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Colonial French Insights Into Early 18Th-Century Algonquians of Central Quebec

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Colonial French Insights Into Early 18Th-Century Algonquians of Central Quebec Colonial French Insights into Early 18th-Century Algonquians of Central Quebec TOBY MORANTZ McGill University Some 284 years ago, on October 27, 1706, a quasi-judicial hearing, presided over by the Intendant Jacques Raudot, took place in Quebec City, which saw a merchant/trader, Francois Hazeur, plead his case for compensation from the directors of the Compagnie de Colonie for losses he incurred in his trade, or at least to excuse him from paying the last three years rent.1 It was a case as unspectacular as it sounds but judicial procedures then, are similar to those now, and this case generated some 131 folios of testimony, much of it repetitious. Unspectacular as legal precedent, perhaps, but in the domain of ethnohistory, it provides us with some unusual insights into the history and functioning of several early 17th-century Algonquian societies in the Tadoussac-Lac St. Jean area. Social historians thrive on notarial records because they often contain all sorts of extraneous information on which social history is constructed. This series of documents is the closest one comes in the French colonial records for a region that was not settled by Europeans and therefore lacks the notarial accounts so valuable for the St. Lawrence River settlement. Thus, an incident related to a territorial dispute in 1705 and elaborated on in the various written petitions, permit us to ask several questions about group distinctiveness and contact, land use and Indian responses to fur trade competition. This limited body of early historical data also challenges previously written portrayals of eastern subarctic Algonquian society. 'I wish to thank Jose Mailhot and Sylvie Vincent for their helpful comments and directing me to further information on people and events in the Tadoussac region. My imperfect understanding of the history of this region is, of course, totally my responsibility, not theirs. The research of the French colonial records has been under the auspices of SSHRCC, through their Canada Research Fellow program, for which I am most grateful. 213 214 TOBY MORANTZ Francois Hazeur, son of a merchant of the same name and seigneur of la Malbaie, leased the rights (with Denis Riverin, a sort of silent partner) to the trade at Tadoussac for eight years at an annual sum of 12,000 livres, from the Compagnie de Colonie in 1701, at a time when the trade was profitable. However, in 1702, England and France were at war again in the War of the Spanish Succession, ending formally with the Treaty of Utrecht in 1713. The outbreak of war, according to Hazeur, significantly increased the price of goods he purchased from Europe because of the drastic rise in the cost of shipping and insurance (AC C11A, vol. 25, 1706, f. 109v). He noted, in one of his documents, that the price had almost doubled: before the war he traded a blanket for 3 beaver, and now he had to trade for 5 beaver (59v). As a result, his suppliers, the Indians who are variously called Algonquin and Montagnais, deserted him, travelling, "fleeing" as he said, to the English at the "Baye du Nord" (James Bay) or to Trois Rivieres, a French post, much easier to supply and where prices were lower. Interestingly, Hazeur does not mention that at this time Europe was suffering from a glut of beaver and prices paid by the Company had dropped (Eccles 1983:135). This lease to the trade at Tadoussac also covered the post at Chicoutimi and two other dependent posts, Papinachois and Riviere Moisie (AC C11A, v. 25, 1706, fo. 88v). Hazeur had another complaint that he repeatedly advanced in order to convince the Intendant of the validity of his case. He claimed that in the winter of 1705, the Montagnais, (variously also called Algonquin), whose hunting lands were in the vicinity of Lac St. Jean, were the victims of pillag­ ing by a group of Abenakis coming from the Jesuit missions at St. Francois and Becancour, south of the St. Lawrence River. In only one of the docu­ ments is it mentioned that Hurons as well as Abenakis were bothering their Indian hunters (75d). As a result, his Montagnais trappers suffered terribly from both food and fur losses, so much so that they could not begin to repay their debts for two winters (AC C11A, vol. 25, f. 29v). A number of these hunters came into the post at Chicoutimi and were helped by the trader in charge, Robert Drouard. Remarkably, Hazeur, organized a hearing at Quebec on August 3, 1706, at which time three Montagnais of Lac St. Jean and one Abenaki of St. Fran­ cois, were interrogated,2 using interpreters, by Lotbiniere and Duplessis, with the questions originally submitted by Hazeur. This deposition was formally submitted to the Intendant. The three Montagnais were Guillaume 2This is not the first recorded case of natives being before a tribunal. In 1664, an Indian, Robert Hache, was tried for rape of a French woman before a council of chiefs of 5 different nations - Algonquins, Tadoussac, Nipissings, Abenakis and Iroquets. They handed down the sentence death by strangulation, a sentence that was said, by the French, to conform to the laws and ordinance of France (Nouvelle France 1664:174). COLONIAL FRENCH INSIGHTS 215 Chicheschef (sometimes shortened to Chiche), chief of Lac St. Jean, Joseph Marachicatik, listed as second chief (and in 1730 as chief at Chicoutimi in Laure's relation) and Francois Oucachy. The interpreter was Charles Cadieu du Courville. The interrogation covered 16 questions. In their responses, the Montagnais claimed that the Abenakis, at least six of them, came onto their hunting lands, within the Lac St. Jean area and even into their cabins as well as those of three others. Marachicatik testified that he gave six moose hides to chief Tekouerimat and his son. A later document gives a more violent account, claiming that Tekouerimat entered into the cabin with an axe in one hand and a knife in the other (84v).In addition, the Montagnais testified that the Abenakis killed all the moose and all the beaver, small and large. They even hunted their porcupine right into the spring, a devastation that was said, in another document (of 21 May, 1705), to extend from a half day's journey from Lac St. Jean to Lake Necouba (85). This loss of food and their fear forced the Lac St. Jean people to go to the French post at Chicoutimi. They were scarcely able to find animals, even the following winter, and were, consequently, unable to pay their debts. They were also asked if they considered it wrong that the Abenakis had come onto their land, by surprise, rendering them poor and miserable, to which, they replied, "yes". Furthermore, they were asked if there was a rule among the Indians that they needed permission to hunt on another's lands. Their response was that it was the rule among them that each one hunts on his [own] land (35). They also replied to a further question that they have not seen other nations hunting on their lands other than the Papinachois who are of the same lands, and Father Laure mentions in 1730 they have the same language as the Indians of Chicoutimi (Thwaites 1896:68:101).3 Seemingly, a consequence of their loss of hunting lands, as noted in another document (of 20 May, 1705), was the Indians requesting the trader at Chicoutimi to be allowed to go to Mirouabech, chief of the Mistassini, to seek permission to hunt on a part of the Mistassini lands (AC C11A:25:85). A slightly different rendition (important for ethnohistorians to note), has the Chicoutimi Indians going to ask permission of the chief at Mistassini without their making any request of the trader that he so allow them (86v). The questioning of the Abenaki was directed to one man, again through an interpreter, Sr. Lefeuve. The witness was Louis, the 33 year old son of Tekouerimat. It was the latter who had been accused of leading the raid, as he was considered the Abenaki chief from the mission at St. Francois, today known as St. Francis or Odanak. In a another series of unanswered 3 Jose Mailhot has commented that relations between these two groups of Mon­ tagnais were still very close in the mid-1800s, as she has found in the Oblate records. 216 TOBY MORANTZ questions directed to the trader Godefroy, at St. Paul, there is the sugges­ tion that this Abenaki chief acquired both the lands and the name from a now deceased Algonquin chief. The question asks: "if the lands of Lac St. Jean were given by the defunct Tekouerimat, chief of the Algonquins of Tadoussac to the chief of the Abenakis who carries his name today". We do know that in the earlier colonial records there is a Noel Tekouerimat, con­ sidered chief of the Algonquins at Quebec and Tadoussac in the 1660s, and succeeded by his sons Theodore and Charles (Larouche 1972: frontispiece). Unfortunately there is no reply to this question. A later document in the series, dated 21 May, 1705 at Chicoutimi, claims that this Abenaki's real name was Outakamachiouenon (AC CllA:25:84v). Louis testified that in­ deed he had been with his father but they had not been on land belonging to Lac St. Jean but rather to the trade of Trois Rivieres which belonged to his father. He denied pillaging the cabin of Joseph Marachicatik. This is his version of events. He claimed that he and his father were hunting on lands of Trois Rivieres when they came upon the trail of other Indians hunt­ ing.
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