Neither Saffron Nor Revolution
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Myanmar's Spring Revolution
EUROPEAN POLICY BRIEF MYANMAR ’S SPRING REVOLUTION : A PEOPLE ’S REVOLUTION Myanmar’s Spring Revolution is a grassroots, bottom-to-top nationwide resistance against the military ruling class that retook state power in February 2021. It is unprecedented in scale, fascinating in form and shows a profound societal change within the country. Michal Lubina , April 2021 INTRODUCTION A People’s revolution Myanmar’s Spring Revolution is a grassroots, bottom-to-top nationwide resistance against the military ruling class that retook state power in February 2021. It is unprecedented in scale, fascinating in form and shows a profound societal change within the country. EVIDENCE AND ANALYSIS The end of hermit country Burma has traditionally been called a hermit country 1 – a designation not uncommon in Asia (Bhutan and especially Korea were similarly named), yet very fitting in the case of Myanmar. Precolonial Burmese kingdoms were generally inward-looking, with periods of sometimes spectacular external expeditions being exceptions rather than the rule. Some believed Burma’s isolation was due to economic self-sufficiency, others ascribed it to geography. Still others looked for explanations in the cultural realm, believing - like Aung San Suu Kyi in her early writings 2 - that Buddhism made Burmese uninterested in foreign ideas. Whatever the reasons, it was only the colonial period that brought Burma into the global, capitalist world, however imperfectly: “Burma had been thrown open to the world, but the world had not been opened up to Burma.” 3 This forceful incursion inflicted wounds that never healed. That is why after the creative and chaotic decade of the 1950s (somewhat similar to the last ten years), Burma reverted to self-isolation after the 1962 1 Gustaaf Houtman, Mental Culture in Burmese Crisis Politics: Aung San Suu Kyi and the National League for Democracy, ISLCAA Tokyo 1999, p. -
The Third Force in Myanmar
The Third Force and the Architecture of Civil Society -State Relations in the Transition in Myanmar, 2008-2017 The Third Force and the Architecture of Civil Society -State Relations in the Transition in Myanmar, 2008-2017 ___________________________ Mael Raynaud Independent Analyst [email protected] Abstract Myanmar has embarked on a political transition in 2011, a transition better described here as a transition to a hybrid system, with elements of democracy and elements of a military rule. Building on the existing literature on transitions, political crises, civil society, and political influence, the present article attempts to define what the role of civil society has been in this process. Using the author ‘s concepts of a social stupa, in Myanmar, and of the "architecture of civil society-state relations", observed through various "points วารสาร สิทธิและสันติศึกษา ปีที่ 4 ฉบับที่ 2 of contacts" between the two, the author sets an argument that political influence is stronger in the points of contact at the top of the social stupa where the civil society elite meets political elite. In that sense, civil society leaders can be seen as groups that organically channel the voice of civil society to those in power. This perspective explains the strategy behind the Third Force, a group of civil society leaders that gained influence in the wake of cyclone Nargis in 2008 and had a significant impact on the political process, and officially or semi-officially became advisors to President U Thein Sein from 2011 to 2016. The article then argues that the NLD government has cut much of these ties, but that civil society-state relations have nevertheless been profoundly re-shaped in the last decade. -
Regions/ Cities No. Dealer Names Available Payment Type Phone Number Address Suzuki Dealer's List
Suzuki Dealer's List Available Regions/ No. Dealer Names Payment Phone Number Address Cities Type 01 - 537551 POS and CB No.37, University Avenue Road, Shwe Taung Gyar-1 Ward, Bahan 1 Lwin & Swan 09 - 795159957 Pay Township 09 - 765252388 01-663619 2 Aung Motor CB Pay 01-709448 No.33, Pyi Road, 7 1/2 Mile, Mayangone Township 01-667916 09-952055566 POS and CB 3 Myo Motor 09-952105566 192/248 (B), East Horse Race Course Road, Tamwe Township Pay 09-952135566 01-201619 4 Yenadi (Pazundaung) CB Pay 09-400889991 No.52, Bogyoke Aung San Street, Pazuntaung Township 09-400889992 5 CACT CB Pay 09-454247772 No.472, Bohmu Ba Htoo Street, 48 Qtr, North Dagon Township 09-977780002 6 MC Ayeyar CB Pay 09-977780003 No. 9/B , Waizayantar Road, South Okkalapa Township 09-977780006 09-777735353 No.14, Nawaday Housing, Yangon-Pathein Main Road, 7 Yangon Suzuki CB Pay 09-965846200 Hlaing Tharyar Township 09-444785775 Yangon 8 MMC (Yangon) CB Pay 195-203, G/F Sakura Business Tower, Thittaw Road, Ahlone Township 09-444785776 9 Farmer Auto (Yangon) CB Pay 09-779982751 No.36, No.3 Road, Thit Seint Kon Ward, ThingungyunGyi, Mingalardon, Auto City (North 09 7979 2 5555, No(144,146), No.2 Main Road & Aung Yadanar(13) St, 10 CB Pay Dagon) (2) 09 7979 3 5555 North Dagon Township, 09-899992125 KL Seven (Bayint 11 CB Pay 09-899992126 Corner of Ba Yint Naung Rd and Ywar Ma Kyaung Rd, Yangon. Naung) 09-899992529 09-774795353(54) 12 KL Seven (Hmaw Bi) CB Pay 09-772980001(02) No. -
B U R M a B U L L E T
B U R M A B U L L E T I N ∞∞∞∞∞∞∞∞∞A month-in-review of events in Burma∞∞∞∞∞∞∞∞∞ A L T E R N A T I V E A S E A N N E T W O R K O N B U R M A campaigns, advocacy & capacity-building for human rights & democracy Issue 20 August 2008 • Fearing a wave of demonstrations commemorating th IN THIS ISSUE the 20 anniversary of the nationwide uprising, the SPDC embarks on a massive crackdown on political KEY STORY activists. The regime arrests 71 activists, including 1 August crackdown eight NLD members, two elected MPs, and three 2 Activists arrested Buddhist monks. 2 Prison sentences • Despite the regime’s crackdown, students, workers, 3 Monks targeted and ordinary citizens across Burma carry out INSIDE BURMA peaceful demonstrations, activities, and acts of 3 8-8-8 Demonstrations defiance against the SPDC to commemorate 8-8-88. 4 Daw Aung San Suu Kyi 4 Cyclone Nargis aid • Daw Aung San Suu Kyi is allowed to meet with her 5 Cyclone camps close lawyer for the first time in five years. She also 5 SPDC aid windfall receives a visit from her doctor. Daw Suu is rumored 5 Floods to have started a hunger strike. 5 More trucks from China • UN Special Rapporteur on human rights in Burma HUMAN RIGHTS 5 Ojea Quintana goes to Burma Tomás Ojea Quintana makes his first visit to the 6 Rape of ethnic women country. The SPDC controls his meeting agenda and restricts his freedom of movement. -
Burma's Long Road to Democracy
UNITED STATES InsTITUTE OF PEACE www.usip.org SPECIAL REPORT 1200 17th Street NW • Washington, DC 20036 • 202.457.1700 • fax 202.429.6063 ABOUT THE REPORT Priscilla Clapp A career officer in the U.S. Foreign Service, Priscilla Clapp served as U.S. chargé d’affaires and chief of mission in Burma (Myanmar) from June 1999 to August 2002. After retiring from the Foreign Service, she has continued to Burma’s Long Road follow events in Burma closely and wrote a paper for the United States Institute of Peace entitled “Building Democracy in Burma,” published on the Institute’s Web site in July 2007 as Working Paper 2. In this Special to Democracy Report, the author draws heavily on her Working Paper to establish the historical context for the Saffron Revolution, explain the persistence of military rule in Burma, Summary and speculate on the country’s prospects for political transition to democracy. For more detail, particularly on • In August and September 2007, nearly twenty years after the 1988 popular uprising the task of building the institutions for stable democracy in Burma, public anger at the government’s economic policies once again spilled in Burma, see Working Paper 2 at www.usip.org. This into the country’s city streets in the form of mass protests. When tens of thousands project was directed by Eugene Martin, and sponsored by of Buddhist monks joined the protests, the military regime reacted with brute force, the Institute’s Center for Conflict Analysis and Prevention. beating, killing, and jailing thousands of people. Although the Saffron Revolution was put down, the regime still faces serious opposition and unrest. -
Election Monitor No.49
Euro-Burma Office 10 November 22 November 2010 Election Monitor ELECTION MONITOR NO. 49 DIPLOMATS OF FOREIGN MISSIONS OBSERVE VOTING PROCESS IN VARIOUS STATES AND REGIONS Representatives of foreign embassies and UN agencies based in Myanmar, members of the Myanmar Foreign Correspondents Club and local journalists observed the polling stations and studied the casting of votes at a number of polling stations on the day of the elections. According the state-run media, the diplomats and guests were organized into small groups and conducted to the various regions and states to witness the elections. The following are the number of polling stations and number of eligible voters for the various regions and states:1 1. Kachin State - 866 polling stations for 824,968 eligible voters. 2. Magway Region- 4436 polling stations in 1705 wards and villages with 2,695,546 eligible voters 3. Chin State - 510 polling stations with 66827 eligible voters 4. Sagaing Region - 3,307 polling stations with 3,114,222 eligible voters in 125 constituencies 5. Bago Region - 1251 polling stations and 1057656 voters 6. Shan State (North ) - 1268 polling stations in five districts, 19 townships and 839 wards/ villages and there were 1,060,807 eligible voters. 7. Shan State(East) - 506 polling stations and 331,448 eligible voters 8. Shan State (South)- 908,030 eligible voters cast votes at 975 polling stations 9. Mandalay Region - 653 polling stations where more than 85,500 eligible voters 10. Rakhine State - 2824 polling stations and over 1769000 eligible voters in 17 townships in Rakhine State, 1267 polling stations and over 863000 eligible voters in Sittway District and 139 polling stations and over 146000 eligible voters in Sittway Township. -
2D Seismic Survey in Block AD- 10, Offshore Myanmar
2D Seismic Survey in Block AD- 10, Offshore Myanmar Initial Environmental Examination 02 December 2015 Environmental Resources Management www.erm.com The world’s leading sustainability consultancy 2D Seismic Survey in Block AD-10, Environmental Resources Management Offshore Myanmar ERM-Hong Kong, Limited 16/F, Berkshire House 25 Westlands Road Initial Environmental Examination Quarry Bay Hong Kong Telephone: (852) 2271 3000 Facsimile: (852) 2723 5660 Document Code: 0267094_IEE_Cover_AD10_EN.docx http://www.erm.com Client: Project No: Statoil Myanmar Private Limited 0267094 Summary: Date: 02 December 2015 Approved by: This document presents the Initial Environmental Examination (IEE) for 2D Seismic Survey in Block AD-10, as required under current Draft Environmental Impact Assessment Procedures Craig A. Reid Partner 1 Addressing MOECAF Comments, Final for MOGE RS CAR CAR 02/12/2015 0 Draft Final RS JNG CAR 31/08/2015 Revision Description By Checked Approved Date Distribution Internal Public Confidential CONTENTS 1 EXECUTIVE SUMMARY 1-1 1.1 PURPOSE AND EXTENT OF THE IEE REPORT 1-1 1.2 SUMMARY OF THE ACTIVITIES UNDERTAKEN DURING THE IEE STUDY 1-2 1.3 PROJECT ALTERNATIVES 1-2 1.4 DESCRIPTION OF THE ENVIRONMENT TO BE AFFECTED BY THE PROJECT 1-4 1.5 SIGNIFICANT ENVIRONMENTAL IMPACTS 1-5 1.6 THE PUBLIC CONSULTATION AND PARTICIPATION PROCESS 1-6 1.7 SUMMARY OF THE EMP 1-7 1.8 CONCLUSIONS AND RECOMMENDATIONS OF THE IEE REPORT 1-8 2 INTRODUCTION 2-1 2.1 PROJECT OVERVIEW 2-1 2.2 PROJECT PROPONENT 2-1 2.3 THIS INITIAL ENVIRONMENTAL EVALUATION (IEE) -
Chapter 8, Control and Resistance, Attacks on Burmese Opposition Media
8 Control and Resistance Attacks on Burmese Opposition Media Nart Villeneuve and Masashi Crete-Nishihata Burma is consistently identifi ed by human rights organizations as one of the world ’ s most repressive regimes. Human rights violations occur with regularity, especially in connection with the country ’ s long-standing armed confl ict. The ruling military junta, the State Peace and Development Council (SPDC), is best known for its political pris- oners and its systematic denial of universal human rights such as freedom of expres- sion. 1 The government ’ s efforts to silence dissent pervade cyberspace and its system of Internet control is one of the most restrictive in Asia. Despite the heavy hand that the regime wields over cyberspace, information com- munication technologies (ICTs) have provided Burmese opposition groups with the means to broadcast their message to the world and challenge the government. The ongoing battle between these two sides makes Burma a stark example of contested Asian cyberspace. The role of ICTs in this struggle can be framed by contrasting theo- ries that view them either as “ liberation technologies ” that can empower grassroots political movements 2 or as tools that authoritarian governments can use to suppress these very same mobilizations. 3 This contestation is dramatically illustrated by the series of protests that erupted across the country in 2007 — in a movement popularly known as the “ Saffron Revolu- tion. ” During these protests, Burmese activists managed to bring the uprising to the world ’ s attention by making images and videos of the demonstrations and subsequent government crackdown available on the Internet. Realizing the potential political impact of these images, the government severed Internet connectivity in the country for nearly two weeks. -
Frontier Capitalism and Politics of Dispossession in Myanmar: the Case of the Mwetaung (Gullu Mual) Nickel Mine in Chin State Einzenberger, Rainer
www.ssoar.info Frontier Capitalism and Politics of Dispossession in Myanmar: the Case of the Mwetaung (Gullu Mual) Nickel Mine in Chin State Einzenberger, Rainer Veröffentlichungsversion / Published Version Zeitschriftenartikel / journal article Empfohlene Zitierung / Suggested Citation: Einzenberger, R. (2018). Frontier Capitalism and Politics of Dispossession in Myanmar: the Case of the Mwetaung (Gullu Mual) Nickel Mine in Chin State. ASEAS - Austrian Journal of South-East Asian Studies, 11(1), 13-34. https:// doi.org/10.14764/10.ASEAS-2018.1-2 Nutzungsbedingungen: Terms of use: Dieser Text wird unter einer CC BY-NC-ND Lizenz This document is made available under a CC BY-NC-ND Licence (Namensnennung-Nicht-kommerziell-Keine Bearbeitung) zur (Attribution-Non Comercial-NoDerivatives). For more Information Verfügung gestellt. Nähere Auskünfte zu den CC-Lizenzen finden see: Sie hier: https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-nc-nd/3.0 https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-nc-nd/3.0/deed.de Aktuelle Südostasienforschung Current Research on Southeast Asia Frontier Capitalism and Politics of Dispossession in Myanmar: The Case of the Mwetaung (Gullu Mual) Nickel Mine in Chin State Rainer Einzenberger ► Einzenberger, R. (2018). Frontier capitalism and politics of dispossession in Myanmar: The case of the Mwetaung (Gullu Mual) nickel mine in Chin State. Austrian Journal of South-East Asian Studies, 11(1), 13-34. Since 2010, Myanmar has experienced unprecedented political and economic changes described in the literature as democratic transition or metamorphosis. The aim of this paper is to analyze the strategy of accumulation by dispossession in the frontier areas as a precondition and persistent element of Myanmar’s transition. -
Burma's Political Prisoners and U.S. Sanctions
Burma’s Political Prisoners and U.S. Sanctions Michael F. Martin Specialist in Asian Affairs September 15, 2014 Congressional Research Service 7-5700 www.crs.gov R42363 c11173008 . Burma’s Political Prisoners and U.S. Sanctions Summary The release of all Burma’s political prisoners is one of the fundamental goals of U.S. policy. Several of the laws imposing sanctions on Burma—including the Burmese Freedom and Democracy Act of 2003 (P.L. 108-61) and the Tom Lantos Block Burmese JADE (Junta’s Anti- Democratic Efforts) Act of 2008 (P.L. 110-286)—require the release of all political prisoners before the sanctions can be terminated. The Consolidated Appropriations Act of 2014 (P.L. 113- 76) requires the Department of State and the U.S. Agency for International Development (USAID) to “support programs for former political prisoners” in Burma, as well as “monitor the number of political prisoners in Burma.” Burma’s President Thein Sein pledged during a July 2013 trip to the United Kingdom to release all “prisoners of conscience” in his country by the end of the year. Since his announcement, he granted amnesties or pardons on seven occasions. While President Thein Sein has asserted that all political prisoners have been freed, several Burmese organizations maintain that dozens of political prisoners remain in jail and that new political prisoners continue to be arrested and sentenced. Hopes for a democratic government and national reconciliation in Burma depend on the release of prisoners, including those associated with the country’s ethnic groups. Several ethnic-based political parties have stated they will not participate in parliamentary elections until their members are released. -
Violent Repression in Burma: Human Rights and the Global Response
UCLA UCLA Pacific Basin Law Journal Title Violent Repression in Burma: Human Rights and the Global Response Permalink https://escholarship.org/uc/item/05k6p059 Journal UCLA Pacific Basin Law Journal, 10(2) Author Guyon, Rudy Publication Date 1992 DOI 10.5070/P8102021999 Peer reviewed eScholarship.org Powered by the California Digital Library University of California COMMENTS VIOLENT REPRESSION IN BURMA: HUMAN RIGHTS AND THE GLOBAL RESPONSE Rudy Guyont TABLE OF CONTENTS INTRODUCTION ........................................ 410 I. SLORC AND THE REPRESSION OF THE DEMOCRACY MOVEMENT ....................... 412 A. Burma: A Troubled History ..................... 412 B. The Pro-Democracy Rebellion and the Coup to Restore Military Control ......................... 414 C. Post Coup Elections and Political Repression ..... 417 D. Legalizing Repression ........................... 419 E. A Country Rife with Poverty, Drugs, and War ... 421 II. HUMAN RIGHTS ABUSES IN BURMA ........... 424 A. Murder and Summary Execution ................ 424 B. Systematic Racial Discrimination ................ 425 C. Forced Dislocations ............................. 426 D. Prolonged Arbitrary Detention .................. 426 E. Torture of Prisoners ............................. 427 F . R ape ............................................ 427 G . Portering ....................................... 428 H. Environmental Devastation ...................... 428 III. VIOLATIONS OF INTERNATIONAL LAW ....... 428 A. International Agreements of Burma .............. 429 1. The U.N. -
The Burmese Crisis, Its Roots and the Urgency of Solidarity
The Burmese crisis, its roots and the urgency of solidarity https://internationalviewpoint.org/spip.php?article1328 Burma The Burmese crisis, its roots and the urgency of solidarity - IV Online magazine - 2007 - IV393 - October 2007 - Publication date: Sunday 28 October 2007 Copyright © International Viewpoint - online socialist magazine - All rights reserved Copyright © International Viewpoint - online socialist magazine Page 1/12 The Burmese crisis, its roots and the urgency of solidarity Demonstrations are rare things in Burma. Under the yoke of a military junta which is among the most repressive in the world, the population has not forgotten the violence of the repression of the demonstrations for democracy in 1988 which ended in the death of at least 3,000 demonstrators and thousands of arrests. A shorter version of the article was published on 8 October 2007 [https://internationalviewpoint.org/IMG/jpg/Burmanew.jpg] Yet, despite a tight lockdown of the country by paramilitary militias, the Burmese people, who live in extreme poverty in medieval economic conditions, the absence of democracy and everyday injustice, have again defied the junta. The demonstrations have been the most significant in twenty years. Street marches began following an increase in the price of fuel by two thirds, the doubling of the price of diesel and a fivefold rise in the price of compressed natural gas in mid-August in Rangoon. Burmese people were shocked by this brutal and sudden increase, condemning a number of them to spend nearly half their wages to pay the costs of public transport (which increased owing to the increased fuel prices) or to go to work on foot (when possible).