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Syphilis F F Syphilis Medicine, Metaphor, and Religious Conflict in Early Modern France

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Syphilis F F Syphilis Medicine, Metaphor, and Religious Conflict in Early Modern France Syphilis f f Syphilis Medicine, Metaphor, and Religious Conflict in Early Modern France Deborah N. Losse THE OHIO STATE UNIVERSITY PRESS • COLUMBUS f Copyright © 2015 by The Ohio State University. All rights reserved. Library of Congress Cataloging-in-Publication Data Losse, Deborah N., 1944– , author. Syphilis : medicine, metaphor, and religious conflict in early modern France / Deborah N. Losse. p. ; cm. Includes bibliographical references and index. ISBN 978-0-8142-1272-1 (hardback : alk. paper) — ISBN 978-0-8142-9377-5 (cd-rom) I. Title. [DNLM: 1. Medicine in Literature—France. 2. Syphilis—history—France. 3. History, Early Modern 1451–1600—France. 4. Religion and Medicine—France. WC 11 GF7] RC201.6.F8 616.95'130094409031—dc23 2014033909 Cover design by AuthorSupport.com Text design by Juliet Williams Type set in Adobe Sabon Printed by Thomson-Shore, Inc. The paper used in this publication meets the minimum requirements of the American National Standard for Information Sciences—Permanence of Paper for Printed Library Materials. ANSI Z39.48–1992. 9 8 7 6 5 4 3 2 1 f CONTENTS Preface and Acknowledgments vii INTRODUCTION 1 1 Rabelais, the Codpiece, and Syphilis 11 2 Erasmus, The Colloquies, and Syphilis 30 3 Cannibalism and Syphilis in the Context of Religious Controversy 46 4 Wild Appetites/Appétit[s] Desordonné[s]: Cannibalism, Siege, and the Sins of the Old World in Jean de Léry 66 5 The Old World Meets the New in Montaigne’s Essais: Syphilis, Cannibalism, and Empirical Medicine 85 6 Tragic Afflictions: D’Aubigné’s Tragiques 106 CONCLUSION 121 Notes 129 Bibliography 155 Index 161 f f PREFACE and ACKNOWLEDGMENTS he topic of this study grew out of an invitation from Philippe Desan, editor of Montaigne Studies, to return to a sub- T ject on which I had written earlier, Montaigne and the New World, and to contribute an article to a forthcoming volume on Mon- taigne et le nouveau monde XX, 1–2 (2010). In the course of research, it became apparent to me that Montaigne’s fascination with canni- balism, the inhabitants of the New World, and those inhabitants’ cul- tural practices was linked to his interest in the plants and remedies that were being imported to the Old World. Guaiacum was a case in point, a South American plant from which the indigenous inhabitants of the New World and the physicians and surgeons of the Old World prepared decoctions judged helpful in the treatment of the pox. Montaigne’s inter- est in the exotic plants brought back from the New World is set within a negative context of the cachet that exotic provenance and expense brings to remedies: “Si les nations desquelles nous retirons le gayac, la salsepe- rille et le bois desquine, ont des medecins, combien pensons nous, par cette mesme recommendation de l’estrangeté, la rareté et la cherté, qu’ils facent feste de nos choux et de nostre persil: car qui oseroit mespriser les choses recherchées de si loing, au hasard d’une si longue peregrination et si perilleuse?” (II: 37, 772A/585–86) [If the countries from which we get vii viii PREFACE AND ACKNOWLEDGMENTS guaiacum, sarsaparilla, and chinaroot have doctors, how much, we may imagine, through this same recommendation of strangeness, rarity, and costliness, must they prize our cabbages and our parsley! For who would dare despise things sought out at a distance, at the risk of such a long and perilous voyage?]1 The essayist goes on to attack the sudden changes in treatment that trouble the habits and routines of the patients. He sin- gles out his contemporary physicians Paracelsus, Fioravanti, and Argen- terius for criticism: “Car ils ne changent pas seulement une recepte, mais, à ce qu’on me dict, toute la contexture et police du corps de la medicine” (II: 37, 772A/586) [For they change not merely one prescription, but, so they tell me, the whole contexture and order of the study of medicine]. Fioravanti attracted clients with his drastic and controversial treat- ments for syphilis but remained a strong advocate for the efficacy of guai- acum for his patients suffering from the pox. The above passage from Montaigne and his further adoption of sickness, including syphilis, as a metaphor for what was ailing France at the time of the civil and religious conflicts during the Wars of Religion encouraged me to look at other authors living in sixteenth-century France. How widespread was the con- fluence of the topics of cannibalism, syphilis, and the ravages of the Wars of Religion? It will become obvious from the chapters to follow that the spread of the pox from the New World to the Old, following the return of the men who had accompanied Columbus to the Americas, had seized the imagination of the inhabitants of Europe because they witnessed the spread of the disease as well as the destruction it brought to the family and social structures. Many people have helped to advance this project. First, Arizona State University, the provost Elizabeth D. Phillips, the president Michael M. Crow, and former vice president and dean of the College of Liberal Arts and Sciences Quentin Wheeler were generous in allowing me to take a research leave from my administrative position to travel to Paris to work at the Bibliothèque Nationale de France (BnF). Special thanks to Linda C. Lederman and Sid P. Bacon for their encouragement and counsel, pre- cious in that Sid did not live long after and yet had so much wisdom to offer his friends, colleagues, and family. I would like to thank the direc- tor of the School of International Letters and Cultures, Robert Joe Cut- ter, and my colleagues in French and Italian for their support. As always, I appreciate the kindness and support of my family, John, Kate, and Owen. Finally, I wish to thank Philippe Desan, editor of Montaigne Stud- ies, for kind permission to reprint portions of “The Old World Meets the New in Montaigne’s Essais: The Nexus of Syphilis, Cannibalism, and Empirical Medicine,” Montaigne Studies 22, 1–2 (2010): 85–99. f INTRODUCTION he Franciscan cosmographer André Thevet was indeed pre- scient when he conjectured that the “maladie de pians” in Brazil T was none other than the pox (“la belle vérole”) that had spread so rapidly throughout Christianity (“toute la Chrestienté”). He added that it was an illness common to all humans (“un mal commun de tout le monde”) and not originating in Naples or in France, as the nomenclature “mal de Naples” or “morbus gallicus” would suggest. There was ample blame for its spread, although Thevet speculated that it had its roots with those who engaged in relations with the hot-blooded indigenous women (“ces femmes ainsy eschauffees”) of the New World.1 Lewd behavior (“paillardise”) was at its roots, and neither the population of the New World nor of Europe was exempt of responsibility. What the cosmogra- pher understood on his sojourn in Brazil was that what he called the pox, and what he and his fellow Frenchman Jean de Léry heard the Tupinamba call “pians,” was related to the vicious outbreak of the pox or “grosse vérole” in Europe.2 A modern scholar, Francesco Guerra, states that the various strains of what we now call syphilis—pinta (found in America), yaws (found in cen- tral Africa and the East and West Indies), endemic syphilis (seen in Africa, Arabia, Siberia, and central Australia), and venereal syphilis (common to 1 2 INTRODUCTION urban areas)—“are morphologically indistinguishable.”3 That a Francis- can (Thevet) and a Huguenot (Léry) should agree in describing a sexu- ally transmitted disease observed among the Tupinamba in Brazil and yet write competing versions of New World exploration from opposite sides of the religious conflict waging in France speaks to the centrality of the spread of syphilis and to its hold on the French mind. The disease threat- ened the health of the body, the institution of marriage and the family, as well as the survival of humanity. The Wars of Religion menaced the body politic, civil institutions, and the law. The dual threat—to the individual and to society—moved some of the greatest writers of France and Europe in the sixteenth century, including Erasmus, Rabelais, Montaigne, and Agrippa d’Aubigné, as well as many poets, to view the pox as a metaphor for civic and religious disorder in Europe. Between the outbreak of syphilis, shortly after the return of Colum- bus’s men to Europe and the commencement of violence that would characterize the French Wars of Religion, a third element appeared that mediated the link between the first two phenomena. The chroniclers of the New World exploration became increasingly intrigued with the topic of cannibalism. The failure of the indigenous people of the New World to respect the division of species into natural categories, thereby falling into the error of ingesting their own species as food, was proof to many New World chroniclers that these same people lacked the power to rea- son. As Anthony Pagden states, “Like the two sexual crimes—sodomy and bestiality—of which the Indians were also accused . their can- nibalism demonstrated that they could not clearly distinguish between the rigid and self-defining categories into which the natural world was divided.”4 In Italy, the controversial surgeon, Leonardo Fioravanti, famed for his unorthodox treatment of victims of syphilis, blamed the outbreak of syphilis on acts of cannibalism when the army cooks in Naples created stews out of human limbs to feed the soldiers. This “unnatural” behavior produced the disease, which then could only be treated by the “expul- sion of the same bodily corruption.”5 Sickness, as Eamon states, carried for Fioravanti “moral overtones” as well as physiological symptoms, and for him, the acts of cannibalism at the siege of Naples revealed the bodily and moral laxity exhibited by the butchers and cooks who deceived the soldiers into consuming human flesh (Eamon, 16, 21).
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