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Breyten Breytenbach As Openbare Figuur

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Breyten Breytenbach As Openbare Figuur Breyten Breytenbach as openbare figuur Francis Galloway bron Francis Galloway, Breyten Breytenbach as openbare figuur. HAUM-Literêr, Pretoria 1990 Zie voor verantwoording: http://www.dbnl.org/tekst/gall037brey01_01/colofon.php © 2014 dbnl / Francis Galloway V Vir Walter en die seuns - Norman, Niel, Littlejohn en Stephen Francis Galloway, Breyten Breytenbach as openbare figuur VII Voorwoord Hierdie boek is gebaseer op navorsing wat onderneem is vir 'n D. Litt.-proefskrif aan die UOVS. Dié studie is in 1987 onder leiding van prof. JH Senekal (promotor) en dr. Charles Malan (mede-promotor) voltooi en hou verband met die geskiedskrywing- en resepsieprogramme van die Sentrum vir Suid-Afrikaanse Letterkundenavorsing (SENSAL) van die RGN. Ek wil graag my dank en waardering uitspreek teenoor al die instellings (veral INEG en SASKI) en individue wat my met materiaal-insameling bygestaan het. Spesiale dank aan Buks Groenewald vir sy biblioteekkundige hulp, Sylvia de Bruin vir die tikwerk en aan my kollegas - John Kannemeyer, Johann Lodewyk Marais en Martjie Bosman - vir hulle voorstelle, kritiek en volgehoue diskoers oor die letterkunde. Met apologie aan Leon Rousseau (in die voorwoord tot Die groot verlange): Dit is miskien nodig om te vermeld dat nog 'n maand of nog 'n jaar se werk die boek vollediger sou kon gemaak het. Daar is egter perke aan alles. FRANCIS GALLOWAY Francis Galloway, Breyten Breytenbach as openbare figuur 1 Inleiding I Doelstelling Breyten Breytenbach se verskyning op die Afrikaanse literêre toneel met twee bundels in 1964 - nadat hy tot in daardie stadium slegs gedigte in tydskrifte soos Contrast gepubliseer het - word oorwegend geesdriftig begroet. Dit is egter in 1965 dat hy sterk op die voorgrond tree: nie net as wenner van die Afrikaanse Pers Boekhandel-prys nie, maar as iemand wat afwyk van die algemeen aanvaarde patroon van wat 'n ‘Afrikaner’ is en doen. In koerantberigte (byvoorbeeld Db., 14.2.65 en Bu., 18.2.65) en -briewe ontvou die verhaal van die jong seun van Bonnievale-Kafferskuilrivier-Wellington wat aan die Michaeliskunsskool van die Universiteit van Kaapstad vriendskappe met ‘andersdenkende’ jong mense sluit en vir die eerste keer kennis maak met ‘liberale’ en ‘swart’ politiek; wat teen die einde van 1959 op 'n Portugese boot na Europa vertrek; wat deur Spanje ryloop na Parys; wat in Londen gaan wag op nuus van 'n algemene onlussituasie tuis ná die Sharpeville-voorval; wat ná maande as portretskilder, werker op 'n plesierboot op die Middellandse See en as taalonderwyser in Noorweë na Parys terugkeer, in 1962 met die ‘nie-blanke’ meisie Ngo Thi Huang Lien (oftewel Yolande) trou en wat haar, drie jaar later, met sy prysgeld na sy geboorteland wil bring. Die visumweiering aan Yolande is belangrik in die Breytenbach-geskiedenis omdat dit van hom 'n openbare figuur maak wat hewige reaksie by die publiek uitlok; omdat die gedwonge afwesigheid van sy vaderland 'n invloed op sy skrywersloopbaan gehad het en omdat daar rondom dié debakel 'n politieke kode begin ontstaan het wat in die resepsie van sy literêre tekste opvallend meespreek. Sedert 1965 figureer die Suid-Afrikaanse apartheidswerklikheid as die spil waarom Breytenbach se verbittering draai en waarteen sy verset gerig is - in sy uitsprake oor die skrywerstaak, in 'n hoë mate in sy skryfkuns self, en in sy politieke optrede wat in 1975 sou uitloop op sy skuldigbevinding onder die Wet op die Onderdrukking van Terrorisme. Reeds in die brief aan Die Burger (2.6.65) waarin hy reageer op die visumweiering aan Yolande rig hy hom hierteen: ‘Ek haat en verafsku apartheid met al sy implikasies.’ Ná sy vrylating stel hy dit telkens duidelik dat hy nóg so voel, byvoorbeeld: I believe, more than ever, that the system existing in South Africa is against the grain of everything that is beautiful and hopeful and dignified in human history; that it is a denial of humanity, not only of the majority being oppressed but of the minority associated with that oppression; that it is profoundly unjust; that it is Francis Galloway, Breyten Breytenbach as openbare figuur 2 totally corrupted and currupting; that it is a system with which nobody ought to be allowed to live. (1984a: 59) As ‘Sestiger’ was Breytenbach deel van 'n groep skrywers wie se vernuwende invloed die tradisioneel aanvaarde ‘grense’ van die literatuur oorgesteek het, sodat hulle werk 'n politieke fenomeen geword het. Volgens André P Brink, voorste segsman van Sestig: Social attitudes within Afrikanerdom are assessed, even today, on the basis of whether a person is ‘for’ or ‘against’ the Sestigers. And this applies as much to people who have read their work as to a multitude who haven't. (1983a: 45; vergelyk ook Brink, 1985b: 10) Breytenbach is egter nie soseer 'n ‘politieke’ figuur op grond van die feit dat hy 'n Sestiger was nie, maar op grond van sy persoonlike openbare uitsprake en optrede teen apartheid wat hewige reaksie van sowel literêr-geskoolde lesers as die algemene publiek uitlok. Brink, wat ook 'n kenner van Breytenbach se poësie en prosa is, meen: He is indeed one of the greatest poets Afrikaans literature has yet produced; but what makes him politically relevant is that to an overwhelming majority of people who have never read a single line of his verse, he has become a symbol of resistance to oppression. To many Africans, Coloureds and Indians he has given new hope: because of his marriage and because of his convictions. As a result, every line of poetry he writes - even if it is the purest lyrical verse - acquires political implications. (1983a: 86) Dat Breytenbach nie net 'n belangrike literêre bydrae gelewer het nie, maar ook 'n sosiale rol in die Suid-Afrikaanse samelewing vervul, word sedert sy inhegtenisneming en vonnis uit verskillende oorde erken. Die taalsosioloog en skrywer JC Steyn meen dat Breytenbach met sy optrede homself ‘geoffer’ het om Afrikaans te help bevry van die stigma ‘verdrukkerstaal’; dat hy ‘so skouspelagtig soos alle Afrikaner-rebelle voor hom’ kon toon dat Afrikaans ook die taal is van diegene wat hulle met hart, siel en verstand verset teen alles wat - ‘ten onregte in die naam van die Afrikaners’ - aan ander gedoen word (1980: 281 - 282). AJ (Ampie) Coetzee (1980: i) stel dit dat Breytenbach se politieke uitsprake en handelinge 'n sterk politiserende effek gehad het. Jack Cope (1982: 173) wys daarop dat Breytenbach se ‘mere presence implying total rejection of racial domination by Whites in his hated/adored country was in itself a declaration’. Uitsprake soos hierdie oor die politieke rol en die politiserende effek van Breytenbach is veralgemenend en berus deels op aannames. Daar word gereeld in literêre essays en in studies oor Breytenbach verwys na sy politieke uitsprake en optrede en die effek wat dit gehad het, maar daar is nog nooit 'n sistematiese en uitgebreide ondersoek daarna onderneem nie. In teenstelling met ander studies oor Breytenbach wat ‘teksgesentreerd’ is in die sin dat dit sy literêre tekste as selfstandige eenhede en outonome objekte bestudeer (kyk Bibliografie B vir studies oor Breytenbach), is die doel van die Francis Galloway, Breyten Breytenbach as openbare figuur 3 huidige ondersoek om bepaalde verhoudings binne 'n tydvak vanaf die vroeë sestigerjare tot die tagtigerjare te sistematiseer, te beskryf en krities te beredeneer - uit die aard van die saak vanuit die ondersoeker se perspektief (wat onder meer deur 'n ideologiese vlak bepaal word). Die volgende aspekte kry aandag: - Breytenbach se omstrede openbare uitsprake en optrede wat hom telkens in die kalklig laat staan, asook die hewige openbare reaksie wat hy by wit Afrikaanssprekendes uitgelok het. Hierdie reaksie kan, vir sover dit die sestiger- en sewentigerjare betref, breedweg getipeer word as ‘verkramp’ en ‘verlig’. Eers in die tweede helfte van die tagtigerjare is daar tekens van 'n kritiese reaksie vanuit 'n ‘radikale’ oriëntasie. - Die verhouding tussen Breytenbach se politieke uitsprake/optrede en die reaksies daarop aan die een kant en die algemene politieke konteks aan die ander kant. - Die rol van die Afrikaanse pers ten opsigte van Breytenbach as openbare figuur. - Die implikasies wat Breytenbach se uitsprake/optrede vir sy literatuuropvatting inhou, asook die implikasies wat reaksies op sodanige uitsprake/optrede vir die literatuuropvattings van lesers en die publiek inhou (dit wil sê die verband tussen ideologie en literatuuropvatting). II Teoretiese vertrekpunte Bogenoemde aspekte van die kommunikasie rondom Breytenbach word ontleed binne die raamwerke van die semiotiek en die sisteembenadering met klem op die interaksie tussen die literêre, politieke en joernalistieke sisteme (wat natuurlik nie volkome losgemaak kan word van ander diskoerse, byvoorbeeld rondom taal- en ander kultuursake nie). Die begrip ‘sisteem’ word hier nie gebruik in die sin van ‘Die Sisteem/The System’ waarteen iemand soos Breytenbach hom immers verset nie. Dit word bloot bedoel as noemer vir gedeeltes van die wêreld wat as eenhede waargeneem kan word en wat in staat is om 'n ‘identiteit’ te handhaaf ten spyte van veranderings wat daarbinne voltrek word. 'n Kultuur ('n gemeenskap) word in terme van hierdie raamwerk gesien as 'n makrosisteem wat ander sisteme insluit. Die uitgangspunt dat die maatskappy 'n groep sisteme is wat in interaksie verkeer, stel die ondersoeker in staat om twee kragte aan te toon. Aan die een kant is daar die dinamiek van oop sisteme wat verandering ondergaan, gerig deur verskuiwings in die heersende modelle en norme waarvolgens sisteme hulleself organiseer en wat op hulle beurt ideologies bepaald is. Aan die ander kant is daar die strewe na selfbehoud en stabiliteit binne (sub-)sisteme. Uit die Francis Galloway, Breyten Breytenbach as openbare figuur 4 ondersoek na die verhouding tussen die Afrikaanse literêre, politieke en joernalistieke sisteme blyk die talle pogings om die status quo te bewaar, telkens gekoppel aan 'n bepaalde literatuuropvatting (vroeër die outonomiebenadering) en 'n bepaalde ideologiese raamwerk (veral Afrikaner-nasionalisme).
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