Colonialism's Currency: a Political History of First Nations
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UNIVERSITÉ DU QUÉBEC À MONTRÉAL COLONIALISM'S CURRENCY: A POLITICAL HISTORY OF FIRST NATIONS MONEY-USE IN QUEBEC AND ONTARlO, 1820-1950 DISSERTATION SUBMITTED IN PARTIAL FULFIILLMENT OF THE DOCTORATE IN HISTORY BY BRlAN GETTLER NOVEMBER 2011 UNIVERSITÉ DU QUÉBEC À MONTRÉAL Service des bibliothèques Avertissement La diffusion de cette thèse se fait dans le respect des droits de son auteur, qui a signé le formulaire Autorisation de reproduire et de diffuser un travail de recherche de cycles supérieurs (SDU-522 - Rév.01-2006). Cette autorisation stipule que «conformément à l'article 11 du Règlement no 8 des études de cycles supérieurs, [l'auteur] concède à l'Université du Québec à Montréal une licence non exclusive d'utilisation et de publication de la totalité ou d'une partie importante de [son] travail de recherche pour des fins pédagogiques et non commerciales. Plus précisément, [l'auteur] autorise l'Université du Québec à Montréal à reproduire, diffuser, prêter, distribLier ou vendre des copies de [son] travail de recherche à des fins non commerciales sur quelque support que ce soit, y compris l'Internet. Cette licence et cette autorisation n'entraînent pas une renonciation de [la] part [de l'auteur] à [ses] droits moraux ni à [ses] droits de propriété intellectuelle. Sauf entente contraire, [l'auteur] conserve la liberté de diffuser et de commercialiser ou non ce travail dont [il] possède un exemplaire.» UNIVERSITÉ DU QUÉBEC À MONTRÉAL LE COLONIALISME MONÉTAIRE: UNE HISTOIRE POLITIQUE DE L'UTILISATION DE L'ARGENT CHEZ LES PREMIÈRES NATIONS AU QUÉBEC ET EN ONTARIO, 1820 À 1950 THÈSE PRÉSENTÉE COMME EXIGENCE PARTIELLE DU DOCTORAT EN HISTOIRE PAR BRIAN GETILER NOVEMBRE 2011 Acknowledgments In acknowledging the many debts l have incurred while preparing this dissertation, l must begin by recognizing the guidance of my adviser, Alain Beaulieu, and my co-adviser, Magda Fahmi. Both of these scholars have offered valuable commentary and advice throughout the process of researching and writing this study, providing the rigorous intellectual and generous human environment in which l have had the good fortune to work since my arrivai in Montreal. Without the constant encouragement and support of family, friends, and colleagues over the past several years, this dissertation would never have seen the light of day. My enthusiasm for history stretches back as far as l can remember, but its pursuit in the formai context of the university dates to the raised eyebrows of my parents, Jean and Mike, when l informed them of my decision to study electrical engineering. Their willingness to question this apparently rational decision is greatly appreciated. l owe ail of the following people a debt of gratitude for having generously shared thcir insight into aspects of my project along the way: Jacinthe Archambault, Stéphanie Béreau, Isabelle Bouchard, Stéphanie Boutevin, Mathieu Chaurette, Martin Desrosiers, Emilie Ducharme, Maxime Gohier, Maude-Emanuelle Lambeli, Sylvie LeBel, Alexandre Lefrançois, John S. Long, Sean Mills, Samuel Mourin, Sonya Roy, Véronique Rozon, Daniel Rueck, and Sigfrid Tremblay. Many of these individuals, along with family members and friends, particularly Marc Brakken, Francis Dubé, Philippe Duchesne, Marie-Eve Fiset, Nelly Laudicina, Isabelle Masse, Geneviève Massicotte, Amir Moosavi, Zoë Overbeck, Jean-Philippe Sapinski, Josh Teske, and Jean Nicolas Tétreault, have offered support and friendship, whether from near or afar, without which l would ncver have been able to endure the long hours spent preparing this dissertation. During my doctoral studies l have benefited from working in two highly stimulating intellectual environments: the Chaire de recherche du Canada sur la question territoriale autochtone at the Université du Québec à Montréal and the Montreal History Group. The students, professors, and researchers involved in these groups repeatedly demonstrated their intellectual and personal generosity, helping ta make this study what it is and the past several Il years of my life enjoyable. 1 would also like to thank the organizers and participants of the "Writing New Histories of Indigeneity and Imperialism" workshop held in Winnipeg by the Canada Research Chair on Western Canadian Social History for critiquing an early version of this dissertation's third chapter. Writing a dissertation m history would be impossible without the assistance of librarians and archivists. The personnel of the inter-library loan service at the Université du Québec à Montréal proved efficient, effective, and friendly in securing the vast majority of primary sources analyzed in the following pages. Stéphane Picard at the Archives du Conseil de la Nation huronne-wendat, in addition to providing unparalleled access to the collection for which he is directly responsible, also pointed me in the direction of several additional sources that proved invaluable to the completion of this project. Jonathan Lainey at Library and Archives Canada provided information on archivaI collections concerning Wendake as weil as valuable insight into the history of the community in general. Several organizations provided financial support, without which the present study could never have been completed. The Fondation de l'Université du Québec à Montréal fumished the majority of these funds, both in the form of general fellowships and in the name of outside benefactors. 1 would particularly like to thank the family of Danielle Dagenais Pérusse for their generous funding of a doctoral fellowship. The Chaire de recherche du Canada sur la question territoriale autochtone provided much appreciated funding early in my Ph.D. studies and the Montreal History Group did likewise as this dissertation neared completion. Finally, Béatrice Lego deserves more thanks than 1 could ever give in a few short lines. Sans elle, cette thèse n'existerait point. Merci. Table of Contents Acknowledgments '" i Table of Contents iii List of Figures vii List of Abbrevialions viii Résumé ix Abstract xi Introduction l Chapter Description 8 Chapter 1 Historiography, Sources, and Methodology Il Money and Colonialism II Amerindian-Euro-Canadian Political Relations 23 "New Indian History," Aboriginal Agency, and Empire 23 "ûld Indian History": Indian Policy and the State 31 Aboriginal Peoples, Economie Power, and the Transition to Capitalism 43 Wendake, Mashteuiatsh, and Moose Factory 53 Methodology 61 Sources 68 Conclusion 74 Chapter 2 Money, European Expansion, and Conjectural History in the New World 76 Colonialism 77 IV Money 83 "Every Prudent Man": Colonialism and the Politics of Economic Thought 91 Money in Canada to 1950 97 New France 98 British North America 104 Post-Confederation Canada 108 Conclusion III Chapter 3 Money, First Nations, and the State du ring the Nineteenth Century 114 Annual Presents, Money, and the "Improvident Indian," 1820s-1850s 116 The Nature oflndian Presents 121 Debates on Commutation during the 1820s and 1830s 124 Commissions ofInquiry and Commutation, 1839-1858 138 Conclusion 143 From Retrenchment to Expansion: The Unexpected Growth oflndian Affairs 147 Institutional Change in Indian Affairs 150 Monetary Aspects oflndian Policy 158 Indian Affairs, Money, and Politics in Mashteuiatsh and Wendake 184 Indian Affairs' Administrative Presence in Wendake and Mashteuiatsh 185 Money, Presents, and Power in Wendake, 1840s-1 860s 192 Money, the State, and Political Authority, 1870s-1900s 203 The Politics of Consumption at the tum of the Twentieth Century 214 Conclusion 221 Chapter 4 Capital and Community in Mashteuiatsh and Wendake during the Nineteenth Century .................................................................................................................................... 224 Colonization and the End of Castor Currency in Saguenay-Lac St. Jean 225 v Money-Use and Socioeconomic Stratification: The "Moditional Economy" and Class Formation in Wendake and Mashteuiatsh 247 "A love of work appears to be fully developed": The Mixed Economy of Money Making 248 Credit Relations at Wendake 265 Huron and Innu Charitable Donations 272 Conclusion 275 Chapter 5 Private Capital and National Currency: Monetary Policy and Money-Use in the Fur Trade, 1900-1940s 278 The End of the Made Beaver at Moose Factory 280 Credit and the Centrality of Money to the Fur Trade 281 Company Money at Moase Factory at the turn of the Twentieth Century 282 The Monetmy Weight of Competition: Revillon Frères' Arrival at Moose Factory 286 Money in the James Bay Fur Trade after Treaty No. 9 290 Pre-War Contrais: Money and the Fur Trade Status Quo 295 Wartime Changes 301 Cash and Credit in the Context of Fur Trade Boom and Bust, 1920s-1940s 309 Conclusion 324 Chapter 6 Discourse and Practicefrom Above: The State and Money, 1900-1951 326 The State's Limited Monetary Control, 1900-1929 327 Treaty No. 9 Payments as the "Eyes ofPolitics" in Western James Bay 328 The Depression and State Control ofMoney 336 Vouchers and the Control ofConsumption 336 Indian Affairs and the Conversion of Cash Pensions ta In-Kind Relief... 341 VI The State and Amerindian Money-Use during the 1940s 356 Band Loans and Savings Accounts: Finance According to Indian Affairs 356 Fur Preservation: The Example of the Kesagami Beaver Sanchlary 362 Family Allowances 376 The Limited Effect of Parliamentary Scrutiny on Indian Affairs' Monetary Powers: The lndian Act of 1951.. 381 Conclusion 387 Chapter 7 Mon ey from Below: Cash, Credit, andCommunity, 1900-1950 389 Money's Role in the "Moditional Economy" and Class Formation