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The Russian 'Sovereign Internet' Facing Covid-19
The Russian ‘Sovereign Internet’ Facing Covid-19 Francesca Musiani, Olga Bronnikova, Françoise Daucé, Ksenia Ermoshina, Bella Ostromooukhova, Anna Zaytseva To cite this version: Francesca Musiani, Olga Bronnikova, Françoise Daucé, Ksenia Ermoshina, Bella Ostromooukhova, et al.. The Russian ‘Sovereign Internet’ Facing Covid-19. Institute of Network Cultures. Stefania Milan, Emiliano Treré & Silvia Masiero (eds.) COVID-19 from the Margins. Pandemic Invisibilities, Policies and Resistance in the Datafied Society, pp. 174-178, 2021, Theory on Demand #40, 978-94-92302-72-4. hal-03128294 HAL Id: hal-03128294 https://hal.archives-ouvertes.fr/hal-03128294 Submitted on 2 Feb 2021 HAL is a multi-disciplinary open access L’archive ouverte pluridisciplinaire HAL, est archive for the deposit and dissemination of sci- destinée au dépôt et à la diffusion de documents entific research documents, whether they are pub- scientifiques de niveau recherche, publiés ou non, lished or not. The documents may come from émanant des établissements d’enseignement et de teaching and research institutions in France or recherche français ou étrangers, des laboratoires abroad, or from public or private research centers. publics ou privés. COVID-19 FROM THE MARGINS PANDEMIC INVISIBILITIES, POLICIES AND RESISTANCE IN THE DATAFIED SOCIETY EDITED BY STEFANIA MILAN, EMILIANO TRERÉ AND SILVIA MASIERO A SERIES OF READERS PUBLISHED BY THE INSTITUTE OF NETWORK CULTURES ISSUE NO.: 40 174 THEORY ON DEMAND #40 30. THE RUSSIAN “SOVEREIGN INTERNET” FACING COVID-19 Francesca Musiani , Olga Bronnikova, Françoise Daucé, Ksenia Ermoshina, Bella Ostromooukhova & Anna Zaytseva Despite the evolution of the COVID-19 pandemic in Russia, a state of emergency has not been declared in the country; only specific regions have entered into a state of “high alert” since early April. -
Social Media User Arrests, State-Supported Vigilantism and Citizen Counter- Forces in Russia
Global Crime ISSN: 1744-0572 (Print) 1744-0580 (Online) Journal homepage: https://www.tandfonline.com/loi/fglc20 (Con)trolling the Web: Social Media User Arrests, State-Supported Vigilantism and Citizen Counter- Forces in Russia Rashid Gabdulhakov To cite this article: Rashid Gabdulhakov (2020): (Con)trolling the Web: Social Media User Arrests, State-Supported Vigilantism and Citizen Counter-Forces in Russia, Global Crime, DOI: 10.1080/17440572.2020.1719836 To link to this article: https://doi.org/10.1080/17440572.2020.1719836 © 2020 The Author(s). Published by Informa UK Limited, trading as Taylor & Francis Group. Published online: 19 Feb 2020. Submit your article to this journal Article views: 405 View related articles View Crossmark data Full Terms & Conditions of access and use can be found at https://www.tandfonline.com/action/journalInformation?journalCode=fglc20 GLOBAL CRIME https://doi.org/10.1080/17440572.2020.1719836 ARTICLE (Con)trolling the Web: Social Media User Arrests, State-Supported Vigilantism and Citizen Counter-Forces in Russia Rashid Gabdulhakov Department of Media and Communication, Erasmus University Rotterdam, the Netherlands ABSTRACT KEYWORDS This article applies Haggerty and Ericson’s surveillant assemblage Internet governance; Russia; concept to the recent wave of social media user arrests in Russia. In social media; surveillant doing so, it addresses the legislative frameworks applied to online assemblage; vigilantism self-expression, depicts the nuances of legal charges pressed against select social media users, assesses the role of formal law enforcement and vigilant citizens recruited to extend the state’s watchful gaze, and elaborates on citizen counter-forces resisting the tightening state control over the digital domain. -
Russia the Ingush-Ossetian Conflict in the Prigorodnyi Region
Russia Page 1 of 32 RUSSIA THE INGUSH-OSSETIAN CONFLICT IN THE PRIGORODNYI REGION Human Rights Watch/Helsinki Human Rights Watch New York · Washington · London · Brussels Copyright © May 1996 by Human Rights Watch. All rights reserved. Printed in the United States of America. Library of Congress Catalogue Number: 96-75960 ISBN: 1-56432-165-7 ACKNOWLEDGMENTS This report is based on a trip to the Republic of Ingushetiya, hereafter Ingushetiya, and the Republic of North Ossetia- Alaniya, hereafter North Ossetia, both states of the Russian Federation, from August 11-19, 1994. Until 1994, North Ossetia was the North Ossetian Autonomous Soviet Socialist Republic (ASSR), a part of the former Soviet Union. Until 1992, Ingushetiya was part of the Checheno-Ingush Autonomous Soviet Socialist Republic (ASSR), and was also part of the former Soviet Union. Human Rights/Helsinki representatives visited Vladikavkaz, Kartsa, Chermen, Tarskoye, Kurtat, Dachnoye, and Maiskii in North Ossetia and Nazran and Gaziyurt in Ingushetiya. Jeri Laber and Rachel Denber edited the report, and Shira Robinson provided production assistance for its publication. Human Rights Watch/Helsinki thanks both North Ossetian and Ingush authorities as well as officials from the Russian Temporary Administration (now the Temporary State Committee) for their cooperation with the mission participants. Human Rights Watch/Helsinki would like to express our appreciation to all those who read the report and commented on it, including Prof. John Collarusso of McMaster University. We would also like to thank the members of the Russian human rights group Memorial, who provided generous assistance and advice. In 1994 Memorial published an excellent report on the conflict in the Prigorodnyi region, "Two Years after the War: The Problem of the Forcibly Displaced in the Area of the Ossetian-Ingush Conflict." Finally, we would like to thank the Carnegie Corporation of New York, the Henry Jackson Fund, the Merck Fund and the Moriah Fund for their support. -
The Russian Federation
FOLLOW-UP TO THE COMPARATIVE STUDY ON “BLOCKING, FILTERING AND TAKE-DOWN OF ILLEGAL INTERNET CONTENT”1 Elena Sherstoboeva, Ph.Ds. in Communications and Journalism and Valentina Pavlenko May 2019 THE RUSSIAN FEDERATION 1. Legal Sources As the Russian Federation has no specific internet-related laws, its regulation of online content is based on a great variety of sources. An intricate legislative system for blocking, filtering and take-down of illegal online content operates under numerous amendments to existing laws as well as subsidiary governmental regulations. This update of the 2015 report on the Russian Federation therefore contains a number of references to previously existing legislation which has only partially been amended in recent developments. Online content remains mostly overseen by one governmental agency, the Federal Service for Supervision of Communication, Information Technologies, and Mass Communications (Roskomnadzor)2. The internet has been actively regulated in Russia since the early 2010s, a period punctuated by the growing impact of online platforms on public opinion in the country, most notably during the 2011-20133. The 1993 Constitution of the Russian Federation4 has no specific guarantees for online freedom of expression but provides strong general guarantees for this right. Its Article 29 protects freedom of speech and thought, freedom of mass information, the right to express opinions and the right to access information. It also contains an absolute ban on censorship. Like international standards, the Russian -
The North Caucasus Region As a Blind Spot in the “European Green Deal”: Energy Supply Security and Energy Superpower Russia
energies Article The North Caucasus Region as a Blind Spot in the “European Green Deal”: Energy Supply Security and Energy Superpower Russia José Antonio Peña-Ramos 1,* , Philipp Bagus 2 and Dmitri Amirov-Belova 3 1 Faculty of Social Sciences and Humanities, Universidad Autónoma de Chile, Providencia 7500912, Chile 2 Department of Applied Economics I and History of Economic Institutions (and Moral Philosophy), Rey Juan Carlos University, 28032 Madrid, Spain; [email protected] 3 Postgraduate Studies Centre, Pablo de Olavide University, 41013 Sevilla, Spain; [email protected] * Correspondence: [email protected]; Tel.: +34-657219669 Abstract: The “European Green Deal” has ambitious aims, such as net-zero greenhouse gas emissions by 2050. While the European Union aims to make its energies greener, Russia pursues power-goals based on its status as a geo-energy superpower. A successful “European Green Deal” would have the up-to-now underestimated geopolitical advantage of making the European Union less dependent on Russian hydrocarbons. In this article, we illustrate Russian power-politics and its geopolitical implications by analyzing the illustrative case of the North Caucasus, which has been traditionally a strategic region for Russia. The present article describes and analyses the impact of Russian intervention in the North Caucasian secessionist conflict since 1991 and its importance in terms of natural resources, especially hydrocarbons. The geopolitical power secured by Russia in the North Caucasian conflict has important implications for European Union’s energy supply security and could be regarded as a strong argument in favor of the “European Green Deal”. Keywords: North Caucasus; post-soviet conflicts; Russia; oil; natural gas; global economics and Citation: Peña-Ramos, J.A.; Bagus, P.; cross-cultural management; energy studies; renewable energies; energy markets; clean energies Amirov-Belova, D. -
Renewed Circassian Mobilization in the North Caucasus 20-Years After the Fall of the Soviet Union
Journal on Ethnopolitics and Minority Issues in Europe Vol 11, No 2, 2012, 103-135 Copyright © ECMI 21 December 2012 This article is located at: http://www.ecmi.de/publications/detail/issue-22012-vol-11-254/ Renewed Circassian Mobilization in the North Caucasus 20-years after the Fall of the Soviet Union Lars Funch Hansen* University of Copenhagen The renewed ethnic mobilization among Circassians in the North Caucasus region in Russia that has unfolded since the latter half of the 2000s is illustrated by the establishment of new civil society organizations and a substantially increased number of internet-based initiatives. All of this reflects a new and increased form of agency and unity among the Circassians in which youth activism has played key role. It also illustrates how Circassian civil society actors and cyber-activists have not only been able to establish a counter-public sphere or develop a new space for action, but also increasingly have been able to move key issues from Circassian spheres into the wider public sphere of mainstream Russian media and politics. The upcoming 2014 Winter Olympics in Sochi, Russia, in particular, has functioned as a lever in this process, which has also resulted in increasing support among Circassians for calls for recognition of the nineteenth century forced expulsion of the majority of the Circassians from the Caucasus as an act of genocide. In this manner, a mega-event such as the Sochi Olympics has contributed to generating a more radical or politicized understanding or framing of the Caucasian exodus that, since the fall of the Soviet Union, has generally been known as “our national tragedy”. -
Himalayan Journal of Education and Literature Macrocosm and Its Dark in Cherkess Women's Poetry Today
Himalayan Journal of Education and Literature Open Access Research Article Macrocosm and Its Dark in Cherkess Women's Poetry Today Кhuako Fatimet Doctor of Philology, Professor, Maikop State Technological University, Russia *Corresponding Author Кhuako Fatimet Abstract: As revealed in the presented work, the Circassian literature of the post- Soviet period, based on the then newly emerged concept of the macrocosm and personality, exacerbated the layer of creative immersion in being. This was due to the Article History fact found in the work: the word-creation of poets, caused by the oppressive Received: 30.04.2021 destruction of perestroika, is often aimed at regulating ordinary issues, necessarily Accepted: 10.05.2021 saturated with black-and-white problems and its antipodes. Accordingly, the closeness Published: 20.05.2021 of the art authors considered in the article as research objects to the media environment that paints the realities of life is evident. The analyzed materials here are Citations: poetic works of female Circassian lyrics (in particular, Sanyat Gutova, Muliat Emizh). Кhuako Fatimet. (2021); Macrocosm and The rationale for this choice is given in the Introduction, and it allows us to assume Its Dark in Cherkess Women's Poetry Today. the relevance of the study. The methods involve textual comparison, analysis, Hmlyan Jr Edu Lte, 2(3) 9-14 commenting based on facts and personal experience. The direct and natural rhythmization of the century that has come with a peculiar, thorough reflection on the Copyright @ 2021: This is an open-access article distributed under the terms of the macrocosm has perceptibly determined, in particular, the literary texts of the Creative Commons Attribution license which Circassian poetesses who create today, and in various genres. -
The Digital Counter-Revolution: Why the Kremlin Pursues a Sovereign Internet Author(S): Plattner, Antonin Publication Date: November 2019 Category: Analysis
Title: The Digital Counter-Revolution: Why the Kremlin pursues a sovereign Internet Author(s): Plattner, Antonin Publication date: November 2019 Category: Analysis Keywords: Internet, sovereignty, authoritarianism, democracy, governance, technology, infrastructure, national security, Russia Cover page photo: People attend an opposition rally in Moscow, Russia, on 10 March 2019. Participants in the rally are protesting against the bill about sovereign RuNet and censorship on the Internet. EPA/Maxim Shipenkov/Scanpix Disclaimer: The views and opinions contained in this paper are solely those of its author(s) and do not necessarily represent the official policy or position of the International Centre for Defence and Security or any other organisation. ISSN 2228-2076 ©International Centre for Defence and Security 63/4 Narva Rd., 10152 Tallinn, Estonia [email protected], www.icds.ee in all modesty, thought he was the chosen one to avenge the insult of the “greatest geopolitical catastrophe of the 20th century”.2 Ever since, an unwavering spirit of restoration has animated his political views: restoring the Kremlin’s prestige and strength both domestically and internationally remains his only ideological driver. Thus, his political vision On 25 July 2019, the Select Committee on started out with an end in mind. Intelligence of the US Senate released a report The “colour revolutions” in Ukraine, Georgia on “Russian active measures campaigns and 1 and Kyrgyzstan (and the small-scale protests interference in the 2016 U.S. election”. Its they inspired in Moscow in 2005) convinced main finding is that “extensive activities” had Putin that his reactionary “project” could be been carried out “at least from 2014” until “at transcended by progressive forces, ready to least 2017” but that “Russian intentions break the spell of a country doomed to be ruled regarding U.S. -
Conflicts in the North Caucasus
Central Asian Survey, (1998), 17(3), 409-441. Conflicts in the North Caucasus SVANTE E. CORNELL* Although the conflicts that have attracted most international attention in the post- cold war era have been those of the Transcaucasus, another area of both potential and actual turmoil is the North Caucasus. The first example of serious conflicts in the area, naturally, is the war in Chechnia. However, the existence of this war, and its astonishing cruelty and devastation, has been instrumental in obscuring the other grievances that exist in the area, and that have the potential to escalate into open conflict. These can be divided into two main categories, which however spill over into one another. The first type of conflicts are those among the peoples of the region; the second type is conflicts between these peoples and Russia. Doubtlessly, the main example of the unrest in the North Caucasus has been the short but bloody war between the Ingush and the Ossetians. However, this war distinguishes itself only by being the only one of the conflicts in the region that has escalated into war. Among the other known problems, three issues call for special attention: First and perhaps most pressingly, the bid for unity of the Lezgian people in Dagestan and Azerbaijan; Second, the latent problem between the Turkic Karachai and the Circasssian peoples in the two neighbour republics of Karachaevo-Cherkessia and Kabardino-Balkaria; and thirdly the condition of the most complex of all the North Caucasian republics: Dagestan. It seems logical in this study to start with the most well-known of these issues: the war that raged in November 1992 in the Prigorodniy raion between the Ingush and the North Ossetians. -
Review TRIER Edited
TOM TRIER, HEDGIV LOHM, DAVID SZAKONYI: Under Siege. Inter-Ethnic Relations in Abkhazia. xi + 159 pp., maps. London: Hurst & Company. 2010. £25. The more information provided to Western audiences about Abkhazia and its dispute with Georgia, the better, so that attitudes and policies can be predicated on facts rather than ignorance, as has regularly been the case. But not all works are necessarily (wholly) accurate in what they present to their readers. The present volume is a mixture of wheat and chaff, and the latter could easily have been winnowed out prior to publication. Abkhazia achieved de facto independence from Georgia at the end of September 1993 after a 14-month war. Though official recognition was granted by Russia on 26 August 2008, and since then by three other states, most of the international community is not (yet) prepared to acknowledge Abkhazia’s de iure status. This needed to be stated once in the Introduction; but inserting the words ‘de facto’ each time the country or one of its governmental posts is mentioned soon irritates the reader. The authors’ fieldwork was conducted in 2007, and, unfortunately, some of their statements are out of date. Though I would advise those unfamiliar with the region to look elsewhere for background to the current situation, what the authors have to say about their central concern of inter-ethnic relations is perceptive and pertinent. Recognising the achievements made by Abkhazia, despite years of international sanctions and blockade, the authors address a wide range of issues that the authorities will eventually have to tackle. And, given the multi-ethnic makeup of Abkhazia’s population, the problems facing the Abkhazians do not solely concern relations with those remaining from the pre-war Kartvelian population, who are mostly Mingrelians largely confined to the southernmost province of Gal and whom, in line with norms in Georgia, the authors style Georgians. -
USCIRF Inventing Extremists
INVENTING EXTREMISTS The Impact of Russian Anti-Extremism Policies on Freedom of Religion or Belief UNITED STATES COMMISSION ON INTERNATIONAL RELIGIOUS FREEDOM Headquarters of St Petersburg and Leningrad Region Branch of Russian Federal Security Service ST PETERSBURG, RUSSIA - DECEMBER 16, 2017: Bolshoy Dom [Big House] in Liteyny Avenue, the headquarters of the St Petersburg and Leningrad Region Branch of the Russian Federal Security Service (FSB). Alexander Demian- chuk/TASS (Photo by Alexander Demianchuk\TASS via Getty Images) INVENTING EXTREMISTS The Impact of Russian Anti-Extremism Policies on Freedom of Religion or Belief By Maria Kravchenko JANUARY 2018 COMMISSIONERS Daniel Mark Chairman Sandra Jolley Vice Chairwoman Kristina Arriaga Thomas J. Reese S.J. Tenzin Dorjee John Ruskay Jackie Wolcott Clifford D. May Erin D. Singshinsuk Executive Director UNITED STATES COMMISSION ON INTERNATIONAL RELIGIOUS FREEDOM WHO WE ARE WHAT IS RELIGIOUS FREEDOM The U.S. Commission on International Religious Free- Inherent in religious freedom is the right to believe or dom (USCIRF) is an independent, bipartisan U.S. federal not believe as one’s conscience leads, and live out one’s government commission created by the 1998 Interna- beliefs openly, peacefully, and without fear. Freedom of tional Religious Freedom Act (IRFA) that monitors the religion or belief is an expansive right that includes the universal right to freedom of religion or belief abroad. freedoms of thought, conscience, expression, associa- USCIRF uses international standards to monitor viola- tion, and assembly. While religious freedom is Ameri- tions of religious freedom or belief abroad and makes ca’s first freedom, it also is a core human right interna- policy recommendations to the President, the Secretary tional law and treaty recognize; a necessary component of State, and Congress. -
OSW Report | Digitalisation Under Surveillance. the Development of the 5G Network in Russia
DIGITALISATION UNDER SURVEILLANCE THE DEVELOPMENT OF THE 5G NETWORK IN RUSSIA Iwona Wiśniewska WARSAW OCTOBER 2020 DIGITALISATION UNDER SURVEILLANCE THE DEVELOPMENT OF THE 5G NETWORK IN RUSSIA Iwona Wiśniewska © Copyright by Centre for Eastern Studies CONTENT EDITORS Adam Eberhardt, Marek Menkiszak EDITOR Małgorzata Zarębska CO-OPERATION Szymon Sztyk, Katarzyna Kazimierska TRANSLATION OSW CO-OPERATION Nicholas Furnival CHARTS Urszula Gumińska-Kurek MAP Wojciech Mańkowski GRAPHIC DESIGN PARA-BUCH DTP IMAGINI PHOTOGRAPH ON COVER Gorodenkoff / Shutterstock.com Centre for Eastern Studies ul. Koszykowa 6a, 00-564 Warsaw, Poland tel.: (+48) 22 525 80 00, [email protected] www.osw.waw.pl ISBN 978-83-65827-57-9 Contents MAIN POINTS | 5 I. THE DIGITAL SECTOR OF THE RUSSIAN ECONOMY | 7 1. Current state of the development of the digital economy in Russia | 7 2. State involvement in the sector | 8 3. Subordination of digitalisation to the security agenda | 12 4. The regulatory framework of the digital transformation | 16 5. Selected actors involved in the “Digital Economy” national programme | 18 6. Financing the “Digital Economy” programme | 22 II. RUSSIA’S 5G NETWORK DEVELOPMENT PLANS | 25 1. The current state of the mobile market in Russia | 25 2. The development of the 4G network in Russia | 27 3. Russia’s 5G network development plans | 31 4. 5G network testing | 34 5. Works on the ‘concept for the creation and development of the 5G/IMT-2020 network in Russia’ | 36 5.1. The vision of the 5G network as proposed by the Ministry for Digital Development | 36 5.2. Criticisms of the draft concept for the development of the 5G network | 38 6.