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SUSTAINABILITY CIES 2019 San Francisco • April 14-18, 2019 ANNUAL CONFERENCE PROGRAM RD 6 3
EDUCATION FOR SUSTAINABILITY CIES 2019 San Francisco • April 14-18, 2019 ANNUAL CONFERENCE PROGRAM RD 6 3 #CIES2019 | #Ed4Sustainability www.cies.us SUN MON TUE WED THU 14 15 16 17 18 GMT-08 8 AM Session 1 Session 5 Session 10 Session 15 8 - 9:30am 8 - 9:30am 8 - 9:30am 8 - 9:30am 9 AM Coffee Break, 9:30am Coffee Break, 9:30am Coffee Break, 9:30am Coffee Break, 9:30am 10 AM Pre-conference Workshops 1 Session 2 Session 6 Session 11 Session 16 10am - 1pm 10 - 11:30am 10 - 11:30am 10 - 11:30am 10 - 11:30am 11 AM 12 AM Plenary Session 1 Plenary Session 2 Plenary Session 3 (includes Session 17 11:45am - 1:15pm 11:45am - 1:15pm 2019 Honorary Fellows Panel) 11:45am - 1:15pm 11:45am - 1:15pm 1 PM 2 PM Session 3 Session 7 Session 12 Session 18 Pre-conference Workshops 2 1:30 - 3pm 1:30 - 3pm 1:30 - 3pm 1:30 - 3pm 1:45 - 4:45pm 3 PM Session 4 Session 8 Session 13 Session 19 4 PM 3:15 - 4:45pm 3:15 - 4:45pm 3:15 - 4:45pm 3:15 - 4:45pm Reception @ Herbst Theatre 5 PM (ticketed event) Welcome, 5pm Session 9 Session 14 Closing 4:30 - 6:30pm 5 - 6:30pm 5 - 6:30pm 5 - 6:30pm Town Hall: Debate 6 PM 5:30 - 7pm Keynote Lecture @ Herbst 7 PM Theatre (ticketed event) Presidential Address State of the Society Opening Reception 6:30 - 9pm 6:45 - 7:45pm 6:45 - 7:45pm 7 - 9pm 8 PM Awards Ceremony Chairs Appreciation (invite only) 7:45 - 8:30pm 7:45 - 8:45pm 9 PM Institutional Receptions Institutional Receptions 8:30 - 9:45pm 8:30 - 9:45pm TABLE of CONTENTS CIES 2019 INTRODUCTION OF SPECIAL INTEREST Conference Theme . -
Inequality, Identity, and the Long-Run Evolution of Political Cleavages in Israel 1949-2019
WID.world WORKING PAPER N° 2020/17 Inequality, Identity, and the Long-Run Evolution of Political Cleavages in Israel 1949-2019 Yonatan Berman August 2020 Inequality, Identity, and the Long-Run Evolution of Political Cleavages in Israel 1949{2019 Yonatan Berman∗ y August 20, 2020 Abstract This paper draws on pre- and post-election surveys to address the long run evolution of vot- ing patterns in Israel from 1949 to 2019. The heterogeneous ethnic, cultural, educational, and religious backgrounds of Israelis created a range of political cleavages that evolved throughout its history and continue to shape its political climate and its society today. De- spite Israel's exceptional characteristics, we find similar patterns to those found for France, the UK and the US. Notably, we find that in the 1960s{1970s, the vote for left-wing parties was associated with lower social class voters. It has gradually become associated with high social class voters during the late 1970s and later. We also find a weak inter-relationship between inequality and political outcomes, suggesting that despite the social class cleavage, identity-based or \tribal" voting is still dominant in Israeli politics. Keywords: Political cleavages, Political economy, Income inequality, Israel ∗London Mathematical Laboratory, The Graduate Center and Stone Center on Socio-Economic Inequality, City University of New York, [email protected] yI wish to thank Itai Artzi, Dror Feitelson, Amory Gethin, Clara Mart´ınez-Toledano, and Thomas Piketty for helpful discussions and comments, and to Leah Ashuah and Raz Blanero from Tel Aviv-Yafo Municipality for historical data on parliamentary elections in Tel Aviv. -
DETAINED WITHOUT TRIAL Administrative Detention in the Occupied Territories Since the Beginning of the Intifada
.י• י7- Jerusalem, October 1992 DETAINED WITHOUT TRIAL Administrative Detention in the Occupied Territories Since the Beginning of the Intifada בצלם BTSELEM The Israeli Information Center for Human Rights in the Occupied Territories Jerusalem, October 1992 DETAINED WITHOUT TRIAL Administrative Detention in the Occupied Territories Since the Beginning of the Intifada ב ׳.׳jצלם B'TSELEM The Israeli Information Center for Human Rights in the Occupied Territories -ב • •« • •צלם B'TSELEM The Israeli Information Center for Human Rights in the Occupied Territories 18 Keren Hayesod St. Jerusalem 92149. Tel. 02/617271, 617274, Fax. 02/617946 מרכז המידע הישראלי לזכויות האדם בשטחים רחוב קרן היסוד 18, ירושלים 92149. טלפון 617274, 02/617271, פקס׳ 02/617946 ">ד•••:!.ן" ^Ijtfl ^ jLalll jjAaJ^I^VI oLjUll jS^o (.XjAWXVi/N^^iC^TN^^jill \A jj^aJjS ^jLi ISSN 0792-8114 © all rights reserved Graphic Design: Yael Boverman Written by: Daphna Golan Acknowledgements: - To Atty. Tamar Pelleg-Sryck. without whom this report could not have been written, and to all the detainees, lawyers, and reserve soldiers who agreed to be interviewed and provided many of the details mentioned in this report. - To Aaron Back, Bassem 'Eid. Yuval Ginbar and Sharon Roubach for their help in interviewing and writing. - To Yizhar Be'er, Avigdor Feldman, Menachem Hofnung, David Kretzmer. Roni Talmor and Avishai Margalit. for their comments. - To Miriam Algazi. Jessica Bonn, Chris Humber. Iris Tamir, Yael Ungar and Jim Ron for their assistance in typing, translating and editing. CONTENTS ל Introduction .1 2. Administrative Detention in International Law 8 3. Historical Background 19 4. The Detainees 28 5. -
Invites. 'Rig/,T'
, l ·~]dt"•t• 1•J11y1,.,d ,wt,• IA09<1 1he UJ:A. ZOOMS. IN U.S. CITIES XElV l'OBK - {TIVSOI - -tllllW .Tewtsll Appeal ID t11r • • , ' Ualted Staitea h nieonllns blc \\'D&"!-ii"IPEG, MAN., .TUESDAY, llAY 2, 1950 Iner .er ntt laa1 ,-r, attord blc ID ft<pelrt for first . tla, -------------------....------- .....---""" ..... 1 .....-11ere..-au.a Jgst 1--s b7 VJA Mrs. F.D.R. j lfllll7 major dtl8 ban ,..._ c,onlecl !use Jumpa, ...,_ up to !O per i,e.al Offl' 19&9. Ca/Jinet Tbese ue - oatatandln;: Opposes t rmulta: Loe ~ ss.-. l'llhed, up !O per eent; San Fran , daeo, up !I per eent; IDDDMP"~ 1111, up 15 per eent; Wublncton. Invites. Hate Ban ap 15 per tent; New \"ork. up 15 per crnt. II ' U.N.PARLEY 'Rig/,t' DEFEATS BID LAKE SUCCESS (YIVNO)· trute·line • ...;..()n motion of Mrs. Eleanor GEN. ZIONIST Roos.evelt, speaking for the US delegation, the UN Com . mission on Human Right:;, ·'tut' wit/, GROUP GJU. NS , 'late last week; defeated a JERUSALEM-(YIV:SO) i l'BOF. J. u. QUASTEL ALLAN BBONnIAN 'move to include provisions -Having failed to bn.·ng the I against Fas1:ist and Naz! hate ' Jon/an aim- incitement m the proJected : · d LAKE SUCCESS - left-wing Mapam. party into: internr.tional co,•enarit. the Israeli cabinet, Prime , He .·. rew . u ·Boar· . The isslle was ral.eed by the Soviet (\1,·XO) - lTnitc<l Xu Minister Da\id Ben-Gurion and French delegates.. who proposed• I I tions hns take11 n major haii turned to the right-wing, b that an article be Included· 1n the' General Zioni11t party of . -
Likud: a Balance of Historic Ideology and Reality Written by Aaron T
Likud: A Balance Of Historic Ideology and Reality Written by Aaron T. Walter This PDF is auto-generated for reference only. As such, it may contain some conversion errors and/or missing information. For all formal use please refer to the official version on the website, as linked below. Likud: A Balance Of Historic Ideology and Reality https://www.e-ir.info/2012/01/27/likud-a-balance-of-historic-ideology-and-reality/ AARON T. WALTER, JAN 27 2012 1. Introduction David Easton’s systems theory based on the idea of political life as a boundary maintaining set of interactions embedded in and surrounded by other social systems that constantly influence it[1], can explain the policymaking of Israel’s Likud party as both choice and as the unit level actor in Israeli politics (Dougherty & Pfaltzgraff, 2001). The politics of Israel is a process where unity is often a catch phrase but deep ideological sentiments lie beneath the surface. Such sentiments are rooted in both secularism and religious orthodoxy. Therefore, in its decision-making (DM), issues such as settlements in the territories, peace with Arab neighbor states, and Palestinian sovereignty are influenced accordingly. Furthermore, at various times in government Likud has been guided as much by its leader, as that leader has been guided by his ideological principles, the two as mutual inclusive; whether that was Menachem Begin, Benjamin Netanyahu, or Ariel Sharon. This reality is consistent with the foreign policy analysis (FPA) subfield of DM theory. All men and the coalition they lead faced pressures either in making peace with Israel’s enemies or dealing with foreign pressures, which is best described following Easton’s systems theory explanation as an input- output analysis. -
National Coalitions in Israel, 1984-1990
NATIONAL COALITIONS IN ISRAEL, 1984-1990: THE POLITICS OF "NOT LOSING" A Thesis for the degree of Ph.D. Presented to the University of London By Dan Korn London School of Economics May 1992 1 - UMI Number: U549931 All rights reserved INFORMATION TO ALL USERS The quality of this reproduction is dependent upon the quality of the copy submitted. In the unlikely event that the author did not send a complete manuscript and there are missing pages, these will be noted. Also, if material had to be removed, a note will indicate the deletion. Disscrrlation Publishing UMI U549931 Published by ProQuest LLC 2014. Copyright in the Dissertation held by the Author. Microform Edition © ProQuest LLC. All rights reserved. This work is protected against unauthorized copying under Title 17, United States Code. ProQuest LLC 789 East Eisenhower Parkway P.O. Box 1346 Ann Arbor, Ml 48106-1346 o ON CA lA N Abstract For six years since 1984 Israel underwent a unique p o litic al experience: i t was ruled by national coalitions supported by more than 75% of the members of parliament. Larger-than-minimal coalitions have always been problematic for traditional coalition theory. The Israeli case provides therefore an opportunity to examine the various actors' motivations and behaviour, as they reflect on coalition theory at 1arge. The assumption that actors are driven by "win maximization" is central to formal models of coalition theory. This assumption led to predictions of winning coalitions which are minimal in size, membership or ideological scope. Non-minimal coalitions were regarded as suboptimal choices, explainable on an ad hoc basis, e.g. -
Extractos De Las, 1Esis De Mapam Para Su Proximg
7. "wwwo S ES2, EXTRACTOS DE LAS, 1ESIS DE MAPAM PARA SU PROXIMG CONGRES-0 PARTIDARIO UL cormt central del M4pam resolvi6 por una am- ndbotros y Jordania, St esta asociacift ocupara el plia mayoria en astiembre Vpd(Y, facultar a la lug" qua 110Y OCUPon I& guerra Y el odio, Erets direcel6n partidaria Pam que Ilevars a imbo, en umdad, tratativas direct" con el nuevo unsIsrael patris (Palastins), comfln Pam elpodtU, pueblo entonces, j = e= een l"= unificacift de Mapat, AJdut AvodA Y Ran, concentra an 91 Israel soberano-, y F aclarir sal Is posibilidad de I& formaci4n, de a" del pueblo kabe -- que, mntien!:ra.P:rrPi; un ftuts unitario que se propustera Is soei6n soberania en ol Estado jDrdano, Mapam aftrma com4n an el Ambito nacional-Y an el de las mu- tille, an las actUalas eircunstanoi&% una entided nicipaUdades, conservando nuestra independence federativi do esta naturalua -- entre dos estadoe partidaria, en el terreno de Is Histadmt, el movi- soberanos- estA destined& a scelerar is realize, miento slonista, el moviallento kibutsiano, el mo- ei6n de la visi6n del retorno a Is Integridad de Z"' vimiento juvenile y de las relaciones eon el movi. Erets Israel a trav6s del camino dela Paz. mlento socialists, intertloolonal Pars quo progress Is oonstrucei6n del paii, Y En el interim, se cre6 el Partido Israeli' del el Proceso de ooncents 46n de las difisporas, a Trabajo, y en. los pr6ximos dim deberfin desarro- tralrds de Is garantizaci6n de I& pas y de is Ilaxse las mencionadas tratativas. seguridad de nuestro Zstwdo no basis con indlear Muchos se preguntar6m: jAcase, la guerra de log un camino alternative, sino que es necesario que AfEI)t IA.ARI seis dias produjo un cambio, revolucionario tal. -
C O N I D E T
PPR VED FOR RELEASE CIA HISTORICAL COLLECTIONS DIVISION AR 70-14 13NOV2013 ORPA Israel: Aftermath of Split in Democratic Movement for Change Two parties of equal parliamentary strength have formed in the wake of the split late last Democratic month in the Movement for Change, whose 15 Knesset seats made it the largest coalition partner of Prime Begin's Minister ruling Likud bloc. The DMC rump, under former party head Yigael Yadin, will remain a coalition, member of Begin's while the dovish breakaway group led by Amnon Rubinstein almost certainly will go over to tion--barring the opposi- a major breakthrough in peace negotiations at Camp David. A number of political issues resulting from the DMC split are still up in the air, including: -- The long-term political future of the party's successor bodies and some of the old DMC leaders. -- The allegiance of the approximately 200,000 Israelis who voted for the DMC in the 1977 national election. -- Readjustments in cabinet posts as a re- sult of pressure from coalition partners already jockeying to strengthen their positions. Yadin's "Democtratic Movement" and Rubinstein's group each control 7 Knesset seats. Rubinstein heads the former dovish Shinui reform movement, which recently agreed to merge with the forces of former Minister Transportation Meir Amit, who resigned from the cabinet earlier this week. The new party reportedly will the be called Shay, Hebrew acronym for the "Movement for Change and Ini- tiative." The remaining seat from the DMC is Assaf held by Yaguri, who according to some reports continues to negotiate with Yadin. -
Israel's Basic Questions Revisited
PAGE 2 p Spring 2015 PRESIDENT'S MEMO Zionism: The Unfinished Task PAGE 15 ELECTION SEASON, AGAIN Israel’s electoral structure helps explain frequent returns ISRAEL to the voting booth PAGE 21 INSTITUTE ECHOES OF REVISIONISM MAGAZINE The history and legacy of Menachem Begin IN THIS ISSUE: Israel’s Basic Questions Revisited Experts discuss Zionism and Jewish statehood KOLDIRECTOR'SSPOTLIGHT: HAMACHON LETTER ACADEMIA It is a great pleasure to be able to offer this second issue of Israel Institute Magazine. We are very excited to be able to share with you insights from the work of the Institute over the last several months. In this issue of the magazine, you will be able to read about our ongo- ing discussion on Zionism, a topic that has been the focus of many of the Institute’s recent activities and the research of many of its affiliated scholars. The subject of our annual conference, held this past fall, was the continuing relevance of Zionism as an organizing concept. It is no secret that Israel is undergoing a period of signif- icant change. The founding generation is dwindling and the second generation of state lead- ers – those who were children when the state was created but who turned Zionism from a revolution into an established, enduring and functioning state – are themselves passing on the reins to a generation that was born after the state was created. The Zionism that powered the transformation of the Jewish people from a diaspora nation into a sovereign nation-state must, naturally, evolve. In this issue of Israel Insti- tute Magazine, we report on our annual conference and the ideas that it raised in relation to the meaning of modern Zionism for today’s Israelis and for diaspora Jews. -
Legislative Election Results in Israel, 1949-2019
Chapter 19. "Inequality, Identity, and the Long-Run Evolution of Political Cleavages in Israel 1949-2019" Yonatan Berman Appendix: Figures, tables and raw results Main figures and tables Figure 1 Legislative election results in Israel, 1949-2019 Figure 2 Class cleavages in Israel, 1969-2019 Figure 3 Vote for right and left in Tel Aviv, Israel, 1949-2019 Figure 4 Residual identity component in Tel Aviv, Israel, 1981-2015 Figure 5 Vote for right-wing and left-wing parties among unemployed and inactive voters in Israel, 2003-2015 Figure 6 The educational cleavage in Israel, 1969-2019 Figure 7 Vote for right-wing parties among Sepharadic voters in Israel, 1969-2019 Figure 8 The religious cleavage in Israel, 1969-2019 Figure 9 The gender cleavage in Israel, 1969-2019 Appendix figures and tables Figure A1 General election results in Israel by bloc, 1949-2019 Figure A2 Income inequality in Israel, 1979-2015 Figure A3 Vote for left by social class (excluding center and Arab parties), 1969-2019 Figure A4 Vote for the Republican and Democratic candidates in New York City, 1948-2016 Figure A5 The effect of the 2003 reforms on left and right vote Figure A6 Share of voters by ethnicity and religiosity, 1969-2019 Table A1 Division of parties to blocks Table A2 The effect of the 2003 reforms on right vote Figure 18.1 - Legislative election results in Israel, 1949-2019 100% Right (Likud, Israel Beitenu, etc.) Left (Labor, Meretz, etc.) 90% Center (Kahol Lavan, etc.) Arab parties (Joint Arab List, etc.) 80% Ultra-orthodox (Shas, Yahadut HaTora, etc.) 70% 60% 50% 40% Share of votes (%) votes of Share 30% 20% 10% 0% 1949 1954 1959 1964 1969 1974 1979 1984 1989 1994 1999 2004 2009 2014 2019 Source: author's computations using official election results (see wpid.world). -
Diplomatic List
United States Department of State Diplomatic List Spring 2020 Preface This publication contains the names of the members of the diplomatic staffs of all missions and their spouses. Members of the diplomatic staff are those mission members who have diplomatic rank. These persons, with the exception of those identified by asterisks, enjoy full immunity under provisions of the Vienna Convention on Diplomatic Relations. Pertinent provisions of the Convention include the following: Article 29 The person of a diplomatic agent shall be inviolable. He shall not be liable to any form of arrest or detention. The receiving State shall treat him with due respect and shall take all appropriate steps to prevent any attack on his person, freedom, or dignity. Article 31 A diplomatic agent shall enjoy immunity from the criminal jurisdiction of the receiving State. He shall also enjoy immunity from its civil and administrative jurisdiction, except in the case of: (a) a real action relating to private immovable property situated in the territory of the receiving State, unless he holds it on behalf of the sending State for the purposes of the mission; (b) an action relating to succession in which the diplomatic agent is involved as an executor, administrator, heir or legatee as a private person and not on behalf of the sending State; (c) an action relating to any professional or commercial activity exercised by the diplomatic agent in the receiving State outside of his official functions. -- A diplomatic agent’s family members are entitled to the same immunities unless they are United States Nationals. ASTERISKS (*) IDENTIFY UNITED STATES NATIONALS. -
The Role of Settlements in the Occupied Territories and US-Israel
University of Calgary PRISM: University of Calgary's Digital Repository Graduate Studies The Vault: Electronic Theses and Dissertations 2017 Can We Settle This: The Role of Settlements in the Occupied Territories and U.S.-Israel Relations, 1967-1981 Ben-Ephraim, Shaiel Ben-Ephraim, S. (2017). Can We Settle This: The Role of Settlements in the Occupied Territories and U.S.-Israel Relations, 1967-1981 (Unpublished doctoral thesis). University of Calgary, Calgary, AB. doi:10.11575/PRISM/25204 http://hdl.handle.net/11023/4075 doctoral thesis University of Calgary graduate students retain copyright ownership and moral rights for their thesis. You may use this material in any way that is permitted by the Copyright Act or through licensing that has been assigned to the document. For uses that are not allowable under copyright legislation or licensing, you are required to seek permission. Downloaded from PRISM: https://prism.ucalgary.ca UNIVERSITY OF CALGARY Can We Settle This: The Role of Settlements in the Occupied Territories and U.S.-Israel Relations, 1967-1981 by Shaiel Ben-Ephraim A THESIS SUBMITTED TO THE FACULTY OF GRADUATE STUDIES IN PARTIAL FULFILMENT OF THE REQUIREMENTS FOR THE DEGREE OF DOCTOR OF PHILOSOPHY CENTRE FOR MILITARY, SECURITY AND STRATEGIC STUDIES CALGARY, ALBERTA SEPTEMBER, 2017 © Shaiel Ben-Ephraim 2017 Abstract This dissertation examines the role of settlements in U.S.-Israeli relations. It asks when and how U.S. policy influences the likelihood of Israel substantially moderating its settlement policy? In addition, it explains when the U.S. took an interest in resolving the issue as well as when and why Israel is responsive to U.S.