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Constructing the Espoused Purpose of Islamic Schools in Australia

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Constructing the Espoused Purpose of Islamic Schools in Australia CONSTRUCTING THE ESPOUSED PURPOSE OF ISLAMIC SCHOOLS IN AUSTRALIA Nada Nemra Ghamra-oui DipTeach (Primary), BEd (Primary), MEdLead Doctor of Education Submitted in fulfilment of the requirements for the degree of Doctor of Education Faculty of Education and Arts Australian Catholic University 25A Barker Road, Strathfield New South Wales, 2135 January 2018 i Statement of Authorship This thesis contains no material published elsewhere or extracted in whole or in part from a thesis by which I have qualified for or been awarded another degree or diploma. No parts of this thesis have been submitted towards the award of any other degree or diploma in any other tertiary institution. No other person’s work has been used without due acknowledgment in the main text of the thesis. All research procedures reported in the thesis received the approval of the relevant Ethics Committees. Signature: Date: 26/6/ 2018 Nada Nemra Ghamra-oui ii Acknowledgements For the knowledge and all the energy, motivation, the support and guidance provided by family, friends and academics, and all the bounties bestowed upon me, I am grateful first and foremost to Allah (SWT)1. If there is anything that has been confirmed to me from this doctoral journey it is that knowledge is indeed the illuminating light: a companion, an armour and an ornament. All success is from Allah (SWT) and He knows best. I am indebted to a number of people for their support. It is with immense gratitude that I acknowledge the support and guidance of Dr Amy McPherson and Dr Michael Bezzina. No dissertation pathway is unmarked by doubts and frustration. Thank you both for your help through these times. Your dedication, persistent help and feedback on endless chapter drafts have added considerably to this thesis. Dr Amy McPherson – your enthusiasm, encouragement and also timely response to emails at any time of day and sometimes night made arduous times so much more tolerable. For introducing me and guiding me to engage with critique and the unravelling of reality through texts, I acknowledge the contributions of Professor Sue Saltmarsh. I am thankful for your insightfulness and depth of feedback with my analysis chapters and tenacious persistence in developing the analyst in me. It was a privilege and an honour to have learned from you. Finally, I would also like to express my gratitude to Dr Jack Frawley, Dr Katarina Tuinamuana and Associate Professor Joseph Zajda for their supervision and feedback on chapter drafts. I owe my deepest gratitude to my husband and my mum who have always stood by me. To my sister Narmen, thank you for always being a mountain of support. To my children, Mohamed, Maisah, Ayesha and Asmaa, studying alongside you as you completed your law, teaching and pharmacy degrees has made this dissertation so much more rewarding. Finally, to all the sisters in humanity who have shared their stories, hopes and aspirations of Islamic schooling, I hope this humble contribution will make a difference. I dedicate this thesis to those who share in the struggle of making a difference— educators, mothers and intellectuals—and persist to give the weak and disadvantaged a fair go. I dedicate this thesis to my dad, who passed away during such a struggle. 1 SWT: stands for Subhanahu Wa Ta’ala. A term routinely evoked by Muslims upon mention of Allah. iii Abstract RESEARCH TITLE: CONSTRUCTING THE ESPOUSED PURPOSE OF ISLAMIC SCHOOLS IN AUSTRALIA. Evidence showing a positive link between Islamic practices and rituals at the everyday level with civic participation is on the rise (Harris & Roose, 2014; Patton, 2014; Vergani, Johns, Lobo, & Mansouri, 2017). Yet, character building to produce women and men of adab (Al-Attas, 1980) for active and confident engagement with society, has always been the raison d’etre of Islamic schools (Buckley, 1997). What remains unexplored is how these schools and their educational practitioners intervene and actively engage with their central purpose in the minutiae of everyday life (Apple, 2006). Specifically, how the racialised Islamic schools (Gulson & Webb, 2012, 2013) and their leaders mediate the “pluri-cultural” life (Said, 1977, p. xvii), articulating, embodying and defending alternative educational possibilities for parity of educational outcomes, lacks analytical consideration. This study explored the construction of the espoused purpose of Islamic schools in Australia. Grounded in a critical race position (Ladson-Billings & Tate, 1995) and a faith- centred epistemology (Zine, 2004), it employed a collective case study methodology (Stake, 1995; Merriam, 1998; Yin, 2012) to understand how a disenfranchised community understands and experiences its everyday lived realities, and how leaders speak back to authoritarianism (Said, 2004; Apple, 2006) to achieve their aspirations in a diverse marketised Australian society (Walsh, 2014). An analysis of the promotional materials (Symes, 1998) and an online survey of stakeholders of Islamic schools in Perth, Melbourne and Brisbane were conducted in the exploratory phase of this inquiry, followed by an in-depth analysis of documents and a leadership qualitative questionnaire. The findings revealed, firstly, that neoliberal technologies have worked to influence the schools’ educational practices, creating possibilities that are bounded with limitations. By enabling choice—and as a consequence, the physical space where schools and their educational practitioners provide an education that aligns school values with those of students’ homes; religious practice that can be freely exercised and instituted; and, support mechanisms to mitigate the harm arising from students’ external social realities—neoliberalism has been productive for this disenfranchised community, allowing for its aspirations to provide the tools for achieving its purpose. Islamic schools therefore play a vital role in contributing to social iv cohesion. Yet, substance has been compromised and remains unresolved by a formal curriculum that prioritises the dominant “excellence” discourse alongside an appended imitation Islamic curriculum model (Ramadan, 2004). Secondly, negotiation of key tensions arising from the external and internal contexts, primarily the prevalence of persisting dichotomies, summons leadership practices that not only draw on the schools’ ethical frameworks and own personal values (Striepe, 2016) but full engagement in intellectual activity: persistence, critique and pushing through (Said, 1994). Thirdly, any attempts made by schools and leaders to engage with Islamic education must stem from learning and the collective creation and alignment of the “right” aims (Merry, 2015, p. 147). By persisting and pushing, schools and leaders who operate by faith (Dantley, 2005) focus on helping students negotiate their identities and connect with their worlds (Ramadan, 2004). v Contents Statement of Authorship ........................................................................................................................ i Acknowledgements ................................................................................................................................ ii Abstract ................................................................................................................................................. iii Contents ................................................................................................................................................. v Appendices ............................................................................................................................................ ix List of Figures ....................................................................................................................................... x List of Tables ........................................................................................................................................ xi List of Abbreviations ........................................................................................................................... xii Glossary .............................................................................................................................................. xiii CHAPTER ONE: CONTEXT OF THE RESEARCH ................................................................................ 1 1.1: Background ................................................................................................................................... 1 1.1.1: The choice of Islamic schools. ............................................................................................... 4 1.2: The Pluralistic, Marketised Context of Australian Society ...................................................... 4 1.2.1: Religious revival and the ‘Other’. ........................................................................................ 7 1.2.2: Exclusion of the “Other”: civic and educational disadvantage. ........................................ 9 1.2.3: The experience of Muslim students in multicultural schools. .......................................... 12 1.3: Neoliberalism and the Growth of Religious Schools................................................................ 14 1.4: Islamic Schools: Mapping the Terrain ..................................................................................... 15 1.4.1: The choice of Islamic schools. ............................................................................................. 16 1.4.2: Adab: an ethically framed education
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