Prime Ministers and Multiculturalism Hannah Altern
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The Removal of Whitlam
MAKING A DEMOCRACY to run things, any member could turn up to its meetings to listen and speak. Of course all members cannot participate equally in an org- anisation, and organisations do need leaders. The hopes of these reformers could not be realised. But from these times survives the idea that any governing body should consult with the people affected by its decisions. Local councils and governments do this regularly—and not just because they think it right. If they don’t consult, they may find a demonstration with banners and TV cameras outside their doors. The opponents of democracy used to say that interests had to be represented in government, not mere numbers of people. Democrats opposed this view, but modern democracies have to some extent returned to it. When making decisions, governments consult all those who have an interest in the matter—the stake- holders, as they are called. The danger in this approach is that the general interest of the citizens might be ignored. The removal of Whitlam The Labor Party captured the mood of the 1960s in its election campaign of 1972, with its slogan ‘It’s Time’. The Liberals had been in power for 23 years, and Gough Whitlam said it was time for a change, time for a fresh beginning, time to do things differently. Whitlam’s government was in tune with the times because it was committed to protecting human rights, to setting up an ombuds- man and to running an open government where there would be freedom of information. But in one thing Whitlam was old- fashioned: he believed in the original Labor idea of democracy. -
Whitlam As Internationalist: a Centenary Reflection
WHITLAM AS INTERNATIONALIST: A CENTENARY REFLECTION T HE HON MICHAEL KIRBY AC CMG* Edward Gough Whitlam, the 21st Prime Minister of Australia, was born in July 1916. This year is the centenary of his birth. It follows closely on his death in October 2014 when his achievements, including in the law, were widely debated. In this article, the author reviews Whitlam’s particular interest in international law and relations. It outlines the many treaties that were ratified by the Whitlam government, following a long period of comparative disengagement by Australia from international treaty law. The range, variety and significance of the treaties are noted as is Whitlam’s attraction to treaties as a potential source of constitutional power for the enactment of federal laws by the Australian Parliament. This article also reviews Whitlam’s role in the conduct of international relations with Australia’s neighbours, notably the People’s Republic of China, Papua New Guinea, Indonesia and Indochina. The reconfiguration of geopolitical arrangements is noted as is the close engagement with the United Nations, its agencies and multilateralism. Whilst mistakes by Whitlam and his government are acknowledged, his strong emphasis on international law, and treaty law in particular, was timely. It became a signature theme of his government and life. CONTENTS I Introduction .............................................................................................................. 852 II Australia’s Ratification of International Treaties ................................................. -
Stephen Wilks Review of John Murphy, Evatt: a Life
Stephen Wilks review of John Murphy, Evatt: A Life (Sydney, NSW: NewSouth Publishing, 2016), 464 pp., HB $49.99, ISBN 9781742234465 When Herbert Vere Evatt died in November 1965 he was buried at Woden cemetery in Canberra’s south. His grave proclaims him as ‘President of the United Nations’ and reinforces the point by bearing the United Nations (UN) emblem. Misleading as this is—as president of the UN General Assembly rather than secretary-general, Evatt was more presiding officer than chief executive—it broadcasts his proud internationalism. The headstone inscription is equally bold—‘Son of Australia’. The Evatt memorial in St John’s Anglican Church in inner Canberra is more subtle. This depicts a pelican drawing its own blood to feed its young, a classical symbol of self-sacrifice and devotion. These idealistic, almost sentimental, commemorations clash with the dominant image of Evatt as a political wrecker. This casts him as the woefully narcissistic leader of the federal parliamentary Labor Party who provoked the great split of 1954, when the party’s predominantly Catholic anti-communist right exited to form the Democratic Labor Party and help keep Labor out of office for the next 18 years. This spectre looms over Evatt’s independent Australian foreign policy and championing of civil liberties during the Cold War. John Murphy’s Evatt: A Life is the fourth full biography of the man, not to mention several more focused studies. This is better than most Australian prime ministers have managed. Evatt invites investigation as a coruscating intelligence with a clarion world view. His foremost achievements were in foreign affairs, a field attractive to Australian historians. -
Prime Ministers of Australia
Prime Ministers of Australia No. Prime Minister Term of office Party 1. Edmund Barton 1.1.1901 – 24.9.1903 Protectionist Party 2. Alfred Deakin (1st time) 24.9.1903 – 27.4.1904 Protectionist Party 3. John Christian Watson 27.4.1904 – 18.8.1904 Australian Labor Party 4. George Houstoun Reid 18.8.1904 – 5.7.1905 Free Trade Party - Alfred Deakin (2nd time) 5.7.1905 – 13.11.1908 Protectionist Party 5. Andrew Fisher (1st time) 13.11.1908 – 2.6.1909 Australian Labor Party - Alfred Deakin (3rd time) 2.6.1909 – 29.4.1910 Commonwealth Liberal Party - Andrew Fisher (2nd time) 29.4.1910 – 24.6.1913 Australian Labor Party 6. Joseph Cook 24.6.1913 – 17.9.1914 Commonwealth Liberal Party - Andrew Fisher (3rd time) 17.9.1914 – 27.10.1915 Australian Labor Party 7. William Morris Hughes 27.10.1915 – 9.2.1923 Australian Labor Party (to 1916); National Labor Party (1916-17); Nationalist Party (1917-23) 8. Stanley Melbourne Bruce 9.2.1923 – 22.10.1929 Nationalist Party 9. James Henry Scullin 22.10.1929 – 6.1.1932 Australian Labor Party 10. Joseph Aloysius Lyons 6.1.1932 – 7.4.1939 United Australia Party 11. Earle Christmas Grafton Page 7.4.1939 – 26.4.1939 Country Party 12. Robert Gordon Menzies 26.4.1939 – 29.8.1941 United Australia Party (1st time) 13. Arthur William Fadden 29.8.1941 – 7.10.1941 Country Party 14. John Joseph Ambrose Curtin 7.10.1941 – 5.7.1945 Australian Labor Party 15. Francis Michael Forde 6.7.1945 – 13.7.1945 Australian Labor Party 16. -
The Hawke Government's China Policy
The Hawke Government’s China Policy Bob Hawke was Prime Minister from 1983 to 1991. During that time he enjoyed a close personal relationship with the Chinese leadership and pioneered the integration of the Australian and Chinese iron and steel industries. “An unusually close relationship” On March 5 1983 Bob Hawke won the election and Following Prime Minister Hawke’s visit the two replaced Malcolm Fraser as Prime Minister. countries announced that Australia would establish a Consulate-General in Shanghai. The first On April 18 1983, less than one month after Mr conference for Chinese and Australian senior Hawke came to power, Australia received Chinese executives was held the following year in Beijing. Premier Zhao Ziyang, the first Chinese head of This was the first step in strengthening business government to visit the country.1 connections at a high level between the two countries.5 In a welcoming toast to the Premier Prime Minister Hawke declared, “The policies of containment and isolationism of the 1950's and 1960's are no more than a bad memory”.2 On February 8 1984 Bob Hawke visited China for the first time as Prime Minister. Mr Hawke later wrote in his memoirs that he built an “unusually close relationship” with the Chinese leadership.3 On February 9 1984, following talks with Premier Zhao Ziyang, Prime Minister Hawke announced their agreement to integrate Australia and China’s iron and steel industries. In the Australia-China Relations Institute’s ‘China Correspondents Panel’ event former ABC correspondent Helene Chung, who was based in China at the time of this announcement, said “Everyone thought it was unbelievable. -
The Dismissal of the Whitlam Government: One Politician's Comments
Illawarra Unity - Journal of the Illawarra Branch of the Australian Society for the Study of Labour History Volume 1 Issue 1 Illawarra Unity Article 3 December 1996 The Dismissal of the Whitlam Government: One Politician's Comments George Peterson Follow this and additional works at: https://ro.uow.edu.au/unity Recommended Citation Peterson, George, The Dismissal of the Whitlam Government: One Politician's Comments, Illawarra Unity - Journal of the Illawarra Branch of the Australian Society for the Study of Labour History, 1(1), 1996, 6-16. Available at:https://ro.uow.edu.au/unity/vol1/iss1/3 Research Online is the open access institutional repository for the University of Wollongong. For further information contact the UOW Library: [email protected] The Dismissal of the Whitlam Government: One Politician's Comments Abstract The twentieth anniversary of the dismissal of the Whitlam Government on 11 November 1975 saw a great outpouring of the reminiscences of hack journalists from the bourgeois press, all convinced that they and they alone knew what had really happened. Most such revelations concentrated upon the personalities of the three principal protagonists Kerr, Fraser and Whitlam instead of the forces that these three individuals represented. This journal article is available in Illawarra Unity - Journal of the Illawarra Branch of the Australian Society for the Study of Labour History: https://ro.uow.edu.au/unity/vol1/iss1/3 Illawarra Unity THE DISMISSAL OF THE WHITLAM GOVERNMENT One politician’s comments George Petersen he twentieth anniversary of the dismissal of the Whitlam Government on 11 November 1975 saw a T great outpouring of the reminiscences of hack journalists from the bourgeois press, all convinced that they and they alone knew what had really happened. -
The Honourable Robert James Lee Hawke, AC, GCL, Australia’S 23Rd Prime Minister
The Honourable Robert James Lee Hawke, AC, GCL, Australia’s 23rd Prime Minister. 1929 - 2019 Bob Hawke served as Prime Minister from March 1983 until December 1991, winning four general elections and becoming the longest-serving Labor PM. Soon after the Australian Labor Party won government under his leadership, Hawke convened an Economic Summit which brought together leaders from business, politics and churches, welfare groups and trade unions. The summit established his modus operandi as leader: working with disparate groups to illuminate issues, exchange views, and achieve consensus. Delegates discussed economic strategy, approaches to unemployment and inflation, and thrashed out a Prices and Incomes Accord. The Accord between Labor and the unions was signed in 1983. It meant that workers would stop seeking wage increases, and in return the government would deliver a ‘social wage’ – entitlements and benefits that would improve Australians' quality of life and working conditions. The arrangement aimed to keep inflation under control, create jobs and bring unions into the policy-making process. Mr Hawke saw the Accord as a first step towards the structural reforms his government would need to undertake to modernise the Australian economy. At the time of the Summit Hawke had been PM for just one month, and leader of the Parliamentary Labor Party for just over two. Bob Hawke was a man of contradictions and paradoxes: a Rhodes Scholar who also loved a punt; an incisive intellectual who enjoyed telling racy jokes; a man who walked with royalty and presidents but lingered behind to thank the waiter; a hard drinker who became a teetotaller to ensure he was his best self as Prime Minister; a man’s man who loved, valued and promoted women; a trade union leader who counted millionaire businessmen as friends; a lifelong supporter of Israel who in later years publicly criticised Israel for its treatment of Palestine; a tough negotiator who was unashamed at times to weep in public. -
ACHIEVEMENT and SHORTFALL in the NARCISSISTIC LEADER Gough Whitlam and Australian Politics
CHAPTER 12 ACHIEVEMENT AND SHORTFALL IN THE NARCISSISTIC LEADER Gough Whitlam and Australian Politics JAMES A. WALTER Conservative parties have dominated Australian federal politics since the Second World War. Coming to power in 1949 under Mr. (later Sir) Robert Menzies, the Liberal-Country party (L-CP) coalition held office continuously until 1972, when it was displaced by the reformist Aus tralian Labor party (ALP) government of Mr. Gough Whitlam. Yet the Whitlam ALP government served for only three years before losing office in unusual and controversial circumstances in 1975, since which time the conservative coalition has again held sway. It is my purpose here to examine the leadership of Gough Whitlam and the effects he had upon the fortunes of the ALP government. But first, it is essential to sketch briefly the political history of the years before Whitlam carne to power and the material conditions which the ALP administration en countered, for rarely can the success or failure of an administration be attributed solely to the qualities of an individual. In this case, the con tingencies of situation and history were surely as relevant as the charac teristics of leadership. In Australia, the period from the late 1940s until the late 1960s was, in relative terms, a time of plenty. Prices for Australian exports (agri cultural and later mineral products) were high, foreign investment in the economy flourished, and Robert Menzies' conservative government capitalized by astutely presenting itself as the beneficent author of these conditions. In reality, the government played little part, and develop- 231 C. B. Strozier et al. -
Bob Hawke: Australia's Greatest Prime Minister, the Australian Financial Review, Friday 5 May 2019
Bob Hawke: Australia’s Greatest Prime Minister, The Australian Financial Review, Friday 5 May 2019 Australia’s greatest Prime Minister died in Sydney on Thursday. He leaves a modern Australia, incomparably more prosperous, and more closely linked to its dynamic and assertive region, than the country he began to lead 36 years ago last March. Democracy is struggling throughout the developed world. The existential questions about the future of democracy are being raised less vigorously here in Australia than in Europe or the United States of America—despite the fractured recent Australian history of Prime Ministerial leadership. That is a Hawke legacy. Hawke became Prime Minister at a time of national disappointment about economic performance, after nearly a decade of high unemployment and inflation, and many decades with incomes growth well below developed country norms. He accepted responsibility for correcting these weaknesses. His greatest achievement was to establish the foundations through economic reform for a long period of rising employment and incomes with low inflation. The economic success stands alongside and required another historic achievement: the reorientation of Australia towards the realities of our Asia Pacific geography—including acceptance of large-scale immigration without racial discrimination. The economic and foreign policy reorientations were achieved within a social and fiscal programme of stunning breadth, directed at enhancing opportunity and personal security for ordinary Australians. Hawke was a democrat. -
A Political Memoir by Gareth Evans (Melbourne: Melbourne University Publishing, 2017), 277 Pp
Incorrigible Optimist: A Political Memoir by Gareth Evans (Melbourne: Melbourne University Publishing, 2017), 277 pp Chris Wallace The Australian National University When I search Gareth Evans on the non-tracking, non-customising web browser DuckDuckGo, the first three results are for a minor Welsh film director, born in 1980, ‘best known for bringing the Indonesian martial art pencak silat into world cinema’. The fourth result is for Australia’s Gareth Evans, born in 1944, ‘international policymaker and former politician’,1 whose connections with matters Indonesian are rather more substantive. Upon succeeding Bill Hayden as the Hawke Government’s foreign minister in 1988, Evans found Australia’s relations with Indonesia in something of a trough as a result of Australian media reports of suspect financial dealings by the family of Indonesia’s then president Suharto. As is often the case in diplomacy, personal amity opened a path to potentially improved relations. Evans ‘clicked’ with urbane Indonesian foreign minister Ali Alatas. In Incorrigible Optimist: A Political Memoir, Evans quotes Alatas’ version of their initial ministerial meeting: The first thing (Gareth) said to me was ‘Why don’t we stop making a fuss about the relationship […] We should just get on with it.’ I said ‘I’m game. You do it on your side and I’ll do it on mine.’ (145) Foreign relations are always inflected with tensions, contradictions and complexities, as the history of Australia’s relations with Indonesia so acutely shows—a vast, vital and controversial topic in and of itself. Evans’ account of the successes, problems and controversies of this relationship is a personal as well as a political history of one ordinary Australian’s lifelong drive to make the world a better place. -
The Leader of the Opposition
The Leader of the Opposition ‘…just as there can be no good or stable government without a sound majority, so there will be a dictatorial government unless there is the constant criticism of an intelligent, active, and critical opposition.’ –Sir Robert Menzies, 1948 The practice in Australia is for the leader of the party or coalition that can secure a majority in the House of Representatives to be appointed as Prime Minister. The leader of the largest party or Hon. Dr. H.V. Evatt coalition outside the government serves as Leader of the Opposition. Leader of the Opposition 1951 - 1960 The Leader of the Opposition is his or her party’s candidate for Prime National Library of Australia Minister at a general election. Each party has its own internal rules for the election of a party leader. Since 1967, the Leader of the Opposition has appointed a Shadow Ministry which offers policy alternatives and criticism on various portfolios. The Leader of the Opposition is, by convention, always a member of the House of Representatives and sits opposite the Prime Minister in the chamber. The Senate leader of the opposition party is referred to as the Leader of the Opposition in the Senate, even if they lead a majority of Senators. He or she usually has a senior Shadow Ministry role. Australia has an adversarial parliamentary system in which the Prime Minister and the Leader of the Opposition face off against one another during debates in the House of Representatives. The Opposition’s role is to hold the government accountable to the people and to Parliament, as well as to provide alternative policies in a range of areas. -
The Hidden History of the Whitlam Labor Opposition
Labor and Vietnam: a Reappraisal Author Lavelle, Ashley Published 2006 Journal Title Labour History Copyright Statement © 2006 Ashley David Lavelle and Australian Society for the Study of Labour History. This it is not the final form that appears in the journal Labour History. Please refer to the journal link for access to the definitive, published version. Downloaded from http://hdl.handle.net/10072/13911 Link to published version http://www.asslh.org.au/journal/ Griffith Research Online https://research-repository.griffith.edu.au Labor and Vietnam: a Reappraisal1 This paper argues, from a Marxist perspective, that the shift in the Australian Labor Party’s (ALP) Vietnam war policy in favour of withdrawal was largely brought about by pressure from the Anti-Vietnam War Movement (AVWM) and changing public opinion, rather than being a response to a similar shift by the US government, as some have argued. The impact of the AVWM on Labor is often understated. This impact is indicated not just by the policy shifts, but also the anti-war rhetoric and the willingness of Federal Parliamentary Labor Party (FPLP) members to support direct action. The latter is a particular neglected aspect of commentary on Labor and Vietnam. Labor’s actions here are consistent with its historic susceptibility to the influence of radical social movements, particularly when in Opposition. In this case, by making concessions to the AVWM Labor stood to gain electorally, and was better placed to control the movement. Introduction History shows that, like the British Labour Party, the ALP can move in a radical direction in Opposition if it comes under pressure from social movements or upsurges in class struggle in the context of a radical ideological and political climate.