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Home , Herbert Croly, Walter Weyl

FIRST PRINCIPLES FOUNDATIONAL CONCEPTS TO GUIDE POLITICS AND POLICY

makers of american political thought NO. 07 | March 14, 2013

Herbert Croly: Progressive Apostle Sidney A. Pearson Jr.

erbert David croly (1869–1930) “brain trust” that helped to launch to be baptized in comte’s atheist hwas one of the most infl u- modern .1 “religion of humanity.” how much ential public intellectuals of the Yet croly is scarcely known today of comte stuck to croly as he left Progressive movement in the early outside of the academic community. home and matured has always been 20th century, but his infl uence was This is a most unfortunate gap in our a matter of conjecture, but there is not limited to his own era. croly’s collective understanding of modern no doubt that the young croly found ideas were also instrumental in shap- liberalism. In order to clarify why philosophic ideas stimulating at a ing President Franklin D. roosevelt’s we are where we are and how we got formative time in his life. comte . here, it is important that we recover thought some sort of perfection was Following the 1932 election, there an understanding of croly’s role in the future of humanity, and, details was widespread consensus that the unfolding of this drama. of that perfection aside, croly clearly croly’s ideas had been a midwife thought in those terms. to the new political order. Liberal life originally attended historians, such as Eric Goldman, croly was born to live a life in city college in New York for one who routinely describe the triumph Progressive journalism as a race- year before transferring to harvard of New Deal liberalism and Lyndon horse is born to run. Both of his in 1886. Following the transfer, his Johnson’s Great Society as a “rendez- parents were prominent Progressive father worried openly about the vous with destiny” just as routinely journalists in New York city. his philosophically corrupting infl u- cite croly as part of the intellectual mother, Jane croly, wrote exten- ence harvard might have on his son. sively on women’s issues under the he had reason to worry. While at

This paper, in its entirety, can be found at pen name “Jenny June” and at the harvard, the younger croly wrote http://report.heritage.org/maPT-07 time of his birth was one of the best- home that he had come to doubt that Produced by the B. Kenneth Simon Center known women writers in america. much of comte was particularly rel- for Principles and Politics his father, also a prolifi c writer, was evant to modern social and political Photo from Library of Congress Collection a devoted american follower of the conditions, but he may have retained The Heritage foundation French utopian philosopher auguste more of comte’s perspective than he 214 Massachusetts Avenue, NE Washington, DC 20002 comte (1798–1857) and edited a thought at the time. (202) 546-4400 | heritage.org journal of comtist thought, Modern In 1892, he married Louise Nothing written here is to be construed as necessarily Thinker. Emory, a Vassar alumna, whom refl ecting the views of The Heritage Foundation or as an attempt to aid or hinder the passage of any bill There is a story that herbert croly he met while he was attending before Congress. was the fi rst infant born in america harvard. The couple was childless. makers of american political thought | NO. 07 March 14, 2013

Herbert Croly

Born January 23, 1869, in New York City to David Goodman Croly (1829–1889) and (1829–1901).

Education New York City College, 1885–1886; transferred to Harvard, 1886–1888. Withdrew from Harvard to assist and attend ailing father. Reentered Harvard 1892–1893; suffered nervous breakdown and withdrew. Reentered Harvard 1895– 1898; withdrew again for unknown reasons and without graduating. Travelled to Paris, possibly to study philosophy. Awarded honorary degree from Harvard 1910.

Religion None

Family Married Louise Emory, on May 30, 1892. No children.

Highlights • Editor, Architectural Record, 1900–1906. • Author, The Promise of American Life, 1909. • Author, Marcus Alonzo Hanna: His Life and Work, 1912. • Author, Progressive Democracy, 1914. • Editor, , 1914–1924. • Began working on a final book, The Breach in Civilization, in 1920. His friend read the manuscript and recommended against its publication. It was never published, and only fragments of the text remain.

Died May 17, 1930, in Santa Barbara, California.

Notable Quote “For better or worse, democracy cannot be disentangled from an aspiration toward human perfectibility, and hence from the adoption of measures looking in the direction of realizing such an aspiration.”

After intermittent study, Croly Croly’s major claim to prominence first work withProgressive Democracy left Harvard in 1899 for unknown came with publication of The Promise (1914). But his influence on American reasons and without graduating. He of American Life (1909). Ever since its did not begin and end was, however, awarded an honorary appearance, this work has been read with these two titles. His most lasting Harvard degree in 1910. as perhaps the single most emblematic achievement may have come in 1914 Little is known of Croly’s years statement of the Progressive liberal when, along with , immediately after his marriage to political aspiration. This one work , and a few wealthy finan- Louise and leaving Harvard. He trav- catapulted Croly into the first ranks cial backers, he helped found and eled to Europe and may have studied of leftist intellectuals, where he has served as first editor of theThe New philosophy in Paris. When he returned remained ever since. Republic. The magazine still remains to the in 1900, it was as The next few years were especially the gold standard for Progressive lib- editor of Architectural Record. fruitful for Croly. He followed up this eral journalism.

1. Eric F. Goldman, Rendezvous With Destiny (New York: Alfred A. Knopf, 1952).

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Croly’s health declined progressive- of the American regime and not elements in the electorate could ly throughout the 1920s. He suffered a merely a tinkering with institutions. be mobilized to support a major- massive stroke in 1928 that effectively Collectively, however, the ity coalition for the general election. ended his journalistic career, and he Progressive movement faced some- This typically meant a heteroge- died in 1930 in California. thing of a theoretical dilemma. If neous mixture of factions in each progress means anything, it means party that did not always fit well Herbert Croly and the movement toward something together beyond Election Day. Progressive Movement desired. What, precisely, did the Parties could not afford to be pri- What gave the Progressive move- Progressives desire? We all want to marily ideological, but Croly showed ment its theoretical unity, in spite replace something worse with some- them how to be more ideological in of internal quarrels among various thing better. The real issue turns on the construction of electoral coali- writers, thinkers, and politicians, what we think is better or worse. tions. We can see part of this in was its uniform opposition to the ’s adoption in founding principles of the American The Progressive movement 1912 of “The New Nationalism”—a regime. Progressives opposed the aimed at nothing less than term he borrowed directly from and natural rights Croly—as his campaign slogan. Croly arguments of the Declaration of the total and complete saw nationalism as the glue that held Independence in favor of a political transformation of the the Progressive electoral coalition science founded on historical evolu- American regime. Progressive together, but as parties became more tion. The metaphors were typically democracy was built on an ideological over the course of the Darwinian, and the substance was 20th century, nationalism was not an increased concentration of derived from German–Hegelian easy fit in a tradition that was at war historicism. political power, primarily in the with the Founders. The Progressive movement aimed executive. The split in the Republican Party at nothing less than the total and in 1912 and the election of Woodrow complete transformation of the Before Croly, Progressives were Wilson gave the Democrats at least American regime. In Croly’s words, united in their judgment that the a temporary electoral advantage in “The best that can be said on behalf of past and present were worse than attracting Progressive intellectuals. this traditional American system of what the future promised, but they Croly backed Roosevelt in 1912, but by ideas is that it contained the germ of were divided on what that better the election of 1916, The New Republic better things.”2 future might look like or how to threw whatever intellectual weight In practice, this meant a criticism achieve it. What has given Croly his it had behind Wilson. After the war, of the Founders’ idea of limited gov- enduring appeal among Progressive Progressives like Croly broke with ernment with enumerated powers. In intellectuals was how, more than any Wilson over the Versailles Treaty. electoral politics, as it was expressed other single writer, he filled in the Then, in 1919, came Prohibition, by writers such as Herbert Croly, theoretical blanks of what the future which left Croly disheartened with Progressive democracy was built on of Progressivism should look like and Progressivism in general; prohibition an increased concentration of political how to get there. What Croly wanted of alcohol was a diversion from real power, primarily in the executive. was clear progress toward political issues. By the time he died in 1930, The primacy of executive power perfection that looked very much he was thoroughly disillusioned with was not original with Croly; philo- like the welfare-state system pat- electoral politics, which had not sophically, he borrowed it from terned after that of Europe in general turned out as he had expected. But , and in practical and Germany in particular. His argu- he may have been premature in his politics, he borrowed it from the ments have helped to form the funda- pessimistic self-evaluation: Franklin example set by Theodore Roosevelt. mental liberal paradigm for over a Roosevelt’s New Deal was right What Croly added was to place the century since he wrote. around the corner. concentration of power in the broad- Prior to 1912, both Democrats A reasonable question is how er context of the complete reordering and Republicans fought for whatever much Progressive intellectuals like

2. Herbert Croly, The Promise of American Life (New York: The Macmillan Company, 1909), p. 51.

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Croly actually shaped the practical reader has remarked on its turgid which, incidentally, was best repre- politics of subsequent elections. His prose, and we may suspect that its sented in contemporary politics in father’s intellectual mentor, Auguste routine appearance on college read- the person of Theodore Roosevelt. Comte, wrote that “ideas govern the ing lists has confirmed the general Roosevelt combined, in Croly’s world, or throw it into chaos.”3 To undergraduate suspicion that “good view, the strong national govern- the degree that Comte is correct— academic writing” is an oxymoron. ment of Hamilton with the demo- and there is ample evidence to sup- That said, a careful reader could cratic faith of Jefferson. Roosevelt port him on this point—it is always not help but be impressed with the would use Hamiltonian means to appropriate to begin any analysis sheer breadth of Croly’s analysis. He achieve Jeffersonian ends. of politics with the ideas that shape brought together a range of ideas and political movements. It is not always how they might fit together that com- In Croly’s account, each of these clear how much Comte shaped Croly, mands a thoughtful response. two Founders had a fundamental but there is little doubt that Croly weakness. The weakness of Jefferson shaped Progressivism. To read The To read The Promise of American was his resistance to the growth of Promise of American Life even a Life even a century after its national power, and the weakness century after its publication is to be of Hamilton was his resistance to reminded how much of subsequent publication is to be reminded democracy. Excessive democratic Progressive thought echoes Croly how much of subsequent in Jefferson fought and how many of the tensions in Progressive thought echoes with excessive economic concentra- Croly remain tensions within the Croly and how many of the tion of power in Hamilton. This ten- liberal tradition. sion between Jefferson and Hamilton tensions in Croly remain had been the defining characteris- The Bible of Progressivism: tensions within the liberal tic of American politics since the The Promise of American Life tradition. Founding. It would be difficult to overstate Croly proposed to resolve this the place The Promise of American Croly’s argument in The Promise tension through the concentra- Life has enjoyed in the library of of American Life combined a simple tion of power. Roosevelt’s “New American political thought, yet its thesis with a complex demonstra- Nationalism” reflected this synthesis. significance cannot be measured tion of that thesis. It is at least an The purpose of this concentration by sales during Croly’s lifetime. echo of Comte. Progress can only was to resolve the conflict between When he died in 1930, The Promise be interpreted to mean movement factions that was the heart of the of American Life had sold only a toward greater perfection. What Founders’ science of politics, but scant 7,500 copies, and a first edi- prevented progress toward a per- whereas the Founders’ solution to tion remains one of the genuinely fected democracy in America was not conflict was to control theeffects of rare books produced during the the influence of simple reactionar- faction, Croly sought to remove the . Its influence is ies, important as that was, but rather causes of faction. not measured by how many read two distinct strands of thought that Like most Progressives, Croly it, but by who read it and what they competed against each other and had tended to identify conflict almost took away from it. Virtually every their origins in the founding prin- exclusively in terms of property Progressive intellectual read it ciples of the regime. rights. The removal of property, or its for the next decade or more, and redistribution, as a source of conflict his analysis of the nature of the ■■ The first was the Jeffersonian would make the country more demo- American regime was incorpo- tradition of individualism and cratic, following Jefferson, and the rated into the foundational argu- democracy. state as the engine of this removal ments of subsequent generations of would utilize Hamiltonian national- Progressive scholars. ■■ The second was the nationalist ism. The end result would be a more The Promise of American Life is tradition represented by the more perfect democracy combined with an not an easy read. More than one far-sighted , all-powerful state.

3. and Positivism: The Essential Writings, ed. Gertrud Lenzer (New York: Harper Torchbooks, 1975), p. 83.

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Yoking the concentration of Whatever their differences, There is no doubt that Croly’s power with democracy was a bold which were real, the function of embrace of nationalism opened a and startlingly original argument. government for both Jefferson and potential fault line among fellow Generally speaking, Progressives Hamilton was limited because the Progressives: How to be patriotic could accept Jefferson as a democrat purpose of government was limited. while simultaneously opposing our even as they uniformly rejected his For Croly, however, the function of founding principles? Croly had made natural rights, but Hamilton was an government was unlimited because the Progressive appeal to national- absolute anathema, and Croly’s invo- the purpose of government was ism dependent on a changed under- cation of Hamilton as a Progressive unlimited. The issue is not about the standing of the source of patriotism, hero seemed inconsistent with the size of government, but about the but this did not mean the patriotism Progressive analysis of American purpose of government. associated with the Founders. Quite politics. It ultimately broke apart not the contrary: “The higher American because democracy and the concen- Croly had made the patriotism, on the other hand, com- tration of power are incompatible, Progressive appeal to bines loyalty to historical tradition but because free popular government and precedent with the imagina- and the concentration of power are nationalism dependent on tive projection of an ideal national irreconcilable. a changed understanding Promise.”4 How did Croly manage this of the source of patriotism, Such patriotism is tied to the precarious balancing act? Perhaps but this did not mean the vision of a perfected future, not an it was the obvious optimism in actual past. “The better future which patriotism associated with Croly that initially attracted so Americans propose to build is noth- much attention, often from unlikely the Founders. ing if not an idea which must in cer- sources. It was Senator Henry Cabot tain essential respects emancipate Lodge, no friend of the Progressives Croly thought that nationalism, them from their past.” The new patri- in general, who recommended the represented by a warrior President otic American “must be prepared to book to Roosevelt. The thesis of a like Teddy Roosevelt, would cement sacrifice to that traditional vision powerful, charismatic executive democracy with a strong national even the traditional American ways certainly appealed to TR, as it later state. The charismatic leader who of realizing it.”5 appealed to his cousin Franklin. could somehow reconcile what Croly In short, Progressives are the It seems unlikely that either fully thought to be the conflicting strains repositories of true, higher patrio- understood the nuances of Croly’s of the Founding became a staple of tism, not politicians or ordinary arguments, but they well understood, Progressive historical interpreta- citizens who are mistakenly wedded perhaps instinctively, its rhetorical tion that reached its climax in the to the Founders. appeal. period from the 1930s to the 1960s. Croly’s argument may have been But the linkage of nationalism with Progressive Freedom vs. historically tenuous, but it had Progressivism was torn apart in the Property Rights and the Rule the virtue of embracing American Administration of Lyndon Johnson of Law nationalism in a way that eluded over the war in Vietnam and Great America’s prosperity, for Croly, is most other Progressives who were Society legislation. Much of subse- not the result of its freedom, but of critical of any hint of American quent liberal political thought may be the accident of its geography. Citing exceptionalism. It made the concen- described as an attempt to repair or at the American historian Frederick tration of power seem to be perfectly least come to terms with that rup- Jackson Turner, Croly makes clear consistent with the Founders’ sci- ture. It is a repair made all the more that the days of the American fron- ence of politics even as it under- difficult by the improbable, not to say tier are over. Individualistic freedom mined the logic of the Constitution bogus, way that Croly originally tried associated with a unique geography as a system designed for free popular to conflate the views of these two is a thing of the past, whether we government. Founders. fully realize it or not. The future of

4. Croly, The Promise of American Life, p. 2. 5. Ibid., p. 5.

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prosperity for more Americans will of a dominant and constructive with equal individual rights and mean learning from Europeans who national purpose, the American finished unequally more or less as a have already turned their back on the state will in effect be making itself result of greater or lesser talents and radical individualism of Jefferson. responsible for a morally and abilities. “Americans who talk in this Although not an economic deter- socially desirable distribution of way seem blind to the fact that under minist like the Progressive historian wealth.9 a legal system that holds private Charles Beard, Croly did argue that property sacred there may be equal modern industrialism was the driv- Because the state alone wields the rights, but there cannot possibly be ing force behind the need to rethink police powers, the state alone has the any equal opportunities for exercis- individualism, property rights, and legal coercive powers necessary to ing such rights.”10 the rule of law. Because of the chang- redistribute wealth in a more socially In other words, unequal results es in the underlying social and eco- desirable way. It is not, however, an are ultimately a manifestation of nomic conditions of American life, argument for socialism (defined unequal opportunities. The tradi- “the ideal Promise, instead of being as state ownership of the means of tional understanding of equality automatically fulfilled, may well be production). It more closely resem- of opportunity as equal treatment automatically stifled.”6 bles state control through a division under the law therefore gives way to In Croly’s view, the unequal of economic spoils in the wake of the new Progressive understanding, and unfair distribution of national elections. which aims to ensure that all have wealth that has developed under the It is this quality that gives Croly the same opportunities. The task auspices of Jeffersonianlaissez faire his well-deserved reputation for pro- is then to equalize opportunities at individualism has created obstacles viding a blueprint to a Progressive the outset. Among other things, this to Progressive democracy in the form theory of governance. Elections means an attack on the very idea of of economic conflict. “The auto- would provide the occasion for a individual liberty and the natural matic fulfillment of the American redistribution of wealth in which, right to one’s own justly acquired national Promise is to be abandoned,” eventually, the groups that receive property. he writes, “precisely because the the spoils will simply outvote the Moreover, as Croly likes to say, traditional American confidence in losers. this fundamental truth of the pres- individual freedom has resulted in ent social condition has certain polit- a morally and socially undesirable The task for Progressives is to ical implications. First and foremost, 7 distribution of wealth.” equalize opportunities at the the Founders’ understanding of the Up to a point, he notes, Jeffersonian rule of law will have to be changed: freedom has been beneficial, but at the outset. Among other things, “Impartiality is the duty of the judge same time, it has made a more equi- this means an attack on the rather than the statesman, the courts table redistribution of wealth all but very idea of individual liberty rather than the government ... In eco- impossible. What is logically needed, and the natural right to one’s nomic warfare, the fighting can never therefore, is centralized redistribution be fair for long, and it is the business own justly acquired property. on a national scale.8 of the state to see that its own friends are victorious.”11 The inference which follows may Croly does not advocate egalitar- To be sure, he goes on, the state be disagreeable, but it cannot be ian results, but he does advocate must preserve “at times an appear- escaped. In becoming respon- egalitarian beginnings. Americans ance of impartiality,” but this is only sible for the subordination of assumed—erroneously in Croly’s an appearance. “It must help those the individual to the demand opinion—that everyone started life men to win who are most capable of

6. Ibid., p. 17. 7. Ibid., p. 18. 8. Ibid., p. 21. 9. Ibid., p. 23. 10. Ibid., p. 181. 11. Ibid., p. 192.

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using their winnings for the benefit process, and who can quarrel with quite badly at times. This is why of society.” This does not mean that science? Scientific politics, in the the powers of government had to be everyone will be equal at the end form of public administration, would strictly limited and arranged in such of the day; it means merely that the replace opinion with knowledge a way that the tyranny of either an winners will be chosen by the state and politics with administration, individual or an overbearing faction rather than by an economic market- thereby offering a solution to the would at least find the path to power place “for the benefit of society.”12 eternal problem of conflict in human difficult, if not impossible in absolute The Progressive coalition in electoral societies. terms. In the words of Madison: politics would reward its friends It is here that we come to the heart who helped to elect them. It must of Croly’s science of politics and, with [I]n a nation of philosophers, this choose sides in this contest: “A well it, much of the Progressive liberal consideration ought to be disre- governed state will use its power objection to the Founders. Any serious garded. A reverence for the laws, to promote edifying and desirable science of politics will be built, implic- would be sufficiently inculcated by discriminations.”13 itly or explicitly, on a view of human the voice of an enlightened reason. nature, but both German historicism But a nation of philosophers is as Progressive Democracy as and Darwinian science had challenged little to be expected as the philo- Movement Toward Utopia the notion of a fixed human nature. sophical race of kings wished for According to Croly, there was Progressives embraced both of these by Plato.15 yet a final worm in the apple of arguments and in the process rejected , in addi- any science of politics built on any Imperfect human nature, in other tion to its individualism, that was an notion of practical limits as to what is words, puts limits on what we can obstacle to perfection. Democracy or is not possible. It is hardly surpris- reasonably expect from any form based on individualism did not pro- ing that limited government was an of government, but it was precisely mote the sort of excellence in govern- early casualty. “limits on human nature” that Croly ment that Jefferson had supposed. and Progressives in general rejected. On the contrary, it produced “a sort Progressives rejected any Progressive democracy, he wrote, of apotheosized majority—the people science of politics built on any required a different foundation: insofar as they could be generalized and reduced to an average.”14 notion of practical limits as to Democracy must stand or fall on At best, excellence in a what is or is not possible. It is a platform of human perfectibil- Jeffersonian democracy produced hardly surprising that limited ity. If human nature cannot be only mediocrity because individual government was an early improved by institutions, democ- equality of rights undermined the racy is at best a more than usually casualty. sort of excellence that could only safe form of political organization; be a product of superior, which is to and the only interesting inquiry say “progressive,” education. The The American Founders had about its future would be: How Progressive state, by contrast, would what may be called a sober view of long will it continue to work?16 require Progressive intellectuals to human nature. They thought ordi- make it work. Unlike Jeffersonian nary people were quite capable of The purpose of political institu- citizens who brought their unsci- greatness and nobility, especially if tions is not to control or to regulate entific mediocrity into the public given sufficient freedom, but they a permanent human nature, but square, Progressives brought scien- also understood human depravity. to change that nature by changing tific excellence into the policymaking Even the best of people could behave institutions not merely for transitory

12. Ibid., p. 193. 13. Ibid., p. 195. 14. Ibid., p. 188. 15. Federalist No. 49, in Alexander Hamilton, James Madison, and John Jay, The Federalist, ed. Jacob E. Cooke (Middletown, Conn.: Wesleyan University Press, 1961), p. 340. 16. Croly, The Promise of American Life, p. 400.

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reform, but to effect a permanent the Progressive tradition in general. ■■ The irony is that a new elite of change in the human condition: At the level of abstract theo- Progressives will be the true rul- “[T]he sincere democrat is obliged ry, Croly was perhaps the first ers of the regime, and the many to assume the power of heaven. For Progressive to openly embrace the will rule only in appearance. This him the practical questions are: idea that Progressive democracy is, to say the least, more oligarchic How can the improvement best be aspired toward perfectionism and and less democratic than most brought about? And, How much to acknowledge that its policies non-Progressive definitions of may it amount to?”17 Both are, to say were shaped by this fact. In effect, democracy allow. the least, appropriate questions to Progressive democracy required at ask of someone who does not try to least administration by a nation of ■■ The practical incoherence stems disguise the fact that he intends that philosophers to make it work, and from the requirement that these government play at godlike social since the very definition of politi- new elites, by the nature of the engineering. cal perfection precluded political electoral process, must cultivate conflict, this made the abolition of particular factions within the pol- Croly’s Political Legacy the causes of conflict the ultimate ity in order to rule. The result is a A hundred years after he first aim of the Progressive state. The system of crony that is wrote, Croly is probably more widely attainment of this end was the ideal far more corrupt than the free- read by conservatives searching for in Progressive politics that joined market economic system it seeks the foundations of Progressivism theory with practice. to replace, and rationalizing this than by most Progressives. This Practical politics meant that political corruption may be one of is not because Croly has somehow Progressive politicians would its most corrosive features. been rejected by Progressives, but participate in this eschatological because the Progressive tradition in unfolding of history by removing Progressive elites can and often American politics has first built on first property and later other sourc- do rule within such a system, but his foundations and then forgotten es of conflict as the precondition dividing the economic spoils of a him. The Left in American poli- for a purer form of democracy. This zero-sum system, even with periodic tics has been profoundly indebted in turn required the concentra- elections, is more likely to increase to him—perhaps more than they tion of power in the state in order than to decrease factional conflict. know and certainly more than they to remake the national community It is unlikely that either Jefferson acknowledge. We can see this abid- into a more egalitarian and less or Hamilton would see any of their ing influence in both theory and individualistic community through handiwork in such a system. practice. a system of government regulation —Sidney A. Pearson Jr. is Croly’s influence on the theory and income redistribution. Professor Emeritus, Radford and practice of Progressivism is There is both an irony and an University, Radford, Virginia. almost like an umbilical cord that incoherence in Croly’s redefinition of cannot be cut without damaging how democracy that reflect one of the ten- we understand Croly’s influence and sions of modern Progressivism.

17. Ibid.

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