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Negation in Baltic Middle Low German cambridge occasional papers in linguistics COP i L Volume 9, Article 2: 35–81, 2016 ∣ ISSN 2050-5949 Negation in Baltic Middle Low German Caroline Appleby University of Cambridge 1 Introduction The syntactic phenomenon known as Jespersen’s Cycle, a cyclic change in theex- pression of sentential negation, has been investigated in detail in many European languages, including in a recent study of Low German (LG) in Breitbarth (2014). There has as yet been no study of the syntax of LG as spoken by colonists and traders who settled in the Baltic regions, modern Latvia and Estonia, inthe14– 16th centuries. This study addresses the progression of Jespersen’s Cycle (JC)in Baltic LG, investigating the Middle Low German (MLG) period 1325–1525 in two major cities, Riga and Reval (modern Tallinn). First, I present the results of a quan- titative study of sentential negation in Baltic MLG chancery documents, modelled on the methodology of Breitbarth (2014), in order that my results can be compared to hers. This is followed by a discussion of my results, compared to thoseof Breit- barth (2014), and an explanation of the observed difference in terms of dialect con- tact. Finally, a syntactic theory of sentential negation in Baltic MLG is presented, working within the Minimalist Program of Chomsky (2000, 2001), and referring to discussion in Willis (2011). 2 Background 2.1 Negation and Jespersen’s Cycle This work will focus on the expression of sentential negation in MLG, negation which reverses the truth value of a whole proposition, exemplified for English in (1a). It is also possible to negate a single constituent by constituent negation, exemplified in (1b), which will not be discussed here. (1) a. I don’t like tea. b. Not long after, I had coffee. The term standard negation, used in typological work, describes a language’s main, productive method for expressing negation, usually the strategy found in main clauses. This work addresses JC, cyclic change in the expression of sentential negation summarised in the following oft-cited passage. ©2016 Appleby This is an open-access article distributed by the Department of Theoretical & Applied Linguis- tics, University of Cambridge under the terms of a Creative Commons Non-Commercial License (creativecommons.org/licenses/by-nc/3.0). Negation in Baltic Middle Low German The history of negative expressions in various languages makes uswit- ness the following curious fluctuation: the original negative adverb is first weakened, then found insufficient and therefore strengthened, generally through some additional word, and this in its turn may be felt as the negative proper and may then in course of time be subject to the same development as the original word. (Jespersen 1917: 4) The change is most often exemplified with French (Table 1), where Jespersen’s (1917) three stages are clearly visible. Stage I Stage II Stage III jeo ne dis je ne dis pas je dis pas Old French Middle and Modern written French Colloquial French Table 1 Schematic representation of Jespersen’s Cycle, exemplified by French (adapted from Willis et al. 2013: 7) Stage I corresponds to sentential negation being expressed by the original, often preverbal, sentential negator. Stage II corresponds to this marker being strength- ened by an additional item, resulting in bipartite expression of negation. At Stage III, the original negative marker is lost and negation is expressed by the innovated negative marker alone. I use a schematic representation of the change based on these stages for my data collection, reflecting the distinct surface patterns found in the texts, without mak- ing assumptions about the syntactic status of the elements. Other accounts of JC suggest different stages, summarised in van der Auwera (2009: 38). LG has progressed through all three stages of JC. In Old LG (OLG), negation was predominantly expressed by the preverbal marker ni/ne, (2a). This negation marker was optionally reinforced by various elements, including the negative in- definite niouuiht ‘nothing’. At some point in the attestation gap between OLG and MLG (see Section 2.2), this item became incorporated into the negative system, and when MLG was first attested, bipartite negation en …nicht was the most common way of expressing negation, (2b). Throughout MLG, the original preverbal negator becomes optional, falling out of use and leaving nicht alone as the predominant way of expressing sentential negation (2c). These examples correspond to stages I, II and III respectively, outlined in Table 1. (2) a. ‘ni bium ic’, quað he, ‘that barn godes …’ neg am I spoke he the child God.gen ‘I am not the child of God, he said’ (Heliand 915) (Breitbarth 2014: 2) b. … dat des sin here nicht en wiste that it his master neg en knew 36 Appleby ‘that his master did not know it’ (i.1.053, 1360, text 969, von Bunge 1855) c. Her Dirick heft eth nicht bygespraket Master Dirick have.prf it neg contradict.pst-ptcp ‘Master Dirick did not contradict it’ (i.4.028, 1503, text 462, von Bunge 1905a) In LG spoken within what is now northern Germany, Breitbarth (2014) shows that, while OLG negation was expressed almost exclusively by the Stage I pattern, MLG was a language in transition from Stage II to Stage III, with both options being available for the majority of the period (Breitbarth 2014: 176). The change was almost complete by the end of MLG attestation. The situation of MLG spoken in the Baltics was similar, but with JC going almost to completion some 50 years before MLG spoken in German lands. Languages also differ in the presence of Negative Concord (NC), which hastwo types (Willis et al. 2013). In Negative Doubling, negation is expressed morphologi- cally on the sentential negator and an indefinite in the scope of negation. Negative Spread involves negative morphological marking on all indefinites in the scope of negation. 2.2 History MLG can be defined simply as the language spoken between OLG and NewLG (Plattdeutsch). Between the OLG and MLG period, there is an attestation gapof c.150 years, during which the language changed considerably. Here the relevant change is from a system using exclusively JC Stage I negation to one in which Stage I was virtually absent, and the transition to stage III beginning. Peters (2000) di- vides MLG into three sections. The first, c. 1200–1370, is characterised byawide variety of regional dialects gradually replacing Latin as the language used for writ- ing. This period ends in 1370 with the Hansa adopting LG. The second periodc. 1370–1530 saw MLG serve as the international language of trade along the coasts of the North and Baltic seas, both spoken and written. During the final period, c. 1530–1650, MLG was in competition with Early New High German, which replaced MLG completely in written records by the mid-17th century. MLG spoken in Germany can be divided into several dialect areas, with key cities in each having different written languages, at least in the early period. Figure 1 shows the location of different dialects, and the datapoints identified by Breitbarth (2014). Early in the MLG period there was a push to colonise eastward, beginning with the arrival of Albert of Buxhoevden at the mouth of the Daugava river in 1200 (Plakans 2011: 36). He founded Riga in 1201, the most important centre for trade in the region. The “Baltic Crusade”, led by the Teutonic Order, continued, and over the next century the rest of modern Estonia and Latvia was conquered, and many towns established. Reval was founded by Danish settlers in 1219, who conquered northern Estonia in 1237 and ruled it for the next century (Skyum-Nielsen 2014: 204). However, 37 Negation in Baltic Middle Low German Figure 1 Map of MLG dialects and cities (Breitbarth 2014: 13) the majority of the vassals in Reval were of German origin (Skyum-Nielsen 2014: 209). Following a revolt by the Estonian peasants in 1343, the Teutonic Order took control of Estonia from the Danes, with the lands officially being transferred to the Order in 1346 (Skyum-Nielsen 2014: 206). Livonia eventually became a confederation of powers, including the Order, bish- oprics and the city of Riga, shown in Figure 2. There was often tension between the different ruling groups. There was a situation of linguistic stratification, with LG used by German colonis- ers, who formed the upper classes, merchants and priests, and the local languages spoken by the rest of the population, who were low status (Plakans 2011: 71). Few German peasants settled in the Baltics. The governing orders remained in close contact with their places of origin, and there was a continuous flow of migration from northern Germany, particularly to fill positions within the Order, as members were celibate (Schlau 1997). As centres of trade, there must also have been a consistent flow of traders between various cities on the coast of Germany and the Baltics. There is evidence, from written records of origin and from geographical surnames, that a large proportion of mem- bers of the Teutonic Order (Militzer 1997: 49) and the mercantile classes of Riga (van zur Mühlen 1997: 67) originated from the Westphalian dialect area, with many others from the Rhineland and Niedersachsen. MLG declined in the area from 1557, as the Livonian Confederation began to fall apart at the beginning of the Livonian Wars (Plakans 2011: 80). 2.3 Literature There has so far been little investigation of the syntax of historical LG,excepting some recent works such as Petrova (2012). The only works I have found addressing 38 Appleby Figure 2 Map of Baltic MLG areas and key cities in around 1300 (adapted from Plakans 2011: 55) LG negation in any detail are Sundquist (2007), and the work on which this dis- sertation is based, Breitbarth (2014).
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