolitische Fragen, Migrationsdynamiken oder neue Entwicklungen in der Politischen Ökonomie. Der Schwerpunkt liegt auf innovativen politikwissenschaftlichen Werken, die die gesamte theoretische Breite des Faches abdecken. Eingang fnden aber auch Beiträge aus anderen sozialwissen- schaftlichen Disziplinen, die relevante politische Zusammenhänge behandeln. This book series focuses on key developments in the Middle East and North Africa as well as the Gulf and beyond. The regions’ political, economic and social dynam- ics are of high global signifcance, not the least for Europe.
    [Show full text]
  • The Development of Libyan- Tunisian Bilateral Relations: a Critical Study on the Role of Ideology
    THE DEVELOPMENT OF LIBYAN- TUNISIAN BILATERAL RELATIONS: A CRITICAL STUDY ON THE ROLE OF IDEOLOGY Submitted by Almabruk Khalifa Kirfaa to the University of Exeter As a thesis for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy in Politics In December 2014 This thesis is available for Library use on the understanding that it is copyright material and that no quotation from the thesis may be published without proper acknowledgement. I certify that all material in this thesis which is not my own work has been identified and that no material has previously been submitted and approved for the award of a degree by this or any other University. Signature: Almabruk Kirfaa………………………………………………………….. i Abstract Libyan-Tunisian bilateral relations take place in a context shaped by particular historical factors in the Maghreb over the past two centuries. Various elements and factors continue to define the limitations and opportunities present for regimes and governments to pursue hostile or negative policies concerning their immediate neighbours. The period between 1969 and 2010 provides a rich area for the exploration of inter-state relations between Libya and Tunisia during the 20th century and in the first decade of the 21st century. Ideologies such as Arabism, socialism, Third Worldism, liberalism and nationalism, dominated the Cold War era, which saw two opposing camps: the capitalist West versus the communist East. Arab states were caught in the middle, and many identified with one side over the other. generating ideological rivalries in the Middle East and North Africa. The anti-imperialist sentiments dominating Arab regimes and their citizens led many statesmen and politicians to wage ideological struggles against their former colonial masters and even neighbouring states.
    [Show full text]
  • Tunisian Theater at the Turn of the Century: "Hammering the Same Nail" in Jalila Baccar and Fadhel Jaïbi's Theater Rafika Zahrouni Washington University in St
    Washington University in St. Louis Washington University Open Scholarship All Theses and Dissertations (ETDs) Spring 3-11-2014 Tunisian Theater at the Turn of the Century: "Hammering the Same Nail" in Jalila Baccar and Fadhel Jaïbi's Theater Rafika Zahrouni Washington University in St. Louis Follow this and additional works at: https://openscholarship.wustl.edu/etd Recommended Citation Zahrouni, Rafika, "Tunisian Theater at the Turn of the Century: "Hammering the Same Nail" in Jalila Baccar and Fadhel Jaïbi's Theater" (2014). All Theses and Dissertations (ETDs). 1274. https://openscholarship.wustl.edu/etd/1274 This Dissertation is brought to you for free and open access by Washington University Open Scholarship. It has been accepted for inclusion in All Theses and Dissertations (ETDs) by an authorized administrator of Washington University Open Scholarship. For more information, please contact [email protected]. WASHINGTON UNIVERSITY IN ST. LOUIS Program in Comparative Literature Dissertation Examination Committee: Nancy Berg, Chair Robert Hegel Robert Henke Pascal Ifri Lynne Tatlock Tunisian Theater at the Turn of the Century: “Hammering the Same Nail” in Jalila Baccar and Fadhel Jaïbi’s Theater by Rafika Zahrouni A dissertation presented to the Graduate School of Arts and Sciences of Washington University in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy May 2014 St. Louis, Missouri Copyright by Rafika Zahrouni © 2014 Table of Contents Acknowledgments ………………………………………………………………….……….. iii Introduction: From Edison Theater in St. Louis to the New Theater of Tunis ….................... 1 Chapter 1: Background of Tunisian Theater History ……………………………….…......... 17 Chapter 2: The Development of the New Theater ………………………………………….. 58 Chapter 3: From Silence to Madness, from Madness to Speech: The Psychiatric Institution as Metaphor ………………………………………………………………………………….
    [Show full text]
  • Political Finance and Gender Equality
    Political Finance and Gender Equality Lolita Cigane and Magnus Ohman August 2014 White Paper Series Paper White TION F DA OR N E U L O E F C T L O A R N I A O L I S T Y A F Global Expertise. Local Solutions. S N T R E E M T E Sustainable Democracy. S N I S 2 5 Y E A R S Political Finance and Gender Equality Lolita Cigane and Magnus Ohman IFES White Paper August 2014 Political Finance and Gender Equality Copyright © 2014 International Foundation for Electoral Systems. All rights reserved. Permission Statement: No part of this publication may be reproduced in any form or by any means, electronic or mechanical, including photocopying, recording, or by any information storage and retrieval system without the written permission of IFES. Requests for permission should include the following information: • A description of the material for which permission to copy is desired. • The purpose for which the copied material will be used and the manner in which it will be used. • Your name, title, company or organization name, telephone number, fax number, email address and mailing address. Please send all requests for permission to: International Foundation for Electoral Systems 1850 K Street, NW, Fifth Floor Washington, DC 20006 Email: [email protected] Fax: 202-350-6701 Acknowledgements The authors wish to thank several IFES colleagues who provided invaluable guidance and support to the development and writing of this paper, including Rola Abdul-Latif, Safia Al-Sayaghi, Nawres Cherni, Ayesha Chugh, Nicolas Kaczorowski, Grant Kippen, Danielle Monaco, Rakesh Sharma, Evan Thomas-Arnold and Ambar Zobairi.
    [Show full text]
  • The Exodus of the Tunisian Jewish Population 1954-1967
    The American University in Cairo School of Global Affairs and Public Policy SEEKING A PLACE IN A NATION: THE EXODUS OF THE TUNISIAN JEWISH POPULATION 1954-1967 A Thesis Submitted to: The Center for Middle Eastern Studies in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of Master of Arts by Sean Haley Table of Contents 1) Introduction and Theoretical Framework………………………………..3 2) Tunisian Jewry and the Birth of a Nation-State: The Independence of Tunisia 1954- 1957……………………………………………………………………...21 3) The State Takes Shape: The Reordering of the Jewish Community and Tunisian Constitution 1958-1959………………………………………………….35 4) Casualties of Colonialism? Tunisian Jews, Identity and the 1961 Bizerte Crisis……………………………………………………………………..54 5) A Far Away War and Self-Imposed Exile: 1967, Identity and the Tunisian Jews………………………………………………………………………70 6) Conclusion………………………………………………………………..82 7) Bibliography……………………………………………………………...90 2 Introduction In the eleven years after the independence and creation of the Republic of Tunisia, the population of the Jewish community declined by approximately 88.7% because of emigration to France, Israel, and other countries. This period, as will be shown, was critical in shaping the ethno-religious arrangement of peoples in Tunisia today. This occurred because a centralizing newly-independent state created a nation through identity based upon citizenship. Tunisia is a particularly good case study of homogenizing post-colonial nation-states because the government never sought to exclude any part of the population through direct action. Instead, domestic and international events that shook the nation and had an impact on the Jewish minority, such as independence, the reorganization of the Jewish community of 1958, the 1961 Bizerte Crisis and the Six Day War, made a solution such as exile palatable for the Jews.
    [Show full text]
  • A Critical Analysis of Political Islam in Tunisia: the Ennahdha Movement 2011-2015
    A CRITICAL ANALYSIS OF POLITICAL ISLAM IN TUNISIA: THE ENNAHDHA MOVEMENT 2011-2015 by GRAEME BRADLEY Submitted in accordance with the requirements for the degree of MASTER OF ARTS In the subject INTERNATIONAL POLITICS at the UNIVERSITY OF SOUTH AFRICA SUPERVISOR: PROF. EVERISTO BENYERA January 2019 Declaration I, Graeme Bradley, student number 57648859, declare that ‘A Critical Analysis of Political Islam in Tunisia: The Ennahdha Movement 2011-2015’ is my own work and that all the sources that I have used or quoted have been indicated and acknowledged by means of complete references. Signature: Date: _________________ _________________ i Table of Contents Declaration ________________________________________________________________ i Table of Contents ___________________________________________________________ ii Acknowledgements _________________________________________________________ iv Abbreviations and Acronyms __________________________________________________ v Abstract __________________________________________________________________ vi CHAPTER ONE: INTRODUCTION ____________________________________________ 1 1.1 General Introduction _______________________________________________________ 1 1.2 Background to the research _________________________________________________ 4 1.3 Problem Statement ________________________________________________________ 7 1.4 Objectives _______________________________________________________________ 7 1.5 Key Concepts _____________________________________________________________ 8 1.5.1 Political Islam
    [Show full text]
  • Islamism, Secularism, and Public Order in the Tunisian Transition
    Competing Ways of Life: Islamism, Secularism, and Public Order in the Tunisian Transition The Harvard community has made this article openly available. Please share how this access benefits you. Your story matters Citation Zeghal, Malika. 2013. Competing Ways of Life: Islamism, Secularism, and Public Order in the Tunisian Transition. Constellations 20, no. 2: 254–274. Published Version doi:10.1111/cons.12038 Citable link http://nrs.harvard.edu/urn-3:HUL.InstRepos:12724047 Terms of Use This article was downloaded from Harvard University’s DASH repository, and is made available under the terms and conditions applicable to Open Access Policy Articles, as set forth at http:// nrs.harvard.edu/urn-3:HUL.InstRepos:dash.current.terms-of- use#OAP Competing Ways of Life: Islamism, Secularism, and Public Order in the Tunisian Transition Malika Zeghal The Tunisian uprisings1 of 2010-2011 constituted a moment that can be described as “fugitive democracy,” a term coined by Sheldon Wolin to describe ephemeral and exceptional moments of commonality that contrast with fractioned everyday institutionalized politics. In the context of “fugitive democracy,” “a free society composed of diversities can nonetheless enjoy moments of commonality when, through public deliberations, collective power is used to promote or protect the well-being of the collectivity.”2 Between the self-immolation of Mohamed Bouazizi on December 17, 2010, and the departure of President Ben Ali on January 14, 2011, Tunisians experienced such a political moment: the usual boundaries separating those excluded from political institutions from those included in them disappeared. It was precisely during this moment–comparable to a tabula rasa–that it became possible for demonstrators all over Tunisia to readily demand and imagine the possibility of an entirely new political system.
    [Show full text]
  • The Jasmine Revolution and the Tourism Industry in Tunisia
    UNLV Theses, Dissertations, Professional Papers, and Capstones Fall 2011 The Jasmine Revolution and the Tourism Industry in Tunisia Mohamed Becheur University of Nevada, Las Vegas Follow this and additional works at: https://digitalscholarship.unlv.edu/thesesdissertations Part of the International Business Commons, Recreation Business Commons, and the Tourism and Travel Commons Repository Citation Becheur, Mohamed, "The Jasmine Revolution and the Tourism Industry in Tunisia" (2011). UNLV Theses, Dissertations, Professional Papers, and Capstones. 1141. http://dx.doi.org/10.34917/2523139 This Professional Paper is protected by copyright and/or related rights. It has been brought to you by Digital Scholarship@UNLV with permission from the rights-holder(s). You are free to use this Professional Paper in any way that is permitted by the copyright and related rights legislation that applies to your use. For other uses you need to obtain permission from the rights-holder(s) directly, unless additional rights are indicated by a Creative Commons license in the record and/or on the work itself. This Professional Paper has been accepted for inclusion in UNLV Theses, Dissertations, Professional Papers, and Capstones by an authorized administrator of Digital Scholarship@UNLV. For more information, please contact [email protected]. Running head: THE JASMINE REVOLUTION 1 THE JASMINE REVOLUTION AND THE TOURISM INDUSTRY IN TUNISIA by Mohamed Becheur Bachelor of Finance University Paris Dauphine, France 2009 A professional paper submitted in partial
    [Show full text]
  • The Use of Political Cartoons During Popular Protests: the Case of the 2011 Tunisian Uprising
    THE USE OF POLITICAL CARTOONS DURING POPULAR PROTESTS: THE CASE OF THE 2011 TUNISIAN UPRISING JOURNAL OF ENGLISH STUDIES – VOLUME 15 (2017), 193-220. http://doi.org/10.18172/jes.3063 THE USE OF POLITICAL CARTOONS DURING POPULAR PROTESTS: THE CASE OF THE 2011 TUNISIAN UPRISING CHAKER ALI MHAMDI The University of Manouba, Tunisia Al Buraimi University College, Oman [email protected] ABSTRACT. This study investigates the use of political cartoons in the Tunisian context during its transitory phase in the aftermath of the 2011 uprising. It explores how political cartoons were used to critically reflect the socioeconomic and geopolitical conditions in Tunisia at that time. Additionally, it analyzes the predominant themes of Tunisian political cartoons during the transitory phase. To address these two research questions, this study uses a qualitative approach to analyze selected samples of political cartoons focusing on textual and graphic elements. The methodology adopted in this paper also employs textual analysis drawing upon semiotic theory addressing the framing of pictures, systems of signs, and visual aspects and modes of presentation. Keywords: Political cartoons, media discourse, graphic text, visual representation, Tunisian uprising, Arab Spring. 193 Journal of English Studies, vol. 15 (2017) 193-220 CHAKER ALI MHAMDI EL USO DE CARICATURAS POLÍTICAS DURANTE LAS PROTESTAS POPULARES: EL CASO DEL LEVANTAMIENTO TUNECINO DE 2011 RESUMEN. Este estudio investiga el uso de las caricaturas políticas en el contexto tunecino durante la fase transitoria que siguió al levantamiento popular de 2011. Explora cómo se utilizaron estas caricaturas para reflejar de forma crítica las condiciones socioeconómicas y geopolíticas en Túnez en ese momento.
    [Show full text]
  • N° Auteurs Description De L'ouvrage Lieu Et Date D'édition
    N° Auteurs Description deLieu l'ouvrage et date d'éditionDisponibilité Domaine 1 TAMBIWE KITENGEEcrit etBIN KITOKO,Paris Eddie : Ed. OK COM 2 KASONGO NGOY,Capital MAKITA Paris : OK SOCIO 3 SERGENT, PierreLa légion sauteParis sur KOLWEZI : Presse OK: opération Léopard.LITT le 2 e R .E.P au Zaïre, mai - juin 1978. 4 COQUERY VIDROVITCH,Rebellions- CATHERINE, Paris : Ed. FORET, OK Alain et WEISS,HIST Herbert. 5 COQUERY VIDROVITCH,Rebellions- CATHERINE, Paris : Ed. FORET, OK Alain et WEISS,HIST Herbert. 6 COMHAIRE-SYLVAINFemmes SUZANNE de KinshasaParis : Ed.: hier Mouton, etOK aujourd’hui 1968 SOC 7 TSHIBENGABOR-D KAMANA Congo : LaParis défense : l’Harmattan, nationaleOK à 2004 l’impératifPOL : patriotisme et souveraineté. 8 WHITE, Bob .W.Musique et YOKA, populaire LyeParis MUDABA(dir) et: sociétéOK à Kinshasa: uneSOC ethnographie de l’écoute. 9 DIBWE DIA MWEMBUFaire de DonatienParis : OK HIST 10 KISONGA MAZAKALAAfricains, Rachel-Albert nousParis devons : Ed. changer OK ! RecommandationPOL appliquée au Congo Ex Zaïre. 11 MAUPEU HERVE.L’Afrique (Dir) OrientaleParis :: annuaireEd. OK 2003 HIST 12 SAMAKE KOUROUMALe MANDE YOUSSOUF de nosParis ancêtres, (BOLOKADA): Ed, SelonOK le Gbélin SOCou tradition orale. 13 ERLER, BrigitteL’aide qui tue :France récit de : ma dernièreOK missionECO d’aide au développement ; traduit de l’allemand par Odile Chazerand. 14 MBUNGU NKANDAMANAL’indépendan JOSEPHParis : Ed. OK HIST 15 MBEM, André NiKolasJulien, SarkozyParis à Dakar: : DébatsOK et enjeux autourPOL d’un discours. 16 ZIEGLER JEANMain basse surParis: l’Afrique. Ed. OK SOC 17 RICHARDOT, JeanUne vie à Paris : OK HIST 18 WAMU OYATAMBWELes mots Dieudonné de Paris : 19 TSHIMANGA BAKADIABABUTshisekedi ou EvaristeleParis combat : Ed. pertinentOK pour libérerPOL le Congo-Zaïre ? Questions à l’UDPS.
    [Show full text]
  • Internacionals CIDOB
    CIDOB • Barcelona Centre for International for Affairs Centre CIDOB • Barcelona ISSN: 2013-4428 B-8439-2012 D.L.: notes internacionals CIDOB IDENTITY CONFRONTATIONS WILL 49 NOT CREATE NEW JOBS IN TUNISIA MARCH 2012 Francis Ghilès Senior Research Fellow, CIDOB he toppling of General Ben Ali just over a year ago coalition, the Congrès pour la République - headed by the new was accompanied by only short lived violence and president of Tunisia Moncef Marzouki, whose powers are es- no foreign intervention: the Tunisian uprising was sentially symbolic and the Forum Démocratique pour le Travail Tfollowed by democratic elections last October 23rd which et les Libertés - headed by Mustafa Ben Jaffar who chairs the brought to power a coalition government whose brief was Constitutional Assembly. to draft a new constitution within twelve months. An The momentous events of interim government headed A 1,85% decline in Gross Domestic Product and a big fall in tourist 2011 generated huge ex- receipts is not a very large price to pay for the freedom to speak and by the veteran politician Beji vote after 23 years of increasingly corrupt rule by Ben Ali. pectations for the 10.5m in- Caid Essebsi made a good habitants of North Africa’s job of keeping the ship of International financial aid for Tunisia was enough to help the country smallest country whose through a turbulent year which saw strikes and absenteeism in the state afloat in the difficult public sector weaken the control of the state and a sharp fall in the population is relatively well months that followed the re- production of phosphates, a major foreign income earner.
    [Show full text]
  • The Arab Spring in Tunisia and Its Aftermath
    The Arab Spring in Tunisia and its Aftermath By Izaak Bruce Spring 2013 Honors and School of International Service Senior Capstone Capstone Advisor: Professor George Berg 1 | P a g e Table of Contents Chapter I: The fall of Ben Ali and Tunisian Politics in the Aftermath 3 Tunisia under Bourguiba 3 Tunisia under Ben Ali 6 Long-term Causes of Rebellion 8 Immediate causes of Rebellion 11 Conclusions 13 Chapter II: A Snap Shot of Tunisian Politics 15 The Summer Elections 15 The Economy 16 The Threat of Terrorism 17 The Quest for Legitimacy 18 The Political Parties 18 Ennahda 19 The Conference for the Republic (CPR) 22 The Democratic Coalition for Work and Freedom (Ettakatol) 23 Nidaa Tunis 24 Conclusions 26 Chapter III: The U.S. Relationship with Tunisia 27 The Beginning with Bourguiba 27 Partnership with Ben Ali 30 Between the Cold War and the War on Terror 32 The War on Terror 34 The Arab Spring 36 Conclusions 37 Chapter IV: Looking Forward 40 What will happen this summer? 40 The Splintering of the Islamist Coalition 41 American Priorities 42 Opportunities for Cooperation 44 2 | P a g e The fall of Ben Ali and Tunisian Politics in the Aftermath This chapter analyses the policies of Ben Ali’s regime and summarizes the reasons behind his overthrow in 2011. But any history of Tunisia since independence must begin with Habib Bourguiba and the progressive, secular, nation he strove to create. Secondly, it summarizes the major policies of President Ben Ali’s regime. Third, it gives an account of the factors which lead to its fall.
    [Show full text]