NATIONAL IDENTITY IN POST-APARTHEID SOUTH AFRICA:

SABC TV’S CONTRIBUTION

By

KURAI PROSPER MASENYAMA

Submitted in partial fulfilment of the requirements for the degree of

MASTER OF ARTS

In

INDUSTRIAL SOCIOLOGY

In the

FACULTY OF HUMANITIES

At the

UNIVERSITY OF JOHANNESBURG

SUPERVISOR: PROFESSOR J.M. UYS

CO-SUPERVISORS: MS M. DAWSON & MS L. LOCHNER

JANUARY 2005

For my mother who sacrificed so much so that I could have what she could not have.

TABLE OF CONTENTS

ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS AND DECLARATION i ABSTRACT ii OPSOMMING iii TABLE OF CONTENTS iv

CHAPTER ONE

THE RESEARCH PROBLEM AND ITS SETTING

1.1 INTRODUCTION 1

1.2 BACKGROUND TO THE RESEARCH 2

1.3 STATEMENT OF THE PROBLEM 4

1.4 AIMS OF THE RESEARCH 6

1.5. CHAPTER OUTLINE 7

CHAPTER TWO

A THEORETICAL BACKGROUND OF NATIONAL IDENTITY

2.1 INTRODUCTION 9

2.2 CONCEPTUALISING IDENTITY 9

2.3 A THEORETICAL BACKGROUND TO IDENTITY, NATIONALISM AND NATIONAL IDENTITY 10

2.3.1 Social Identity Theory 10 2.3.2 Classical Sociological Theories On National Identity 11 2.3.3 Contemporary Sociological Theories On National Identity 12 2.3.3.1 Primordialism 13 2.3.3.2 Modernism 14 2.3.3.4 Postmodernism 15

2.4 THE CHANGING COURSE OF NATIONAL IDENTITY IN SOUTH AFRICA 17

2.4.1 National Identity Before And During The Apartheid Era 17 2.4.2 National Identity In The Post-Apartheid Era 17

2.5 TRENDS IN NATIONAL IDENTITY FORMATION AND THE ROLE OF COMMUNICATION 19

2.6 LANGUAGE AND NATIONAL IDENTITY CREATION 20

2.7 CONCLUSION 22

CHAPTER 3

PUBLIC SERVICE BROADCASTING IN SOUTH AFRICA

3. 1 INTRODUCTION 23

3.2. THE NORMATIVE MEDIA FRAMEWORK 23 3.2.1 A Summation Of The Normative Media Theories 24 3.2.2 Applying The Normative Media Theories To South Africa 25

3.3. ORIGINS AND THE HISTORY OF PUBLIC SERVICE BROADCASTING 26

3.4 THE DEVELOPMENT OF PUBLIC SERVICE BROADCASTING IN SOUTH AFRICA. 27

3.5. A PROFILE OF THE SABC AND SABC TELEVISION 29

3.6. SABC POLICY AND NATIONAL IDENTITY CREATION 30 3.6.1. Local Content Policy 31

3.7. EMPIRICAL RESEARCH RELATED TO MEDIA AND

NATIONAL IDENTITY 32

3.8. CONCLUSION 33

CHAPTER 4

EXPLORING THE PERCEIVED ROLE OF SABC TV IN

NATIONAL IDENTITY CREATION

4.1 INTRODUCTION 34

4.2 RESEARCH PROBLEM 34

4.3 RESEARCH DESIGN 35

4.4. POPULATION AND SAMPLING PROCEDURE 35

4.4.1 Population 35 4.4.2 Choice Of Sampling Method 36 4.4.3 Sampling Procedures 36

4.5 RESEARCH METHODS 37

4.5.1. Choice Of Method 37 4.5.2. Conducting The Interviews 38 4.5.3. Analysis Of Data 38

4.6 POTENTIAL LIMITATIONS OF THE STUDY 39

4.7 CONCLUSION 39

CHAPTER FIVE

A PRESENTATION OF FINDINGS: THE PERCEIVED ROLE OF

SABC TELEVISION IN NATIONAL IDENTITY CREATION

5.1 INTRODUCTION 41

5.2 CONCEPTUALISATION OF NATIONAL IDENTITY 41

5.3 SABC POLICY AND NATIONAL IDENTITY CREATION 44

5.4 REPRESENTATION OF OTHER POSSIBLE NATIONAL IDENTITY DRIVERS 48 5.4.1 Language 48 5.4.2 Sport 50 5.4.3 Religion 50 5.4.4 Use Of National Symbols 51 5.4.5 Globalisation 52

5.5 TRANSFORMATION OF THE SABC 53

5.6 IS SABC A PUBLIC BROADCASTER IN REALITY? 55

5.7 POSSIBILITIES OF GOVERNMENT INTERFERENCE 57

5.8 CONCLUSION 58

CHAPTER SIX

CONCLUSION: BEYOND NATIONAL IDENTITY!

6.1 INTRODUCTION 60

6.2 A RECAP OF THE RESEARCH OBJECTIVES 60

6.3 RESEARCH DESIGN 61

6.4 A SUMMARY OF MAJOR FINDINGS 61

6.5 CONCLUSIONS ON NATIONAL IDENTITY 62 6.5.1 On Its Fluidity 62 6.5.2 On Its Potential To Exclude 62 6.5.3 On Its Relationship With Other Identities 63

6.6 CONCLUSIONS ON THE CHANGING ROLE OF PUBLIC SERVICE BROADCASTERS 64

6.7 CONCLUSIONS ON SABC’S ROLE IN NATIONAL IDENTITY CREATION 65

6.8 CLOSING GAPS AND PAVING NEW WAYS 66

6.9 CONCLUDING REMARKS: BEYOND NATIONAL IDENTITY! 67

LIST OF SOURCES 69

APPENDIX 76

CHAPTER ONE

THE RESEARCH PROBLEM AND ITS SETTING

1.1 INTRODUCTION

The concept of a national identity has acquired renewed prominence in academic circles, with various scholars in the social sciences debating its meaning and significance. Even-Zohar (1997: 14) for example, observes that ‘national identity has gained academic currency in recent years’. Sabine (2001:1) reinforces this view by arguing that with the emergence of postmodernism, questions of identity and difference began to feature prominently. Underlying this debate is the issue of cultural representation in the media, visual art, history, and literature, and how these relate to the creation of identity. This has particular relevance to a country like South Africa that is undergoing a process of transformation closely related to the search for a new national identity and new forms of identification for various ethnic groups (Currie and Markovitz, 1993: 91). The study emphasises the discursive aspects of the role of communication in articulating a national identity. National identity is viewed as a phenomenon that is dependent on communication as people interpret their everyday lives. Communication is related to giving meaning to events and might result in identity formation. Against such a background the study focuses on how television, as a form of mass communication in South Africa, influences national identity creation. The project of nation-building and national identity creation in South Africa during the late 1990s and 2000s has been undertaken in the wider context of internationalisation. This refers to the growing influence of globalisation, a process that has resulted in a wider movement of goods, services, peoples and cultures across national borders. The country’s media, particularly the public service broadcaster, is expected to play a crucial role in this process. Post-apartheid South Africa provides one example of an attempt to shape collective stability, political order and national identity through the use of public broadcasting systems (Le Pere and Lambrechts, 1999: 76). The South African Broadcasting Corporation (SABC) provides an important case study of social transformation and how the cultural, social and political identities of a diverse population, and the structure and practices of the media of mass communication affect the prospects of developing a national identity. This research project was inspired by the fact that South African television, especially SABC TV, has undergone great changes in recent years, and is poised to take on massive challenges in the future. It is, therefore, exciting to follow up these changes and explore how they relate to changes in the political context and place. Qualitative research methods were used to elicit information from representatives of the Independent Communication Authority of South Africa (ICASA), the body that regulates media policy in South Africa, and more prominently the SABC TV managers and programmers to understand the motivations behind their programmes, their conception of national identity, and assess how far they assist the goal of creating a South African national identity. While most television studies focus on audiences and their reactions to television programmes, this study suggests that any analysis of the products of the television field cannot be carried out exclusively based on the studies of audiences, and that it is essential to know the process that has created it and the views of the people involved in the process. Therefore, this study is based on the views and opinions of the media players, in this case representatives of ICASA, SABC television management and commissioning editors.

1.2 BACKGROUND TO THE RESEARCH

To get a clearer understanding of the issue under investigation, in terms of its significance in the South Africa and as to why the research was formulated around the particular topic it is imperative that some kind of background be given. The section looks at the background against which the study was conceived and highlights the importance of carrying out a research of this nature. Identity has emerged as an interesting object of scholarly inquiry in recent years. However, in South Africa debates on identity have been limited. Bekker (1999:3) observes that during the 1970s and 1980s most South African scholars avoided questions relating to cultural, ethnic and racial identities. The main reason for this may be found in the apartheid context that isolated and confined the ideas of its opponents and supporters alike. With racial and identity issues at the core of the apartheid process, scholarly debates on identity became a ‘hot potato’ to be avoided at all cost. As transformation progressed in South Africa the issue of identity politics and the relevance of ethnicity have elicited renewed interest in a number of scholarly communities. Bekker (1999:7) notes that the early 1990s saw five academic conferences on identity in South Africa being held. This went some way in re- establishing the legitimacy of the subject in intellectual circles. This study is a continuation of this trend as it has become more relevant to tackle the burning issue of national identity that has to be constructed and re-constructed out of the debris of apartheid. This is happening amid the context of migration, globalisation and the associated changes in the media fraternity. The research is also significant as part of a growing trend in media studies in South Africa. Many studies on contemporary South Africa have failed to examine critically the political character and effects of the mass media in the post-1994 period. Following Epstein’s (1997) investigation of the role played by print media in the creation of a post-apartheid national identity this study is valuable in that it closes a knowledge gap in electronic media research in South Africa. While the choice of television over the more accessible radio might raise a few eyebrows, it is believed that television is better placed to advance issues of national identity in a diversified country like South Africa. Because of its centralization television is more likely to speak to all members of a highly fragmented society. Researchers from many disciplines continue to study the medium of television and its impact on behaviour because of its ubiquity in many parts of the world. Asamen and Gorden (1998:4) observe that television is the object of much research because it is such an attractive medium that ‘combines its ever-present formal features with powerful images and messages that help to set the agenda for the world by many of its viewers’. In terms of national identity creation Price (1995:1) sums up the importance of television when he says:

it is not television alone that creates and maintains cohesion and mediates the process and evolution of a national identity, but it can be television that contributes to its dreadful and destructive absence.

In terms of South African television this research is quite significant due to a number of reasons. Because television has undergone great changes in recent years and is poised to take on massive new challenges in the future, it is all the more exciting to become involved in studying it. These developments were investigated against the potential of television to showcase cultures creatively, to nurture peoples’ knowledge and experiences of one another and to contribute meaningfully to the development of a national identity. The research is significant in that nation building continues to be an overriding consideration with many public service broadcasters of which SABC could be one of them. Therefore, in line with Teer-Tomaselli’s (2001:118) recommendation, given against the background of wide changes that happened in South Africa at the end of apartheid, it is worth critically reconsidering the concept of national identity and the part television plays in this process. In the final analysis the study is noteworthy because it will provide an invaluable contribution to the existing body of knowledge on issues around the creation of a South African national identity and the role electronic media could be playing in it.

1.3 STATEMENT OF THE PROBLEM

National identity construction and preservation has in most cases been a contested project, and events in South Africa are no exception to the rule. An analysis of the issue of national identity construction in post-apartheid South Africa and the laying out of the research problem investigate in this study follows. Firstly, the section traces the historical aspects of identity creation in South Africa. It then looks at the conditions in place at the time of the dawn of mass democracy in 1994. Finally, it discusses the immediate post-1994 conditions for the creation of a national identity for all South Africans. Underlying this discussion is an insight into the role played by the media, in particular the public service broadcaster in the process of identity formation and preservation. The goal of the study is to investigate the opinions and views of ICASA and SABC television personnel on the role SABC television is supposed to play in the creation, promotion and preservation of a national identity in post-apartheid South Africa. The definition of national identity during the apartheid era was very limited, as it did not represent the diversity of the South African society. The state and the nation were identified with a dominant minority. Greenberg (1995:7) notes that it was ‘a partial state informed by a limited and rigid conception of nation: that had little to say to groups that fell outside the ascendant minority’. O’Meara (1996:40) further notes that the nationalism that dominated during the forty years of apartheid was mainly the ‘Afrikaner Christian’ nationalism. Even though this conception was extended to include all whites in later apartheid years the definition of a national identity was still narrow and exclusionary. The media, particularly SABC television, played a major role in the perpetuation of this narrow conception of national identity. Currie and Markovitz (1993:92) observe that the television station ‘embodied the principles of apartheid in its structures of control and management, and its programmes were filled with apartheid imagination’. The apartheid division in the wider society was mirrored in the structures of television channels divided into TV 1 for primarily English and Afrikaans-speaking whites, while TV 2 and TV 3 were for Zulu-speaking and Sotho-speaking Blacks, respectively. Furthermore, SABC TV defined a South African as a white person, while Blacks were defined in terms of their ethnic groups namely, Vendas, Xhosas, Zulus (Currie and Markovitz, 1993:94). It is, thus, clear that the media played an important role in the creation and reinforcement of identities in the pre-1994 era. The narrow hegemony of apartheid ideology, with the majority subsumed within a racial national group classification, forms the background against which the new South African national identity had to be created. South Africans had to fashion new forms of identity out of narrowly prescribed communal memberships and the detritus of apartheid. In addition to its apartheid past South Africa also had to confront ‘a radically altered world order wherein it has to find an appropriate niche in order to advance its own national interest in a rather anarchic arena’ (Le Pere and Lambrechts, 1999:30). Towards the dawn of mass democracy in the early 1990s, the apartheid regime sought to take advantage of the impact of globalisation and the emergence of market forces to transform the SABC and the whole broadcasting environment. The purpose of the move was to prevent any future government from using it to further its interests or to create its preferred identities- of which national identity could be one. To advance this strategy, the out-going government broke up the monopoly structure of the SABC through a programme of commercialisation and privatisation on one hand, and the de-regulation of the broadcasting sector as a whole on the other (Currie and Markovitz, 1993:97). The Independent Broadcasting Authority (IBA) was set up in 1993 to take over the government’s regulatory powers. Hence, the management of television broadcasting was placed in the hands of free marketers whose main concern was the accumulation of revenue through advertising, rather than satisfying other mandates of public service broadcasting. As Currie and Markovitz (1993:98) note, these changes had some implications for the creation of a ‘new national identity’ and the ‘building of a new national picture’ by the SABC television as a public service broadcaster. Bekker (1999:2) observes that in the period leading up to the national constitutional negotiations and the subsequent general elections in 1994, the core political objective for South Africa was defined by the African National Congress (ANC), a black-led mass liberation movement. The party became the new political hegemony in the new dispensation, and pronounced its major goal as the creation of a ‘non-racial democratic nation state, to be promoted by a process of cultural homogenisation’, according to Bekker (1999:2). National integration was to be the vehicle of modernisation. These ideas were used as a point of departure during the negotiations and its aftermath. Conditions prevailing before and after the 1994 elections, where political violence fanned along ethnic lines was the order of the day, resulted in a great deal of uncertainty and fear of a civil war. South Africa had to search for a way to reconcile peacefully the many identities that had formed over the years and which could give rise to tension and conflict. Therefore, the unfolding events needed something to buttress in a unified form of identification. This falls into line with Smith’s (1986:17) prescriptions for the conditions necessary for the creation of a national identity. He argues that:

the need to create a new form of the nation arises most profoundly in periods of distinct social stress, when new developments within, or pressures from outside, undermine a sense of continuity, . . .

The immediate post-1994 period fits nicely into this category, as there was uncertainty due to changes in the political landscape. The research goes on to investigate how the SABC television navigated this terrain.

1.4 AIMS OF THE RESEARCH

As indicated earlier, rather than investigating audiences or recipients of programmes and gauging whether the programmes they view arouse feelings of national identity in them, this study focuses on the creators of the programmes. The research is basically an investigation of the views and opinions of representatives of ICASA members and SABC television. It is important to establish the intentions of the programmers vis-à- vis the articulation of a national identity before an investigation of the intended recipients is carried out. The later part is, however, beyond the scope of this study. The following research objectives arose out of the above discussion of the statement of the problem. The study first intends to ascertain the views of the identified respondents on the supposed role of SABC television in the creation of a national identity in post-apartheid South Africa. With ICASA (2004) linking local content programming to the creation of local identities, the research seeks to establish whether, in the minds of ICASA and SABC television personnel, the production of local programmes is more likely to promote the creation of a national identity in South Africa. Finally, it asks whether the changes undergone by SABC television are in conflict with its efforts to fulfil public service broadcasting mandates, among which the creation of a national identity features prominently.

1.5 CHAPTER OUTLINE

Chapter Two gives an overview of issues that paves the way for a clearer understanding of the research problem and identifies the knowledge gap this study seeks to close. The review first discusses the concept of identity, definitions of a national identity, trends in national identity formation, and, in particular, the quest for a post-apartheid national identity in South Africa. The review further looks at ideas of communication and language that are central to defining national identity. This discussion serves to place national identity in the South African context, a move that will assist the researcher to locate the study’s research questions in the general academic discourse on national identity. Chapter Three is a continuation of the literature review with particular focus on the nature of the broadcasting terrain in South Africa and the profile of the object of study namely the South African Broadcasting Corporation Television. The chapter begins by discussing the normative media framework to give a broader understanding of the broader media environment. It provides a history of public service broadcasting in South Africa. The chapter proceeds to give a profile of the SABC TV and its policies that relate to national identity creation and preservation. Finally, the chapter concludes by looking at past studies related to the present research.

Chapter Four describes and justifies the qualitative research methodology used to provide answers to the research question. The chapter begins by recapping the research problem being investigated namely an assessment of the role played by SABC television in national identity creation and preservation in post-apartheid South Africa. It highlights why qualitative research methods were appropriate to collect data from the people who had the information and why purposive sampling was the right way to go in terms of selecting interviewees. It also looks at the issues of access and entry to the research site, namely SABC television. It further describes how data was collected mainly from managers and commissioning editors. Finally, it describes the data analysis procedures employed in the research. Chapter Five presents the findings obtained in the research. The focus is on national identity in post-apartheid South Africa and the supposed role of the media plays in articulating it. This matter is explored against the background of the impact of various matters that arose during the research. Chapter Six discusses the findings presented in the preceding chapter and draws conclusions from them vis-a-vis the information recorded in the literature review. The conclusions establish whether, in the minds of interviewed media personnel, SABC TV is indeed assisting in the creation or preservation of a national identity in post apartheid South Africa. The chapter concludes by giving an analysis on the continued relevance, or otherwise, of national identity in the contemporary world.

CHAPTER TWO

A THEORETICAL DISCUSSION OF NATIONAL IDENTITY

2.1 INTRODUCTION

Chapter One has provided the background to the study and raised some stimulating questions on the construction and nature of the South African national identity over the years. The highlight of the discussion has been the supposed role of the media in the articulation of a national identity, an issue this study seeks to investigate with regards to the operations of SABC television after the fall of apartheid. As a prelude to the description of research methods adopted for this research and a discussion of the findings obtained, a literature review is done to highlight the major terms of this research namely national identity and public service broadcasting. Two chapters are devoted to this endeavour with Chapter Two focusing on national identity, while Chapter Three emphasises the aspects of public service broadcasting of which SABC television is a representation. The discussion in this chapter serves to position national identity in the South African context, a move that will assist the researcher to place the study’s research questions in the general academic discourse on national identity. The review starts by unpacking the concept of identity, including having a look at the social identity developed by Tajfel (1978). It proceeds to a theoretical consideration of national identity by scholars from both the classical and contemporary schools of thought. A discussion of national identity in pre and post-apartheid South Africa follows. Finally, review relates the entire discussion to issues of communication with emphasis on the role of the media in the construction of identities.

2.2. CONCEPTUALISING IDENTITY

Defining identity has been very problematic in social science circles because of its heavily contested nature. Another factor hindering the establishing of a clear definition of the term is that identity is always in a flux. However, Rousse [In Zegeye & Harris, 2002:244] defines identity as ‘forms of individual personhood or self image, as well as, collective self-image shared by the members of social groups and communities’. Zegeye and Harris (2002:244) cite a wide range of sources that associate issues such as uniqueness, differentiation, sameness and continuity with the definition of identity. The nodal point about the definitions is that such identities are not fixed because they are always being constructed and negotiated through repeated interactions of individuals who share and construct them. Zegeye and Harris (2002:245) conclude their analysis of identity by stating that the concept provides an important tool for understanding the linkages between personal views, behavioural patterns and experiences of individuals, and the large cultural, social and political processes in which they are participants. This brings the discussion to Tajfel’s (1978) theory that looks at the relationship between individual (personal) and group (social) identities: national identity being an example of the latter.

2.3 A THEORETICAL BACKGROUND TO IDENTITY, NATIONALISM AND NATIONAL IDENTITY

A critical understating of identity, nationalism and national identity cannot be done in a vacuum. Various scholars within the social sciences have formulated theories that discuss these issues and make implicit of explicit references to national identity. Social identity theory, as modified by Ravenburg (2000), is very significant to this study as it attempts to define identity and then seeks to provide an understanding of the role of the media in national identity creation in South Africa. Social identity theory first gives a discussion of personal identity and then analyses group identities of which national identity, the focus of this study is a typical example. The theory is very relevant as it acts as a point of departure in the understanding of national identity per se. Other theoretical discussions that follow highlight the key conceptual explanations of national identity and provide a framework through which a fuller understanding of what is involved in the construction of identity is achieved. The central concern of the latter theories is on the nature of a national identity and under what circumstances are people more likely to identify with the nation.

2.3.1 Social Identity Theory

Social identity theory is based on the premise that an individual’s self concept comprises both personal identity and social identity aspects. The theory goes on to state that in situations where a particular in-group identity become salient, individuals will, as a cognitive and behavioural pattern, seek to maintain, protect, or enhance that group identity (Tajfel, 1978:64). Tajfel (1978: 63) defines social identity as:

that part of an individual’s self concept which derives from his knowledge of his membership of a social group/s together with the value and emotional significance attached to that membership. Social identity theory proposes that the social part of peoples’ identity derives from the groups to which people belong. By favourably comparing attributes of our own groups with those of out-groups, Tajfel (1978:63) suggests that we ‘acquire both a positive sense of who we are and a clear understanding of how we should act toward in-group and out-group members’. Ravenburg (2000) applies Tajfel’s theory to the idea of national identity as a form of group identity. Drawing on social identity theory Ravenburg (2000:3) argues that when the nation is the salient group, there is bound to be what he terms a ‘national identity dynamic’, which refers to a tendency to protect or maintain a national identity. He further contends that the national in-groups become highly relevant in the world created by mass media. A sense of national identity is aroused by perceived matters of national interest and national security in relation to other nations. To apply the principles of the theory to this study it must be assumed that national identity is salient for editors and programmers when they are covering interactions between national actors and foreign ‘others’. The activation of national identity will, therefore, be encouraged by the knowledge that the producers of media are constructing programmes for a national audience with which they share national membership. The discussion now shifts to the concept of national identity, which has received a wide range of theoretical treatments in sociological circles.

2.3.2 Classical Sociological Theories On National Identity

According to Spencer and Wollman (2002: 16) the liberalist approach to nationalism is represented by Immanuel Kant, John Stuart Mill and Lord Acton among others. Generally, this approach views nationalism in a positive light and links it to the idea of self- determination. The approach also relates nationalism to positive human qualities like commitment, reason and emancipation. The theory’s major weakness is that it concentrates on the positive attributes of nationalism while being oblivious to the dangers posed by excessive allegiance to the idea of the nation. One of the founding fathers of sociology, Emile Durkheim (1976) also theorise on nationalism. He favours progressive nationalism associated with the French Revolution of 1789. His analysis of nationalism and national identity is closely related to his call for order in societies, in that the creation of a national identity cultivates a sense of loyalty and allegiance to the nation in the wider population, thus bringing some order. He links his discussion to the role played by education and religion in making people adhere to societal norms thus giving some sort of uniformity. The weakness in Durkheim’s analysis that is also prevalent in most of his works is that he ignored the potential for conflict and struggle with a nation or nations, while overemphasising the existence of social integration. Another sociological stalwart Max Weber (1980:5) recognises the difficulty in conceptualising a nation and the need to separate a state from a nation. He emphasises the role played by intellectuals in advancing nationalism and the role of political factors in mobilising and sustaining a national identity. Spencer and Wollaman (2002:8) criticise Weber for being a defender of German nationalism in that his theory appears to be an explanation of events unfolding in that country during his time. The general weakness of the classical theories of national identity is that they are conservative and took the concept as given. They adopted an uncritical approach to national identity and nationalism portraying them as inevitable elements in human life. This weakened their analysis as there is a lot of controversy as to what national identity represents. However, the theories serve a purpose in this research because they provide a background against which national identity is understood in the contemporary world.

2.3.3 Contemporary Sociological Theories On National Identity

While classical sociological theories discuss nationalism and national identity in a more abstract manner, the contemporary approaches focus on the origins and nature of nationalism. The crux of the debate on nationalism concerns the modernity, or otherwise, of the nation. Following Spencer and Wollman’s (2002) categorisation, the next section presents a continuum of positions ranging from primordialism, cutting through modernisation and then postmodernism.

2.3.3.1 Primordialism

The primordialist argument charges that nationalism is deeply rooted in the associational nature of human life. The l argument supports the belief that nations are an ‘ancient, necessary and natural’ part of social organisation. Scholars arguing in line with this persuasion find major continuities in ancient and modern concepts of the nation across different historical periods and across various places. Smith1, for example, argues that:

. . . what gives nationalism its power are myths, memories, traditions and symbols of ethnic heritages and the ways in which a popular living past has been and can be rediscovered and reintegrated by modern nationalist intelligentsias (1999:9).

1 While there might be contestation in the categorization of Smith as a primordialist, his arguments are more in line with the promordialist arguments, so this study goes along with this classification also replicated by Spencer and Wollman (2002) Hastings (1997) and Greenfield (1992) further advance the primordial argument emphasising the emergence of nationalism in England and identifying the country as a prototype with a sense of national identity that other nations sought to emulate. In their view, national identity is not seen as the consequence of the emergence of modernity but as the outcome of the development of nationalism, as previously backward societies struggled to compete with England. Spencer and Wollman (2002:28) criticise the primordialists on two fronts by questioning the spread of national identity feelings to a non-writing and non-literate public and wondering whether the nationalism of the medieval periods is the same as contemporary nationalism.

2.3.3.2 Modernism

Modernists have developed theories focusing on the relationship between nationalism and culture. While there are quite a number of modernist theorists like Gellner (1983), and Hobsbawm (1992), Anderson (1991) has emerged as the most influential and cited by almost all the scholars who venture into the terrain of nationalism. Anderson (1991) traces the emergence of nationalism back to the collapse of the Roman Catholic hegemony in the Reformation, the accompanying decline of Latin and the emergence of vernacular languages powered by the emergence of print capitalism. In brief Anderson (1991) views the nation as ‘imagined’, ‘sovereign’ and ‘limited’, in that while members of nations identify with each other, they will never get to know each other at an individual level. For him the nation is a creation or fabrication by powerful sources in societies. He recognises the instilling of nationalist feelings through the mass media, educational institutions and administrative regulations (Anderson, 1991: 113-4). Even though Anderson has been criticised for romanticising the notion of community, with questions hanging on its form and origin, his work remains path breaking in any discussion of national identity. Spencer and Wollman (2002:41) observe that Anderson’s work has predisposed a generation of scholars to examine the content and process of nationalistic imaginings. It has also strengthened the modernist argument with a postmodernist appreciation of narrative and text as important ways in which the national story is told and national identity reproduced. The work has further highlighted some of the ways in which core-nationalist ideas have been taken-up across the world in the modern era, articulated and pursued by identifiable interests in variety of contexts, from Latin America to Europe, Asia and Africa. Gellner (1983: 48-49) departs from the primordial argument that nations are natural and given. He provides a functionalist explanation for the need of cultural homogeneity arguing that ‘a common culture is needed because of the requirements of the new industrial society with its different forms of division of labour’. He also highlights the centrality of communication in this process. Gellner agrees with Anderson (1991) that national identity is a construction, but for him (Gellner) this construction is necessary because it is part of the transition to modernity. Spencer and Wollman (2002:42) criticise Gellner for being teleological in that he explores the development of nationalism largely on the basis of its positive consequences for successful modernisation. Furthermore, his use of modernisation and modernity is uncritical, while he pays no attention to the political domain, thus, ignoring the role of the state in national identity creation. Hobsbawm (1992) gives a critical perspective of the nation and national identity. He distinguishes nationalism from other less demanding forms of national or group identification. He takes a strong view on the commitment involved in nationalism as it provides obligations overriding all others. Hobsbawm (1992:9) further argues that the nation is a wholly modern phenomenon that ‘belongs exclusively to a particular and historically recent period’. According to him nationalism has been influenced by other dynamics such as state building, democratisation, language construction, racism, and socialism, for example. Finally, Hobsbawm (1992:11) argues that nationalism is becoming less relevant and no longer enjoys mass or popular support. Spencer and Wollman (2002:43) observe that Hobsbawm’s work adds a significant dimension to the modernist analysis of national identity. According to them, the emphasis Hobsbawm places on historical processes involved in the construction of nationalist movements is a salutary corrective to both the universalistic arguments of the primordialists and the ahistorical and overschematic work of functionalist-modernisation theorists like Gellner.

2.3.3.4 Postmodernism

The postmodernist approach views the nation-state as a central feature of modernity but focuses more critically on nationalist discourses that have underpinned its emergence. Central to this argument is the belief that there are various attempts to ‘produce the idea of the nation as a continuous narrative of national progress’ (Bhabha, 1990:3). Hall (1992:294) identifies the various discursive strategies like telling the story of the nation, invention of tradition, grounding of national identity on ethnicity, as the forces at the root of the nationalist project. On another front, Chatterjee (1986) and Fanon (1968) use postmodernist theories to elaborate a post- colonial analysis of Third World nationalism where liberation struggle leaders triy to create a national identity that mirrors their former colonial masters. Even though they have not been authoritatively categorised as postmodernist feminist theories, with their focus on gender differences, are also discussed here in relation to the development of nationalism Various feminist strands converge in agreement that all forms of nationalism have been gendered yet constructions of national identity have had major implications for women and helped shape the nationalist project in various ways. According to Anthias and Yuval-Davis (1992:51) various roles are allocated and/or taken by women in all nations. These relate to women as biological reproducers of the nation, participants in the ideological reproduction of the nation and transmitters of culture, signifiers of national symbols, reproducers of boundaries between national groups and participants in the nationalist struggle itself. In Afrikaner nationalism for instance, ‘white men were seen to embody the political agency of the volk (state) while women were the unpaid keepers of tradition and the volk’s moral and spiritual mission’ (McClintock, 1996:21). At a more abstract level, women are frequently required to bear the burden of symbolic representation of the nation. Although much nationalist rhetoric is largely framed with a very masculine appeal, the nation itself is often portrayed as female-the motherland. Spencer and Wollman (2002: 53) cite the example of the use of the figure of Britannia as a symbol of Britain, whilst Marianne is the symbol of France. Both are referred to as she. Feminism thus comes in as vital to the development of a genuine understanding of nationalism and national identity creation. With various references to the development of a South African national identity in the apartheid era being made, the discussion of feminist theories provides a theoretical background against which the development of a post-apartheid national identity can be understood. With their focus on difference and possibility of exclusion, postmodernist theories assist us in understanding the exclusionary logic of nationalism. This helps explain how some nations treat migrants, refugees, asylum seekers and others who move across national boundaries. The theories above have assisted in putting national identity into the spotlight and also in understanding how different scholars have grappled and defined it. This overview is useful when it comes to the discussion of the findings later in the text. The review turns to a discussion of the South African national identity.

2.6. THE CHANGING COURSE OF NATIONAL IDENTITY IN SOUTH AFRICA

2.6.1. National identity before and during the apartheid era

Zegeye and Harris (2002:251) observe that during the apartheid era exclusive subgroup identities, without any overarching national identities, were characteristic of how most South Africans identified themselves. People, especially the black population, were encouraged to view themselves as Xhosas, Zulus, Vendas and so on, instead of as South Africans. O’Meara (1996:40), however, notes that the nationalism that dominated the pre and apartheid eras was mainly based on Afrikanerism’. He records that debates in Afrikaner intellectual and political communities [the National Party, the Church, Afrikaner Broederbond (brotherhood) and the press] in the 1930s and 1940s slowly crystallised a cohesive ‘Christian national’ reawakening of Afrikaner nationalist ideology. At the centre of this nationalist weltanschaung stood the notion of ‘volksgebondenheid’- the belief that ties of blood and volk (state) came first, and that the individual existed only in and through the nation (O’Meara, 1996:41). South Africa was viewed as the God-given preserve of a ‘white’ Afrikaner nation that had to guard against the twin perils of British cultural and economic imperialism, and the ‘black sea’ of the African majority (O’Meara, 1996:41). Once the National Party assumed power in 1948 all these ideologies were incorporated into government policy and enforced through apartheid legislation (O’Meara, 1996:43). Therefore, the so-called Christian nationalism during the apartheid period was limited and exclusionary as it openly preached Afrikaner favouritism.

2.6.2. National identity in the post-apartheid era

Zegeye and Harris (2002:251) note that at present while the subgroup identities, encouraged by the apartheid regime, continue to exist they are now shared with a strong overarching national identity. This observation is confirmed by a survey done by the Human Science Research Council (HSRC) in 1999, where 84 percent of respondents indicated that ‘being South African is an important part of how I see myself’. This research also indicates that sub-group identities are interlinked and they provide a basis for building societal cohesion. It also indicates that class or socio- economic status is related to the extent to which South Africans have a strong sense of national identity. In 1997 national identity was weakest among people at the lower end of the socio-economic scale and strongest among those at the higher end. By 1999, however, South Africans in the middle of the socio-economic scale exhibited the strongest sense of national identity (HSRC, 1999:1). Closely related to the above observations are the post-apartheid government’s efforts to define a national identity for all South Africans. Mistry (2001:8) notes that as the new hegemony in the post-apartheid era, the African National Congress (ANC) has sought to ensure that all factions of the population can identify with a new sense of liberation coupled with ideologies of solidarity, nation formation and nation building. Mistry (2001:8) observes that the cultural policies of the post-apartheid hegemony have already opposing agendas. The first emphasised the cultural diversity of South African society and worked through the ‘Rainbow Nation’ campaign during Mandela’s reign (1994-1998). At the heart of Mandela’s campaign was the prospect that a rainbow, even though separated by its several and distinct colours, is a unified band of light. Mistry (2001:8) adds that by acknowledging the injustices of the apartheid regime, Mandela’s administration used the Truth and Reconciliation Commission (TRC) as a symbol of developing a nationalism which spoke of embracing differences. The SABC celebrated the idea of unity by promoting its programming with the jingle ‘Simunye-We are one’. This ideological ethos was evident throughout Mandela’s reign with symbolic displays of this concept at sports events, and at arts and cultural occasions. In the final analysis, the ‘Rainbow Nation’ campaign reinforced the coexistence of collective and individual identities, and cultures with a shared South Africanness. On the other hand, Mbeki’s reign (1999-current) reflects a vision of what he terms the ‘African Renaissance’. The objective of this campaign is to privilege previously disadvantaged African groups and languages. The campaign is not confined to the borders of South Africa but it attempts to embrace the rest of the continent. However, in South African the campaign has raised political temperatures in terms of how Mbeki (1998) has interwoven issues to with the economy to race and identity. Mbeki has replaced the rainbow ideal with the notion of 'two nations'. According to Mbeki, in Parliament on 29 May 1998 South Africa comprises ‘two nations,’ one relatively wealthy and largely white and the other relatively poor and overwhelmingly black. The theme recurs in Mbeki's speeches and is constantly articulated by his lieutenants and the media. Although Mbeki's economic prognosis may be largely correct, there is no justification that the word ‘nation’ ought to be applied to these economic divisions because the issue of class is also important as it cut across racial lines. Having articulated conceptualisations of national identity and government efforts to articulate it the review looks at the role of communication in national identity formation. This move is essential as it provides a background against which the research will investigate the role of SABC television in the creation and preservation of a national identity in South Africa.

2.7 TRENDS IN NATIONAL IDENTITY FORMATION AND THE ROLE OF COMMUNICATION

Thomas (1997:5) notes that the right to communication is central to the maintenance of national identity over time. This includes a fair representation in the mass media, the right to access and participation in a nation’s communication spectrum, and the right to ownership and control of the media. He observes that there are three ways in which nation-states make use of culture and communication in their construction of national identity. Firstly, there is the assimilationist model where the primary aim of the nation-state is to submerge particular identities, to assimilate all cultures into what has been called the particular nation’s way of life. Next, is the integrationist or multi- cultural model where a multi-culturalist national identity is built on the basis of conversations with the existing cultures. According to this view, allowing the mosaic of peoples and ‘nations’ within a nation state to enjoy full rights to culture and communication leads to the creation of a national identity. Finally, there is the prosyletic model whose aim is to promote a particular set of values such as religion, nationalism and ethnicity at the expense of all others and to force other nations to subscribe to this exclusive vision of national identity. However, Thomas (1997:6) notes that these models are not rigid as states might mix the approaches to the formation of a national identity depending on where their interests lie. Thomas (1997:2) argues that human beings, irrespective of nationality, need to subscribe to other identities besides the personal. People, therefore, look to the nation as a form of building a wider identity. The nature of culture and how people interpret it plays an important part in the formation of national identity. This national identity should take cognisance of previously marginalised groups like the poor, women, and the disabled. He further argues that while a perfect, wholly inclusive version of national identity might be impossible to formulate, particularly in plural societies, it needs to be reasonably inclusive. Thomas (1997:4) also observes that a culture of rights sustains ‘national identity’. Irrespective of its status a community reserves the right to ‘practise, express, and promote’ its identity as long as it does not infringe the rights of others to do the same. This culture of rights can be the basis for building an inclusive vision of national identity and also serve as the basis for measuring national identification. Smith (1993:176) argues that the need to create a national identity arises ‘in periods of distinct social stress; when developments within and pressures from without, undermine a sense of continuity, then most strikingly there is a need for ethnic revival’. In contemporary societies feelings of national identity are also aroused when nations are in competition with each other, usually through sport. Common examples of major sporting events that galvanized feelings of national identity among South Africans include the 1995 Rugby World Cup Finals, the 1996 Africa Cup of Nations Soccer Finals and the 2003 Cricket World Cup, even though the levels of arousal differed. In this regard, the activation of national identity may be encouraged by the knowledge that the producers and transmitters of media are creating programmes for a national audience with which they share membership. In modern societies mass media are at the centre of communication, mainly because of their wide appeal. This research investigates attempts, if any exist, by SABC television to influence the creation and preservation of a national identity. The review proceeds to discuss the issue of language, which is very central to the communication process.

2.8 LANGUAGE AND NATIONAL IDENTITY CREATION

Thomas (1997:4) notes that the way in which the vision of a national identity is articulated is closely related to language. Palmerg (1999:8) argues that language plays an important role both as an identity marker and as a medium of national symbols. He further observes that in most African countries the role of metropolitan languages makes for an extra-ordinary situation, where the national identity is developed through a language medium that is not a mother tongue of anybody in the country (Palmerg , 1999:13). The relationship of language and national identity creation has led to further debate, with scholars on one side arguing for the use of a universal language (usually foreign) to create a singular national identity, while others call for the use of indigenous languages. Anderson (1991: 133) takes the first strand arguing that ‘language has no nation’. He buttresses this argument by stating, ‘nothing suggests that Ghanaian nationalism is any less real than Indonesia simply because its national language is English rather than Ashanti’. He further argues that ‘language is not an instrument of exclusion, since anyone can learn any language’. On the other hand, some scholars, like Mwaura (1980), have argued that it is inappropriate to use foreign languages to advance notions of national or any other local identities. Neville Alexander (1989:5) articulates another perspective arguing that it is incorrect to believe that people who are part of a nation have to speak the same language. He states that people who constitute the same nation have to communicate, but not necessarily in a single language. They should be able to speak the most appropriate language demanded by a particular situation. Similarly, Kelman (1975:52, cited in Alexander, 1989:7), cautions against the deliberate use of language policies for purposes of creating a national identity. He argues that language policies ought to be designed to meet the needs and expectations of all segments of the population. In that case a national identity is more likely to develop out of functional relationships within a society rather than out of deliberate attempt to promote it. The South African Broadcasting Corporation has a language policy in which it commits itself to constitutional obligations of equally recognising all the languages in South Africa. In summary the SABC language policy aims to ‘inform, educate and entertain South Africans in their home languages’ and seeks to ‘promote understanding and acceptance of and between the linguistic and cultural groups in South Africa’. It further seeks to contribute to the continual development of all the official languages, the ‘Khoi, Nama and San’ languages and the South African sign language. Finally, it also intends to promote multilinguilism in South Africa (SABC Language Policy, 2004). With regards to television service, the SABC commits itself to ‘treating all the official languages equitably’. According to the language policy this ideal is to be achieved across the television portfolio as a whole, not on each individual channel. But, other authors are sceptical on the eventual fruition of this plan. Alidou and Mazrui (1999: 101) argue that in spite of South Africa’s official language policy that seems to give greater weight to African languages, there are local conditions as well as global forces that can be seen to be operating to the overall advantage of the English language. Nevertheless, the issue of language is central in any attempt by the public service broadcaster to develop local identities in general and national identity in particular.

2.9 CONCLUSION

The chapter has explored the concept of identity, discussed social identity theory and applied it to the current study. It then went on to look at a continuum of perspectives on national identity ranging from the primordialist, weaving through the modernist and then the postmodernist approaches. The central issue for the theories of nationalism is the question of national identity and the extent to which people may be seen or see themselves as members of a given nation. The modernist analysis of the nation and nationalism appears to promise a more robust and critical view of nationalism than that offered by variants of primordialism, and opens up the possibility of transcending nationalism and overcoming the limitations of the nation- state. Understanding the complex processes in which nationalism and national identity came into being has brought into question the inevitability of the nation, and has given room for the emergence of other potentially universal identities that might transcend national identifications. Generally, the literature reviewed above has focused on such themes as the social functions of identity, myths and discursive categories attached to identity, relationships and collective information, and the definitions of key concepts. The concept of national identity carries a great deal of ambiguity. This has to do with issues of citizenship, language, ethnicity, socialisation, and culture. It has become a common phenomenon to unite these questions under the theme of national identity. In this sense national identity is an umbrella concept that does not have an empirical referent. In order to define meaningfully the target of a research project, one should then make conceptual choices that augur well for his or her line of thought. The current research places emphasis on the discursive aspects of the role of communication in articulating a national identity. In line with Gellner’s (1983:15) argument identity is viewed as a phenomenon dependent on communication as people interpret their everyday lives. In this instance the focus of the research is on how television as a form of mass communication in South Africa influences national identity creation and maintenance. The next chapter looks at the origins and role of public service broadcasting with particular focus on developments in South Africa. This will assist in locating the historical context within which the SABC has developed.

CHAPTER 3

PUBLIC SERVICE BROADCASTING IN SOUTH AFRICA

3. 1 INTRODUCTION

Focus of this study is on national identity and the role the media, particularly SABC television is supposed to play (in the minds of ICASA and SABC television staff) in its creation, articulation and preservation. The previous chapter, that comprise the first part of the literature review, discussed the notion of identity and reviewed theoretical frameworks that seek to unearth the nature and role of a national identity. The review proceeded to an analysis of the nature of the contemporary South African national identity highlighting the central role of communication in the articulation of identities. In a continuation of this discussion, this chapter shifts to a discussion public service broadcasting in South Africa of which the SABC television is an important segment. This is done to familiarise the reader with the historical role of a public service broadcaster and locate the position of the SABC television in that context. The chapter first situates the debate on the role of the media in the normative media framework that highlights the expected role of the media in various societies. It then discusses the origins and role of public service broadcasting. An examination of the broadcasting terrain in South Africa follows. A profile of the South African Broadcasting Corporation (SABC) in general, then SABC television is then given, followed by a look at other studies on public service broadcasting and the role of the media.

3.2. THE NORMATIVE MEDIA FRAMEWORK

Before a discussion of the historical role of the public service broadcaster is given it is essential that the theoretical framework that highlights the expected role of the media in societies be spelt out. While there is a variety of a media theory, this study has chosen a discussion of the normative media theories because of their exclusive focus on the expected role of the media in different societies. This will assist in establishing the expected role of the media in South Africa and provide against which the research question that seeks to establish the role of SABC television in national identity creation will be answered. Even though the theories appears more in line with control, we realise that with control comes expectation, and in this instance this relates to what kind of expectation first the state has, and secondly the media players have on the role of the media in the creation of a national identity, that can be the cornerstone of national policies of various nations. Hence, the following section briefly looks at the normative theories that attempt to envisage a particular pattern of control and expectation for media in different societies The theories were developed by Siebert, Peterson and Schramm (1956) and modified by McQuail (1986), De Beer (1998) and Oosthuizen (2003). The first part briefly discusses the theories while the other part applies the theories to the South African media.

3.2.1 A summation of the normative media theories

According to Oosthuizen (2003: 40) the authoritarian theory views the media as a powerful tool used by rulers to convey information to the masses. Information dissemination is strictly controlled and there are tough regulatory measures. This theory most applies to totalitarian states where the media is not expected to undermine the establishment. The Soviet Communist theory came after the Russian revolution and it exhibits authoritarian characteristics (Oosthuizen, 2003: 43). Under this dispensation the media is owned and controlled by the state purportedly on behalf of the working class. According to this theory the media should act in the interest of the working class and also perform positive functions for society like socialisation, education, motivation and mobilisation of the masses. In theory the media is people-oriented but in reality the media is controlled by the state and used for propaganda purposes. Oosthuizen (2003: 43) contends that the libertarian theory describes the media-state relations in cases where democracy and economic, political and religious rights are common. People are regarded as rational beings that can make decisions on their own. In terms of this theory the media should be free from any form of government interference and acts as a public watchdog. Control is only exercised when the media impinge on the rights of others. This theory would apply in countries with liberal democratic dispensation where the emphasis is not on control, but on the awarding of maximum rights. The social responsibility theory postulates that the media should ‘accept certain responsibilities towards society, including setting professional standards for the supply of information and the truth, accuracy, objectivity and the balance of reporting’ (Oosthuizen, 2003: 43). According to this theory the media should ‘support the democratic process by providing a diversity of opinion’. Policy decisions by governments to fund public service broadcasting systems are justified in terms of promoting the said diversity. The development theory expects the media to have a positive contribution to the national development process. Preferential media coverage should be given to information about national, cultural and language issues. The State has the right to intervene to protect development objectives by restructuring and censoring the media. Finally, the democratic participant theory seeks to empower individuals and communities by encouraging them to own the media. The media should promote the interests of the recipients, that is the public, not the needs of the media owners and advertisers. This theory calls for mass participation in knowledge production and dissemination (Oosthuizen, 2003: 43).

3.2.2 Applying media theories to South Africa

The media in South Africa has existed under the apartheid regime, then in the post- apartheid democratic regime so different theories apply to different epochs. It must be noted that there is no clear-cut application of these theories to particular societies. A nation might have a combination of some aspects of different theories. It must also be noted that the theories prescribe what should be the role of the media in different societies and governments’ expectations of the media’s role in society. Thus, they are idealistic in some sense. Oosthuizen (2002:83) observes that the divisions entrenched by the apartheid regime were evident in policy formulation that restricted the media. Laws were drafted to curtail activities of anti-apartheid groups. This was reflected in various acts like the Suppression of Communism Act (1950), the Internal Security Act (1980) the Protection of Information Act (1982), the Defence Act (1957) and the Publications Act (1974) (Oosthuizen 2002:83). Therefore, the relationship between the government and the media during the apartheid era closely mirrors that of authoritarian regimes. As chronicled by Oosthuizen (2003: 45-46) the dawn of a democratic dispensation in 1990 saw the unbanning of political parties like the African National Congress (ANC), the Pan-Africanist Congress (PAC) and the South African Communist Party (SACP). Media coverage was also extended to them when the 1982 Internal Security Act was repealed and replaced with the more media friendly Internal Security and Intimidation Amendment Act (138) of 1991). When the ANC took over the reins of power in 1994 they adopted a Media charter that recognised the role of the media in a democracy and called for a free flow of information. The charter also called for the maintenance of a public service broadcasting service that would be independent of the state or any political party. Thus, in post apartheid South Africa the media seems to be influenced by a close combination of the postulations of the social responsibility theory and the development theory. To have a clear grasp of how broadcasting developed in the country the next section chronicles the history of public service broadcasting in South Africa. This chronicle also reveals how far the developments in the media, particularly the public broadcasting arena mirrors the postulations of the above referred normative media theories.

3.3. ORIGINS AND THE HISTORY OF PUBLIC SERVICE BROADCASTING

The idea of public broadcasting in its institutional form originated from Sir John Reith who served as the managing director of the British Broadcasting Company from 1923 to 1926, then was the first director general of the British Broadcasting Corporation (BBC) from 1927 to 1938 (Scannell 1990: 13). Teer-Tomaselli and De Villiers (1998:154) note that since that time the BBC has always been considered the model for public service broadcasters including the SABC. Despite contemporary challenges, it is this conception of the BBC as the archetypical example of a public broadcaster that its principles are still considered a guide for every public service broadcaster. This perception of public service broadcasting as outlined more neatly by Raboy (1996: 6) is made explicit by:

universal accessibility (geographical); universal appeal (general tastes and interests); particular attention to minorities; contribution to a sense of national identity and community; distance from vested interests; direct funding and universality of payment; competition in good programming rather than numbers; and guidelines that liberate rather than restrict programme makers.

One of the responsibilities of a public service broadcaster is to build a nation (Raboy 1996: 6; Teer-Tomaselli, 1998: 92-93). Local content programming is central to nation building. Locally produced entertainment, information and educational programming make a vital contribution to democracy, nation building and the development of a country (Teer-Tomaselli 1998: 96). By reflecting the culture of a nation, the public broadcaster is actually promoting social identity. It is showing how the nation is culturally different from others and the danger that the nation faces by copying other nations’ cultures. This role is mainly delegated to television as observed by Price (1995:42) when he notes that even though it is not television alone that creates and maintains a national identity, it can be television that contributes significantly to its dreadful and destructive absence. The growing influence of globalisation takes the media and identity debate to another level. Television services have been viewed as a powerful medium of globalisation. These ideas are championed by the likes of Castells (2000) when he talks about the information society, and Giddens (1998). On the other hand, some scholars, most notably Geschiere and Meyer (1998: 601-615), argue that globalisation does not have a uniform impact on societies, but it involves ‘flow’ and ‘closure’, and the forging of ‘new boundaries’ and ‘action frames’. Hence, the role of national television in the globalisation era may be characterised by a constant flux between flow and closure and the building of local identities. Appadurai (1996:34) argues that local media institutions are not passive recipients or merely conveyer belts for international images. He observes that through a selective reproduction and representation of events and basing them on the cultural and national specificity of the domestic people, the local media plays an important role in reinforcing identities.

3.4 THE DEVELOPMENT OF PUBLIC SERVICE BROADCASTING IN SOUTH AFRICA.

The SABC gives an overview of the development of broadcasting in South Africa in their publication SABC Today (2003). According to the magazine the South African Railways pioneered broadcasting in South Africa when they made the first wireless broadcast in Johannesburg in 1923. The African Broadcasting Company owned by I. W Schlesinger, followed in 1927. An Act of Parliament (Act 22) established the SABC in 1936. The Corporation consisted of radio services that reached the Transvaal, Natal and the Cape Provinces. Television service for the SABC was introduced in 1976 under Act No 73. Bop TV for Bophuthatswana homeland and the privately-owned M-Net received licenses in the 1980s. A variety of radio stations catering for different language segments were also established throughout South Africa in the 1980s and 1990s. The impending dawn of democracy and growing influence of market forces in the early 1990s set the tone for structural changes in the broadcasting arena. This resulted in a couple of legislational changes that will be discussed below. Currie and Markovitz (1993: 97) observe that with democracy becoming inevitable, the apartheid regime sought to transform the SABC ‘to prevent any future government from having such a centralised propaganda machine at its disposal’. The Viljoen Task group was set up in 1991 to spearhead the restructuring process. It recommended the setting up of the Independent Broadcasting Authority (IBA) that would take over the government’s regulatory powers. Act No 153 of Parliament led to the establishment of the authority in 1993. The authority was to function wholly independently of the state, governmental and party political influences. The IBA was responsible for developing license conditions, assessing license applications; reviewing performance of individual broadcasters; and determining and reviewing general broadcasting policies relating to public, private and community broadcasters. These include local content quotas and cross media control regulations. While the 1993 IBA Act No 153 was the last attempt by the apartheid regime to define the course of broadcasting in South Africa, the new government inaugurated in April 1994 also engaged in processes to redefine the broadcasting terrain. The Government’s Department of Communications unveiled a White Paper that reflected the broadcasting policy for South Africa in 1997. This was a culmination of a wide public consultation process through the Green Paper process and a colloquium involving all major stakeholders in the broadcasting industry. The paper’s major prescription was that the South African broadcasting system should reflect the identity and the multi-cultural nature of the country by promoting the entire spectrum of cultural backgrounds in existence. In 1999 the government passed the Broadcasting Act that adopted most of the recommendations of the White Paper. Its prescribed main aim is to

develop a broadcasting policy that will regulate and control all broadcasting in South Africa so that it contributes to democracy, nation-building, . . . and establishes a strong and committed broadcaster to service the needs of all South Africans (Broadcasting Act No 4, 1999).

The Act proceeds to define the objectives of the SABC, the roles of the various sectors in meeting these objectives, and it guarantees the independence of the SABC as the country’s public service broadcaster. In July 2000 the government made further changes to legislation governing communication systems in South Africa (ICASA, 2004:3). The Independent Communications Authority of South Africa (ICASA) was established as an umbrella body that merged the responsibilities of the IBA and the South African Telecommunications Regulatory Authority (SATRA). The Monitoring and Complaints Unit of ICASA assesses the licensees in terms of compliance with local content regulations, and other licence conditions (ICASA, 2004:27). Hence, it appears that through ICASA the government is dictating the broadcasting policy in South Africa. While the above literature offers a general description of the evolution of broadcasting services in South Africa the next section gives a profile of the Corporation and narrows it to the object of the study, namely SABC television. This will enable the reader to understand the object of the research thoroughly so that the rationale behind the formulation of the research question and the methodology can be easily understood.

3.5. A PROFILE OF THE SABC AND SABC TELEVISION

SABC Today (2003) gives the bulk of information on the history and structure of the television service. The vision of the SABC is ‘to be the Pulse of Africa’s Creative Spirit’ and the mission is ‘to deliver distinctive and compelling programming through sound business practices’. The Corporation broadcasts twenty internal radio channels in eleven languages plus an external radio station in four languages. It has five television channels (three free-to-air and two satellite pay channels). The SABC is controlled by a Board whose members are selected through public hearings and appointed by the President after recommendations of the Parliamentary Portfolio Committee on Communications. The Group Executive Committee headed by the Group Chief Executive Officer applies policy and determines strategies and guidelines for achieving corporate objectives. SABC Television free channels are divided into a public broadcasting service (comprising SABC 1 and SABC 2) and a public commercial broadcasting service comprising SABC 3. The pay channels are SABC Africa and the Africa 2 Africa stations. The focus of this study is on the free- to-air channels. SABC 1 is a full-spectrum free-to-air channel aimed at younger viewers. It broadcasts in English, isiZulu, isiXhosa, Sindebele and Siswati. SABC 2 is also a full- spectrum free-to-air channel, but is aimed at the whole family. It broadcasts in English, Afrikaans, Sesotho, Setswana, Sepedi, Xitsonga and Tshivenda. SABC 3 is a free-to-air channel that broadcasts in English only. If offers entertainment and information for cosmopolitan viewers (SABC Today, 2003: 7).

3.6 SABC POLICY AND NATIONAL IDENTITY CREATION

While the objectives of the SABC articulated in section 8 of the Broadcasting Act No 4 of 1999 embodied in the charter of the Corporation are surprisingly silent on the role of the organisation in the creation of a national identity, the consultative process that culminated in the enactment of the legislation tackled the issue. The Group of 13 that was supposed to act as an advisory body during the consultative process emphasized the role of the corporation in building national and provincial identities. They argued that the public broadcaster has a particular responsibility to ‘promote national culture and create a sense of identity that reflects common experiences’. They stated that it should do so by providing shared experiences simultaneously to large numbers of people and defining, exhibiting and explaining national events and trends. The Corporation should thus forge the development of a South African national identity by providing a wide range of programming that reflects South African ideas, attitudes, values, spirituality and artistic creativity, argues the Group. These ideas were incorporated into the White Paper for broadcasting policy but were not included in the eventual broadcasting act. The reasons for the omission were not made public. The perceived role of the SABC, television in particular, in creating a national identity is further emphasised by Currie and Markovitz (1993:105) when they point out that national television has an important role to play in the reconstruction of South Africa after apartheid. This expectation is to be met through the building of a ‘national reconciliation, explaining the full implications of a new national identity to all South Africans and building a new national picture’.

3.6.1. Local content policy

The broadcasting division of the Independent Communications Authority of South Africa (ICASA) (herein referred to as the Authority) prescribes local content regulations whose main aim is ‘to develop, protect and promote a national and provincial identity, culture and character’. The other aim is ‘to create vibrant, dynamic, creative and economically productive local industries’ (ICASA, 2004:4). Media products qualify to be described as local content when they are produced and, in most cases, funded by a South African. In complying with its obligations in terms of the regulations a public television license must ensure that at least twenty per cent of its drama and eighty per cent of the current affairs programming are South African produced. Fifty per cent of the documentary programming, fifty per cent of informal knowledge building programming, sixty per cent of educational programming and fifty per cent of its children programming are also supposed to be South African produced. SABC television has a local content policy that is supposed to fall in line with ICASA’s local content regulations. The SABC draft editorial policies document (2003:42) defines local television content as a television programme (excluding broadcasts of sports events and compilations of them, advertisements, teletext and continuity announcements) that is produced by South African broadcasters. For SABC TV there are the following sets of quotas to be followed: i) Global local content quotas for each television channel. These quotas stipulate that a percentage of airtime between 05:00 and 23:00 should be devoted to local content. ii) Genre quotas, which stipulate that if a channel carries a certain genre of programming (such as drama), a percentage of that type of programming is to be devoted to local content. iii) Independent production quotas stipulates that a percentage of the total amount of local content aired must be devoted to independent television productions (SABC draft editorial policies, 2003:42)

It is the responsibility of each channel to ensure that the quotas are met and they are reviewed by the Authority every three years.

3.7. EMPIRICAL RESEARCH RELATED TO MEDIA AND NATIONAL IDENTITY

Before the chapter is concluded the review looks at a number of studies related to the current study. This is done to avoid encountering the same problems met by previous researchers and to avoid repeating the same studies. Through such a review a gap in literature might be identified and this could lead to the formulation of a stimulating and relevant research topic. Studies done at the international level are first reviewed, then the review narrows down to studies done in South Africa. Terribas I Sala (2001) investigated the relationship between television as a forum for public debate and national identity formation in a comparative study of television debate programmes in Catalonia and Scotland. Findings of the study emphasise the contradictions that are implied when making television products conditioned by communication policies of their respective nationalities while at the same time making productions, which are competitive on the audio visual market. The study concludes that in the researched countries television gives greater priority to market pressure and economic aspects at the expense of building a national cultural identity. In a case study of Lesotho Television Tau (2001) sought to explore the interconnectedness between public broadcasting and national identity in newly-independent states. She concludes that despite its close collaboration with a commercial player in the form of M-Net television, Lesotho Television has succeeded in its nation-building project. While most of the reviewed empirical studies were on the role of the electronic media on national identity creation, Epstein (1997) researched on the part played by print media in national identity creation in South Africa. He studied the role played by The Sowetan and The Star newspapers in the building of a new national identity in post-apartheid South Africa. The study concludes that the two newspapers play a significant role in advancing and articulating notions of national identity for South Africa.

3.9. CONCLUSION

The literature on public service broadcasting fits in well with issues of national identity as it re-emphasises the creation of a national identity as one of the cornerstones of public service broadcasting. A review of studies with the same focus as this study identified a gap in media research as the lack of research in the role of electronic media in national identity formation and development in post-apartheid South Africa. The combined value of the preceding two chapters is that they provide an understanding of the research’s major concepts under investigation, that is, national identity and public service broadcasting herein exemplified by SABC television. It is, therefore, prudent at this juncture to indicate the relationship of these two concepts arrived at after the review of the literature. The review has established that, in most instances, public service broadcasters are expected (especially by the ruling elite) to advance notions of national identity. It was the intention of this study to investigate how far the SABC television service has travelled down this road. The Independent Communications Authority of South Africa (ICASA) is drawn into the research because literature has shown that they have formulated a local content policy, with which SABC television has to abide. The policy lists the building of a national identity, among other local identities, as one of its the major aims. The next chapter provides a description of the research methods used to collect data from SABC and ICASA personnel.

CHAPTER FOUR

EXPLORING THE PERCEIVEDROLE OF SABC TV IN NATIONAL

IDENTITY CREATION

4.1 INTRODUCTION

The two previous chapters provide a discussion of notions of national identity, media theories, public service broadcasting, South African Broadcasting Corporation’s (SABC) local content policy, and related research vis-à-vis the objectives of this study. The major research question for which the research methods described below were adopted refers to the extent to which SABC and ICASA staff believe that television should play a role in the construction of a national identity in post-apartheid South Africa. The chapter first gives a re-cap of the research problem under investigation. It then describes and justifies the research methodology used to provide answers to the research question. The section covers the choice of research design and methods, sampling methods, data collection and analysis procedures. Finally, the section looks at the potential pitfalls of the research and how they were overcome.

4.2 RESEARCH PROBLEM

A gap in media research in South Africa was identified as the lack of research on the role of the electronic media in national identity construction in post-apartheid South Africa. Hence, this research was designed to determine the perceived role of SABC television service in creating or reinforcing a national identity. The research problem is investigated against a background of an increasingly competitive and globalised media environment in which the SABC operates. The research was restricted to the creators and regulators of media programmes shown on SABC television.

4.3. RESEARCH DESIGN

The research is a qualitative study of SABC TV that seeks to generate and analyse information on the perceived role of the media in creating a post-apartheid South African national identity. This strategy is rich because it allows the researcher to collect a plethora of information from key sources in an organisation. The approach which engages in the ‘processes contexts and meanings of communication’ (Lindlof, 1995:xi) was adopted for this project. A qualitative design was preferred because it allows the researcher to understand people in terms of their definitions of the world. The focus is on an insider rather than an outsider perspective. As Barbour (2001:115) observes, qualitative research, with its distinctive approach to harnessing the analytical potential of exceptions, allows a research question to be examined from various angles. Utilising a qualitative approach in this study allowed the researcher to understand the motivations of SABC TV policy makers, managers and commissioning editors, their experiences and definitions of a complex issue like national identity and its relationship to local content programming.

4.4. POPULATION AND SAMPLING PROCEDURE

4.4.1 Population

Sanders and Pinhey (1974:97) define population as ‘the total number of cases with a given characteristic or set of characteristics from which a sample is drawn. In this case the population consisted of management and councillors of ICASA and management and commissioning editors of SABC television. This population was targeted because the researcher felt they had the information being sought. ICASA members formulate the local content regulations that inform SABC TV’s local content policy. On the other hand, SABC management and editors are in a position to determine the nature of the programmes to be aired. They are, therefore, in a position to explain whether national identity indicators are being deliberately promoted in locally made programmes. Hence, the two sets of respondents are well positioned to provide information that would aid the researcher in investigating whether there is any relationship between local content programming and national identity creation in post- apartheid South Africa. A representative portion of the identified population i.e. a sample was then selected for interviewing.

4.4.2. Choice of sampling method

Sampling, generally, refers to the selection of a particular section of the population to be studied. In this research purposive or judgmental sampling was employed to identify the targeted people. This sampling method chosen for this research is often used in qualitative research. Rather than aspiring to statistical generalisability or representativeness qualitative research usually aims to reflect diversity within a given population. Barbour (2000:115) gives credence to this sampling method when he observes that purposive sampling offers researchers a degree of control rather than being at the mercy of any selection bias inherent in pre-existing groups. He further alludes that with purposive sampling, researchers deliberately seek to include ‘outliers’ conventionally discounted in quantitative approaches (Barbour, 2001:116). Therefore, the sampling procedure is not cast in stone as it could be revisited when the need arises. in this case, however, there was no need to exercise this option.

4.4.3 Sampling procedures

After identifying the target population the researcher used his judgement to select the final respondents to be interviewed. For ICASA the researcher sought to balance representativity between management and members of the council. The council is the policy implementation body while management implement the policy. After initially identifying two councillors and three managers for interviewing only a single councillor and the three managers were, eventually, available. At SABC TV the researcher sought to interview management, but more prominently commissioning editors. After carefully scanning the SABC website the researcher identified the policy manager, three station heads of SABC TV 1, 2 and 3 and nine commissioning editors spread across the channels with different programming focuses. In the end only the policy manager, two station heads or their representatives and eight commissioning editors were eventually interviewed Finally, the research sample comprised three ICASA managers and a member of the ICASA council, three SABC TV managers and eight commissioning editors from the three public television channels. The researcher arranged most of the interviews telephonically. After identifying the names of the targeted people on the ICASA and SABC websites, the researcher personally called them. He identified himself and explained what the research was about and requested an interview. Once interviews were granted the researcher did not have any problem in locating and interviewing the targeted person(s).

4.5 RESEARCH METHODS

4.5.1. Choice of method

The researcher used in-depth interviews to obtain data from the target population. This was done through the use of an interview guide which touched on the major themes of the research. The advantages of in-depth interviewing are closely related to the objectives of qualitative methodology, namely the reconstruction of reality from the world of the interviewee. De Vos (1998:23) observes that in-depth interviews best enable an interviewer to obtain an ‘insider view’ of the social phenomenon as well as to explore other avenues of research emerging from the interviewee. Another major advantage of in-depth interviewing with a guide is that it provides for relatively systematic data collection and simultaneously ensures that important data are not forgotten (De Vos 1998:24). The main disadvantage of in-depth interviews is that they are time-consuming and the vast amount of data collected may make ordering and interpretation difficult. The researcher took care of these potential limitations by allocating adequate time to the data collection process and analysing data according to the major themes in the interview guideline. Questions asked were generally related to the major research question that sought to investigate the role of the local content regulations, set for the SABC, in the national identity creation project in South Africa. Questions were generally the same for the two sets of interviewees. However, in the case of SABC employees further questions were asked on programming and scheduling issues. (See interview guideline attached as Appendix 1)

4.5.2. Conducting the interviews

Data collection was solely the responsibility of the researcher. A total of thirteen interviews were done with SABC TV employees and a further five2 interviews were done with ICASA employees. Each interview lasted a period of thirty to forty-five minutes. A tape recorder was used to record the interviews after permission was sought from the respondents. This enabled the researcher to avoid note taking which might have distracted the interview process. The tape recorder also freed the interviewer to attend more fully to the conversation, non-verbal actions and other elements of the situation. The interviews were conducted with the use of an interview guide, and all were done in English. In line with De Vos’ (1998:21) prescription, the guide allowed the interviewer to introduce the general theme around which information was required and encouraged interviewees to disclose information freely. Responses were then interpreted and reconstructed by identifying important themes and associations between them. Where necessary, the interviewer asked the interviewees to verify some insights or explain further some points.

4.5.3. Analysis of data

The research began with a couple of research questions mainly derived from the literature review. Data collection and, eventually analysis, was guided by those questions. As Lindlof (1995:42) highlights, analysing qualitative data is best thought of as a process that is continuous throughout the study. The interviews done in this research were all recorded on tape as indicated earlier. Therefore, the data analysis

2 Even though six people were interviewed at ICASA one of the interviews was a jointly done with two managers. process was based on conversation analysis. Babbie (2001:364) states that this method of analysis ‘aims to cover the implicit assumptions and structures in social life’. This is done through a careful examination of the way the conversation took place and getting accurate transcripts of the discussions. In this case all the exact words and non-verbal actions were recorded. Once the researcher had finished collecting data, the interviews transcripts were converted to Microsoft Word documents by listening to them and typing manually. Data was then coded according to the themes highlighted in the literature and theoretical discussion. Pattern matching of the dominant themes and identified frequently emerging themes followed. Hence, some themes that were not initially part of the research questions were taken into account. The analysis also involved making connections between responses from ICASA members and responses from SABC TV staffers and relating them to reviewed literature.

4.6 POTENTIAL LIMITATIONS OF THE STUDY

A research of this nature is bound to have some limitations that might affect the quality and value of the whole study. To enlighten others who might carry out a research of a similar nature this section looks t these potential pitfalls and how these were addressed by the researcher. The first major problem the researcher encountered was on negotiating entry and accessing respondents at both ICASA and the SABC. Attempts to set up interviews with the identified respondents by the researcher, on his own, were very difficult as people claimed to be extremely busy. Entry was eventually negotiated through one of the researcher’s supervisors contacts at both organisations. Once the researcher gained initial access in both organisations everything went smoothly. Potential researchers (particularly those investigating organisations) are advised to negotiate issues of entry before making concrete plans for data collection. The other problem a qualitative research of this nature might encounter relates to refusal by respondents to be tape recorded. The researcher encountered at least two respondents who initially refused to be recorded on tape. However, this problem was solved by giving a clear explanation of the goals of the research and giving guarantees of ensuring the anonymity of respondents. Therefore, budding researchers should always have adequate explanations about their research and be aware of the ethical issues that might be raised by respondents. Therefore, this research did not have any major limitations that might undermine the quality of responses recorded and conclusions arrived at.

4.7 CONCLUSION

Qualitative research has special value in that it gives one a deeper understanding of the issues at hand. The research design and methodology described above enabled the researcher to get the motivations and thinking behind the actions of a representation of various media players. In this case ICASA managers and councillors, SABC management and commissioning editors were interviewed. The motivations and understandings were explored against a background of the role played by local content programming in the creation and maintenance of a national identity in post- apartheid South Africa. The information collected was analysed and is presented and commented on, against the background of the literature discussed, in the following chapter.

CHAPTER FIVE

A PRESENTATION OF FINDINGS: THE PERCEIVED ROLE OF SABC TELEVISION IN NATIONAL IDENTITY CREATION

5.1 INTRODUCTION

While the preceding chapter described the methodology used to collect data, this chapter gives a presentation and a discussion of the findings obtained in the research. The study explores the significance of the question of identity that is rapidly gaining a new momentum in the study of social sciences. The focus is on national identity in post-apartheid South Africa and the role the media, specifically SABC television, is supposed to play in articulating it according to representatives of the media players. This matter is explored against the background of the impact of globalisation and the envisaged role of a public service broadcaster. Exploring the relationship between public service broadcasting and national identity is interesting as the articulation of the latter is one of the keystones of the former. The following sections elaborate on these findings mainly through the words of the respondents. It should be borne in mind that the findings presented below reports on the attitudes and opinions of members of SABC television and ICASA on what they believe should be the role of SABC television in the creation of a South African national identity.

5.2. CONCEPTUALISATION OF NATIONAL IDENTITY

The first major finding of the study is that almost all the interviewed respondents appeared to have conceptions of identity that are not consistent with what is found in the literature, but agreed on the need to create and promote it. Defining national identity proved to be a problem for most respondents as they could not exactly say what it was and what characterised it. Generally, most interviewees concurred that national identity has to do with issues of ‘nationhood’ and a ‘sense of unity’. Edna, a manager at ICASA, stated that national identity has something to do with ‘who we are’, ‘our cultural heritage’ and should be ‘an echo of our way of living’. Even though they appeared not to have a grasp of what it was, interviewees believed it was important to build a national identity for South Africa. Zeb, a commissioning editor at SABC said:

Because of our brutal past it is very implicit for the nation to be seen as moving towards recovery. All belong to one nation regardless of differences. Out of that you get national pride.

Izabella also believed national identity was getting renewed importance because of the potential impact of globalisation in eroding national borders. She said:

At a time when boundaries are diminishing more and more, nations are faced with the threat of cultural uniformity. The creation of a new South African identity, besides providing a psychological home and a unifying mission, should allow us to generate for ourselves a space that is big enough to tell our own stories.

Respondents were further asked about the possible existence of a typical South African national identity. When asked whether it was possible to portray a single South African national identity, Evelyne, a commissioning editor at SABC 2, argued that it was almost impossible to do that with eleven languages and different cultures. However, she attempted to define a probable typical South African when she said,

I suppose the closest one you could get as a figurehead is Madiba, but you cannot look at Madiba and say ‘that is a typical South African’. But, feelings of togetherness as South Africans just arise, especially when you are travelling. We come together because we are not as dastard as the Europeans, we are not as bombastic as the Americans and we seem to have a humbleness of our own, though we are forever talking.

Asked to sum up her view of a typical South African Izabella described him/her as:

One who wants forever to stay here, who thinks South Africa is the best place, somebody who thinks the best opportunities are here, and this is where the roots are.

Even though SABC does not have an official policy on national identity creation most of its policies make reference to the idea. Therefore, their staff should have a clear consistent indication of what it encompasses. It is imperative that we get to understand how national identity is defined by the media players because this conceptualisation will determine how they relate and present it in their programmes. As intimated earlier, most respondents appear to have sketch views of what a national identity refers to yet they sought to promote it together as a Corporation. This is problematic as this state of affairs raises the question, how can you promote something that you do not fully grasp? This renders any project to create national identity on the part of SABC television futile. Failure to comprehend what national identity is by ICASA and SABC staff is not peculiar to the two organisations. Sociological literature on the subject has shown that identity can be a very slippery concept that is rapidly changing. This makes it difficult to pin up so that people can have a policy on it. Therefore, identifying what can be a South African identity amid all the diversity can be a toll order for anyone. To categorise a single individual for example former President Nelson Mandela as a typical South African can be misleading because South Africans come in all shapes and sizes. Whilst many sociological theories discuss the origins of the nation and nationalism, these notions are not synonymous with a national identity which is quite elusive. Even though nationalism plays a crucial role in the genesis of a national identity, the later is less directly political and more fluid. National identity involves a process of identifying oneself and others as a member of the nation while nationalism is an ideology mainly spread in the Third World during the liberation struggles. The absence of such a struggle and the historical nature of South African society (where the former ruling Afrikaners claim to be natives and actually promoted their identity as the national identity) might have complicated matters in trying to come up with an all-inclusive South African national identity. This statement is reinforced by the arguments by Mamdani (1997) where he discusses the question of whether post- apartheid society is equivalent to other post-colonial societies in Africa. 5.3. SABC POLICY AND NATIONAL IDENTITY CREATION

Having recorded the concurrence of most respondents on the need to promote a South African national identity the research went on to ask whether SABC policy was advancing this goal. The major finding recorded here is that SABC commissioning editors believed SABC was achieving this goal mainly through its local content policy. This belief was echoed by ICASA staff who are responsible for enforcing the local content regulations. On the other side of the debate are SABC managers who believe that local programmes do not necessarily advance notions of national identity. We look at the commissioning editors’ views, the ICASA view and the contrasting views from SABC managers. While the SABC management was not fully responsive to the projected aims of the local content regulations, their commissioning editors believed the regulations where assisting the creation of a national identity in South Africa. They agreed with ICASA that more local programmes aroused interests in the notion of the ‘nation’. Ignatiana, a commissioning editor at SABC 3, had this to say:

A (public) broadcaster reflects the nation itself. It is a pillar around which national identity is tied. Regardless of it being entertainment, drama, music, etc, every local programme we broadcast fosters a national identity.

Noma, also a commissioning editor on SABC 1, advanced the same argument noting:

Any story about a South African, whatever language group and whatever cultural group, and other South Africans watch that, you can identify with it much more than with people from other places.

Ignatiana was more forthright on the relationship between the local content regulations and national identity. She observed:

South African viewers get to know each other through local programming. I think there is a lot of correlation between the local content regulations and national identity because you quickly realise when a programme is not successful that people do not like it. It has to fit with local identities and what people identify with and what their interests are.

When asked about any example of local programmes that she has commissioned that advance notions of national identity, Izabella pointed out the following:

At the moment I am preparing a documentary series called Strands, whose main aim is to get all South Africans to know each other. Not just because we have done politics, the politics are being put forward all the time, but it’s the little pockets of our communities, but the story has never been told because its not political. I want to tell South African stories so that people get to know each other and what we have in our country.

In addition to the above-mentioned series, Izabella also pointed out that she has also commissioned a project called Our nation in colour, which is a documentary series portraying the South African way of life, for example homelessness, disease, entertainment and sport. ICASA managers and councillors had a lot of faith in the local content regulations and firmly believe that they assist in the creation or of a national identity. They argued that the public broadcaster should play a role in preserving the ‘unique image’ of South Africa. According to them, this had become more relevant in this era of globalisation as people have more access to cultures from different parts of the world. It is, therefore, imperative that the public service broadcaster performs these functions. For the Authority the cultural objective of the regulations is more important than building local industries. Jabu and Thabiso (ICASA managers) emphasised that the regulations are important because they have resulted in changes that ‘reflect South Africa’s realities’. Jabu buttressed this point when he said:

The local content regulations have boosted the capacity of our people, especially black South Africans, to make programmes that reflect our real lives. For example, in the past we were used to dramas written by other people about us carrying negative stories about witchcraft, poverty and violence. Now, our writers can portray what is on the ground and the real South African culture.

Kizza, a member of the ICASA council, further believes that local programming is ‘a key driving factor in developing a national identity’. She said it important to prescribe quotas for the SABC because, ‘they are the custodians of our culture as they shape what we are and who we are’. Helen, another ICASA manager, further argued that forcing the SABC to make local programmes will make the nation ‘reclaim its past’. She gave an example of the SABC doing documentaries of unsung heroes of the past and bringing them into the limelight. In this way people can identify with them and feelings of ‘national identity’ may be aroused. She cited an example of what happened in South Africa in the recent past when documentaries and stories were told about Sarah Bartman, a South African woman who was enslaved in France in the 16th century. When her body was brought back for burial there was so much media hype that appeared to unite South Africans in honouring her. She also pointed out that the Corporation has also done documentaries on national icons like Nelson Mandela, Govan Mbeki, Chris Hani and Walter Sisulu, all regarded as icons, with whom the South African public identify. Representatives of SABC management had a sceptical view about the necessity of the local content regulations and their capacity to drive a project as big as the creation of a national identity. It was the contention of SABC managers that while it is possible that seeing local products on the screen might assist in nation building, it is not necessarily the case. Pat, a television station manager, observed that while many local programmes reflect local concerns it might have nothing to do with national identity. He noted, rather ironically, that the local content regulations are not concerned with the issue of content. The regulations put particular emphasis on who makes a programme and where it is made. They stipulate that a product has to be made in South Africa, but does not have to be about South Africa. He gave an example of South Africans locally producing a documentary about Russia. In this case the South African national identity is not advanced. Pat underlined his scepticism about the impact of the regulations when he said:

I don’t think it will be fit for national identity to be driven by local content policing alone. I think it is too dangerous to expect too much from the regulations, because they are very narrow in that they target broadcasters and set quotas.

Therefore, in Pat’s view, setting up quotas will not drive national identity, but the government should pour in more funds to boost the local industries. With the passage of time, national symbols, myths, cultures and history will be automatically reflected in the television programmes. In that instance feelings of nationhood will then develop naturally amongst the people. People should also not rely on television alone in this grand project. Other institutions like religious institutions, sporting institutions, schools and families should all play a part in the promotion of a national identity. Various responses that came up under the above theme need explaining. Firstly it is puzzling that SABC commissioning editors are in agreement with ICASA councilors on the utility of the local content policy in creating a national identity while they differ with their immediate superiors, the SABC managers. This may be due to the fact that the managers are worried about the financial implications of creating local programmes. On the other hand ICASA councilors feel the SABC had to satisfy local content quotas and should use other channels to raise funds while the editors might be a bit divorced from the financial aspects of their operations. The other major point of note is that both ICASA and SABC members may be erroneously equating national identity to local identities, which is definitely not the case. National identity may be a local identity but the question that comes to mind is that does local programming only promote local identities of which the national may or may not be one of them. Actually, from what was recorded from the respondents SABC is actually creating or encouraging the creation of other local previously hidden identities. This is evident when respondents make references to SABC local contents promoting ‘pockets of our communities’ as in Strands, which portrays local ways of living that are not necessarily uniform at a national level. There is bound to be resistance from local quarters when they feel that their interests are not being advanced. For example, the local documentary Our Nation In Colour, cited by one of the editors as a possible mover of national identity may actually be doing the opposite by reflecting on local problems of poverty, homelessness, disease that are not the same for all South Africans. Therefore, it must be borne in mind that all local identities does not necessarily have anything to do with national identity all the time. The research proceeds to look at other areas of programming and broadcasting usually associated with national identity creation that consistently featured in the discussion with the media players.

5.4. REPRESENTATION OF OTHER POSSIBLE NATIONAL IDENTITY DRIVERS

5.4.1. Language

The major argument that comes to light on language is that some respondents believed that the use of a single language increased chances of creating a uniform national identity for South Africans, while other respondents think packaging the same programmes, especially news and current affairs in local languages will do otherwise. This division mirrors that of scholarly opinion on the matter that pits various authorities like Even-Zohar (1986), Alexander (1989), and Palmberg (1999) against Mwaura (1980), and others. When asked on what kind of impact this situation has on national identity creation respondents had contrasting views. Tim, a commissioning editor from SABC 3, believes that with local languages mainly used in news bulletins this may increase identity awareness, as all groups of people feel included in the broader South African framework. He said:

We broadcast news about South Africa in all official languages, but it is basically the same. It actually delights people from various ethnic groups to find out that news about the wider nation and the world has been repackaged into their local languages. In that case they can readily identify themselves as proudly South African because of the inclusive nature of our identity creation.

While multi-linguilism has been celebrated as an indication of the unity in diversity of the South African society, other commissioning editors argue that this has a negative impact in trying to create a single national identity. They argue that if a single language was used, the creation of a uniform identity would be easier. Advocates of this view charge that as opposed to the BBC’s position, South Africa’s diversity can be a drawback in trying to create a single national identity. In contrast to Tim’s views, Noma believed that the use of various languages by the SABC is a hindrance to the creation of a unified South African national identity:

You can’t compare the SABC to the BBC, in terms of national identity creation and language use. For the BBC the language is the same and the people have the same culture, so its easier to make programmes for everybody. Actually, e-tv (a private broadcaster in South Africa) is better placed than us to create a national identity because they use English throughout.

Noma thus believed the use of English as the only broadcasting language will enhance the capacity of the SABC to create a South African national identity. Mary echoed the same sentiments arguing that because of its diversity, only a single language, like English, can unite the country. She said:

Our South African identity is one which has changed through imperialism and it is one that has changed through apartheid and it is one which will continue changing. In order to progress therefore a national language, such as English, can become a part of this ever changing South African identity. A national language will not change the identities of South Africans but it will enhance it. People will still speak their different languages, however, when we are together we will have a common form of communication. The issue of language came up strongly as something that plays an important part in the creation of national identity. However, the role played by language in the creation of a South African national identity remains a burning issue. Despite claims of equality in allocating enough time to all official languages English remains the dominant language on all three channels. Tomaselli (2001:118) attempts to explain this predominance by arguing that English is the core language understood as a second language of choice by most South Africans. It is also more practical to use because of the wide and cheap availability of English language programming on the international market. The dominance of English on SABC television waters down the argument of the respondents who calls for its exclusive use to build a national identity, because this is what is almost happening. If national identity feelings are being aroused it has to show now.

5.4.2 Sport

With the idea of sport galvanising feelings of national identity has been well documented by various scholars like Stobart (1997) and Elchberg (2004) there is no debate on this assertion in South Africa. SABC staff cited events such as the 1995 Rugby World Cup, the 1996 African Cup of Nations Soccer Finals, the 2000 All- Africa Games and the 2003 Cricket World Cup (all hosted in South Africa) as events that strongly united South Africans. Therefore, through airing national sporting events, SABC can advance notions of national identity because people are more likely to rally behind their nation against the ‘other’ foreign nation.

5.4.3. Religion

Many nations, especially those who follow the Islamic religion base their national identity on religion. This is usually reflected in the names like the Islamic Republic of Iran. In Saudi Arabia the monarchy has used religion to help unify the nation (Bashiri, 2003:2). In light of these observations and some references to religion by the respondents, the researcher asked what role religion was playing in the creation of a South African national identity and the position of SABC TV in this project. Josephine, the policy manager, hinted that on television, religious programmes are allocated about 2 per cent of the broadcasting schedule time across all three channels (this excludes programmes of other genres, such as music, dramas and documentaries, which may have religious elements). She further highlighted that even though Christianity has the biggest time allocation of close to 70 per cent, it is not regarded as the national religion and no attempt is made to link it to the building of a national identity. Hence, in South Africa’s public service broadcasting, religion does not appear to be playing any role in the creation of a national identity.

5.4.4. Use of national symbols

Bashiri (2003:4) states that symbols play an important part in articulating a nation’s identity. SABC TV staff acknowledged the utility of symbols when asked about their role in national identity creation. They agreed that they used symbols that make people identify with the nation of South Africa. Ignatiana says:

We always make sure that the South African identity is reflected in all our programmes. We have the anthem, the flag and other symbols that are reflected in our programmes. Recently we have also incorporated the Proudly South African campaign logo to accompany all our programmes.

Hence, SABC TV could be promoting national identity through their highlighting of national symbols. In addition to the use of non-human symbols, individuals can also be used to arouse national identity feelings. In this regard SABC TV can be in a position to advance South Africa’s national identity through the use of national icons. This has already been discussed with references to icons such as Nelson Mandela and Desmond Tutu. In addition SABC television also uses other icons as role models for South Africans. For example, Stella who is a commissioning editor for children’s programming cited the use of young national icons to inspire others. She said:

We identify successful youths and make them role models for others. For example, last year (2003) we used Mzambiya (a 17 year old popular Kwaito music artist) to judge our junior Idols competition. He also gave advice to budding young artists and they all wanted to be like him. In that regard he set the standard young South Africans can wish to achieve.

Through the use of national icons SABC television may be assisting in forging a national identity. This come out more clearly because the icons are more of national figures as opposed to other very local programmes the SABC claims to be advancing national identity while, in fact, they are promoting other identities like ethnicity.

5.4.5 Globalisation

Because of its growing influence the discourse of globalisation prominently featured in the discussion of the role of the media in identity creation. The literature review has recorded that globalisation has also resulted in a change of media ownership patterns. This has resulted in more competition for public broadcasters with the introduction of private stations that are geared specifically towards the market. However, according to the SABC staff this does not have an impact on the local content policy and national identity creation. They, however, acknowledge that access to newer forms of media like the Internet give people more opportunities to determine their identity. Another impact of globalisation is immigration. Since the dawn of popular democracy South Africa in 1994 has received large numbers of immigrants from other African countries and even other continents. This has made the country a melting pot for various cultures and forms of organisation. As noted by Rex (1996:4) in such cases local people tend to look forward to their media to advance their identity. Both ICASA members and SABC staff interviewed seem to agree with the above assessment. Kizza, an ICASA councillor, highlighted this fact by stating:

The local content regulations are more important now with the large numbers of people coming to permanently stay in our country. We have to make sure that our identity is not washed away in this melting pot of various languages and cultures.

The above sentiments were echoed by other commissioning editors interviewed.

In light of the above findings globalisation has led to the reaffirmation of the national identity by South Africa’s public broadcaster. Most of the respondents felt the need to re-emphasize South Africa’s national identity in response to globalisation. Since the collapse of apartheid South Africa has attracted significant immigration with figures ranging from two to eight million (Migration News, 1998;4) Croucher, 1998:645) further argues that immigration have posed a challenge to nation-building and to the nature of the nation state. Therefore, media players might have taken the position of a ‘nation under siege’ and sought to defend it against infiltration by foreigners. If we take this line of reasoning national identity is being mobilised as a force of exclusion in contemporary South Africa. This happens when the nation has starts defining itself by those who it may seek to exclude not by who they are. The problem of national identity and immigration in South Africa is ironic because the struggle against apartheid was carried out on wider basis than the national, both across Africa and other continents. On the other hand, it can be argued that globalisation also have a capacity to diminish the importance of national identity, even though SABC editors are largely dismissive of this opinion in South Africa. Literature with a postmodernist flavour provides a compelling argument that globalisation can undermine nationalism through processes that produce more ‘fluid, fragmented or hybrid identities’. In this case national identity is but one among competing identities. Therefore, globalisation can provide ample space for individuals to choose from a rich menu of other identities. The presentation moves to the findings on whether SABC employees views the changes in broadcasting patterns due to globalisation and the dawn of a popular democracy in South Africa in 1994. These will be related to their perception of the role of the Corporation in national identity creation.

5.5. TRANSFORMATION OF THE SABC

The apartheid regime used the SABC to further its goals, thus, there was a lot of expectations for reform of the Corporation at the dawn of popular democracy in 1994. As highlighted above many people and organisations like the Film and Allied Workers Organisation (FAWO) expected the SABC to be at the forefront of nation building and creating a new national identity. Responses from the interviewees highlighted the significance of the changes undergone by the SABC as an important aspect that determined how the broadcaster is operating at the moment. According to one of the Corporation’s managers the role of the media formed a key part of the multi–party discussions that took place before the first democratic elections. Many of the principles that would underpin the new SABC were decided by political agreements made at the Convention for Democracy in South Africa (CODESA). The major protagonists sought to ensure that the new government was not going to use the public broadcaster to advance its agenda. Various laws, like the 1993 IBA Act, were put in place to guide the operations of the media. This culminated in the appointment of a representative board that embarked on leading the transformation of the SABC. ICASA members, both management and council representatives, strongly felt that SABC should reflect the realities of the post-apartheid South Africa. They argued that it is the role of the public broadcaster to redress the imbalances of the past. SABC television underwent changes that were meant to reflect the new environment. As noted in the literature discussion, the channels were reconfigured so as to be representative of the changes that had happened. Josephine3 described these changes as follows,

Previously the SABC TV had a single channel for English-speaking people and another for all black South Africans, but this has since changed. The SABC now has three free-to-air channels and one paying channel. All official languages have been allocated some broadcasting time, even though the English language still dominates the channels.

There has been a massive shift in the content of programmes in news and current affairs programmes. SABC television has, thus, repositioned itself to reflect the diversity among South Africans. She said that promoting and acknowledging diversity

augurs well for the South African democracy since people will feel that they are respected as equal citizens of the country. A closer look at the above-given responses shows that the changes undergone by the SABC television actually positions it to promote the multiple identities in South Africa. The reconfiguration of the channels to make them focus on particular language and ethnic groups promotes diversity instead of harmonising South Africans under a single national identity. This state of affairs comes in as a contrast to other African countries with single state-controlled television channels that can be easily used to advance issues of national identity. For example, neighbouring Zimbabwe has total government control of the state broadcaster with a single television channel that it uses to promote its brand of ‘hard nationalism’, where the position of Zimbabwe is placed in juxtaposition to its supposed ‘enemies’ like Britain, the United States of America and Australia (Personal Observation).

5.6. IS SABC A PUBLIC BROADCASTER IN REALITY?

The research established that while the SABC is officially registered as a public service broadcaster, its operations are not limited to the traditional roles of the public broadcasters from the old school, such as the British Broadcasting Corporation (BBC). The research had sought to establish whether SABC was conforming to the requirements of public service broadcasting that has the promotion of national identity as one of its major tenets. The study established that the Corporation gets most of its funding from commercial sources, while the other chunk comes from licence payments from the public. SABC therefore has to raise money to be able to compete in an increasingly globalised environment. This might affect its obligations to the public as it seeks to respond to market demands and competition. Josephine noted that while in the past public service broadcasters were the only broadcasters, (for example in Britain) and had a monopoly over audiences, today’s broadcasters operate in a fiercely competitive and liberalised environment. South Africa has another free-to-air station namely e-tv, and pay channels in the form of M-Net and DSTV. Therefore, the role of SABC is not only limited to provide traditional public services, but it also seeks to provide ‘distinctive compelling programming that you will find in any commercial organisations’, according to the policy manager. Most of SABC television employees interviewed felt that every nation should have a public service broadcaster. They also felt that SABC is, indeed, a public broadcaster. Izabella, a commissioning editor on SABC TV 2 had this to say in relation to the issue:

It (SABC) is the only broadcaster that broadcasts in all eleven official languages. If it’s a commercial company it will never go to those lengths. For example, when we broadcast Tshivenda or Xitsonga news we lose advertising revenue because of low viewership, but I think we still have to meet people’s demands.

Some members of the SABC staff, especially representatives of the management, however, realised that SABC is not a public broadcaster in the way envisaged by Sir John Reith, the founder of the BBC, the model public service broadcaster. They cited competition brought by new media players as a reason why the broadcaster is drifting away from the ‘traditional’ public service broadcasting role. Josephine, affirmed this development by saying:

I think the old school way of looking at public service broadcasting was centred around providing universal suffrage, and I suppose to promote the notion of national identity. But, in that time the public broadcasters were the only broadcasters, so they had a monopoly over viewers.

Josephine proceeded to argue that public service broadcasting had to change to accommodate the new developments. She pointed out that it is mythical to talk about providing access to the majority of the public and at the same time provides quality programmes. To her it is outdated to solely focus on nation-building. The above findings demonstrate that the traditional role of public service broadcasters has shifted, and SABC is no exception. As a result of the imperatives brought mainly by globalisation, SABC is not only confined to satisfying public broadcasting service obligations. Because it no longer has a monopoly for providing service as in the past SABC has to gear itself for competition from other channels, especially the free-to-air e-tv. Therefore, SABC TV has re-positioned itself to compete on the market for advertisers to boost their revenue. It, thus, has to satisfy customer demands that may be outside its traditional obligations. This may lead to the negation of some of its ‘traditional’ roles of which the advancement of the nation features prominently. Thus, it can be deduced that national identity creation is no longer as paramount to the operations of public broadcasters as it was in the past. Hence, it can be concluded that the SABC is now generally functioning as a hybrid model of broadcasting combining tenets of both public service broadcasting and commercial broadcasting.

5.7 POSSIBILITIES OF GOVERNMENT INTERFERENCE

Finally, the research findings indicate that the current South African government does not appear to be influencing SABC policy even though there are loopholes that can be exploited if it wishes to do so. Both SABC and ICASA vehemently denied the possibility of any government influence in their operations, implying that SABC policy is not determined by the state. All the SABC commissioning editors were unanimous in stating that their mandate is not to advance any specific government project. Zeb, a SABC TV manager, was unequivocally clear on this issue when he said:

It is not our duty to advance any particular government project. Because we are a public broadcaster our loyalty is due the public. We do not push forward any sectional agendas.

Josephine also reinforced this view by pointing to their allegiance to legislation designed by parliament that is representative of the public. She made this point implicit by saying:

I don’t think it is one of the goals of the public broadcaster to advance government programmes. I think this is captured in our charter which is embedded in legislature and that reflects the diversity of South Africa. That doesn’t tie us to advance a specific government policy.

Therefore, government influence in the public broadcasting service has been ruled out by the media players. However, facts on the ground point to possible loopholes that the government can exploit to influence SABC policy. The change of legislation that facilitated the movement from the Independent Broadcasting Authority (IBA) to the Independent Communication Authority of South Africa (ICASA) in 1998 gives the government more room to control media policy. The Council that formulates media policy is nominated by Parliament but subject to ratification by the State President. This also applies to the appointment of the SABC Board that is responsible for the functioning of the Corporation. So, we cannot totally rule out government influence over the public service broadcaster. At the moment it appears to be in an indirect manner though. The absence of direct government control and influence witnessed in other countries also impact on the drive to create a distinctive identity for the whole of South Africa. Where the public service broadcasters are used to create national identity feelings the government usually plays a central and more direct role in the day-to-day running of the broadcaster. National identity creation is thus viewed as an important state project. In this case policy favoured by the State is dictated to the broadcaster on a more frequent basis. Coming back to the above-mentioned example of Zimbabwe, the Minister of Information directly appoints the Chief Executive Officer of the broadcaster and the Zimbabwe Broadcasting Holdings Board. State nationalism is directly promoted from above, and regularly meets with ZBH editors. The fact that this is not the case in South Africa limits the potential creation of national identity feelings as the finer details of policy implementation appear to be in the hands of SABC managers and editors. In terms of the normative media framework SABC television appears to fall in line with the postulations of the social responsibility theory that expects the media to play a positive role in society and allows for some form of government regulation. It also has some tenets of the development theory that calls on the media to promote national concerns. However, regulating broadcasting through legislation is an indication of the potential influence that the government can have on the media.

5.9 CONCLUSION

The findings of the study, first establishes that the role of public service broadcasters is changing to adjust to globalisation and the challenges it brings, and SABC TV is no exception to this change. Secondly, the findings indicate that, in the minds of representatives of ICASA and most SABC staff there is a strong relationship between local content programming and the development of national identity in South Africa. According to them this relationship is interwoven with issues to do with the definitions of a South African national identity, national symbols, sport, religion, language and national development. However, there are some minor aspects that are still subject to debate in improving the overall efficiency of the public broadcasters, especially with regards to its role of national identity creation in post-apartheid South Africa. In terms of answering the major research question posed earlier about the overall role played by the SABC TV in national identity creation, the answer is not clear-cut. The findings indicate that there was will on the part of commissioning editors of the television service and ICASA members to make SABC a vehicle for the construction of a national identity. On the other hand SABC management appeared to be favouring a movement from the old school notion of public service broadcasting where national identity creation was one of the imperatives. They preferred the Corporation to be market-oriented and their primary aim is to be competitive on the market, not nation building through the creation of a uniform national identity creation. Another major observation of the study is that, while SABC television commissioning editors were quite enthusiastic about playing a part in the creation of a South African national identity, there is confusion as to what this identity is like. The absence of consensus on this aspect might hinder the attempts to create a national identity since there will be no uniformity of purpose from the producers of programmes themselves. It will, therefore, be far-fetched to expect the intended recipients of the products, the general South African population with its diversity, to cultivate a uniform national identity under such circumstance. The next chapter draws major conclusions from these findings and makes recommendations for further research. As a point of departure it questions the continued relevance of national identity in contemporary society amidst the existence of a myriad of other identities.

CHAPTER SIX

CONCLUSION: BEYOND NATIONAL IDENTITY

6.1 INTRODUCTION

The previous chapter gave a presentation of the findings obtained in the research in an endeavour to answer the research question set at the commencement of the study. The question asked the impressions of SABC television and ICASA personnel on the supposed role of SABC television in the creation, articulation and preservation of a national identity in a democratic South Africa. Evidence from the findings indicate that ,according to the respondents, the Corporation was playing a limited role in this endeavour due to various circumstances regardless of the enthusiasm shown by some of the respondents in the project. This chapter gives an analysis of this state of affairs on the implied role of the public service broadcaster and its bearing on the creation of a national identity in South Africa and beyond. The conclusion first gives a recap of the research objectives and the research question. A short description of the research design and a summary of the major findings of the research follow. The chapter gives conclusions on national identity arrived in the research, and conclusions on the changing role of the public service broadcaster are also highlighted. Conclusions on the role of SABC television in national identity creation are made. The section proceeds to draw attention to how this study closes gaps identified in the literature review, and show the way for potential areas for further research. Finally, the study concludes by assessing the continued relevance of national identity in the contemporary world.

6.2 A RECAP OF THE RESEARCH OBJECTIVES

This research was designed to ascertain the attitudes and beliefs of public service media players on the role of the SABC television service in creating a South African national identity. The research problem was investigated against a background of the impact of globalisation on the media environment in South Africa. Having realised the dangers posed by an influx of foreign media images the Independent Communications Authority of South Africa (ICASA) formulated local content regulations to guide local content policies of various broadcasters. With the promotion of a distinct South African national identity being one of the purported main objectives of the regulations, this research sought to establish the nature of the relationship between the two. Therefore, the main objective of this research was to establish the perceived role of SABC television in the development of a national identity in a new South Africa. SABC was chosen because of its central role in articulating images in South African society and the heavy local content quotas it carries as a public service broadcaster. Closely related to the above point is that it has been well documented that one of the fundamental roles of a public service broadcaster is to build a national identity.

6.3 RESEARCH DESIGN

Qualitative research methods were used to elicit information from representatives of the broadcasting division of the Independent Communication Authority of South Africa (ICASA), the body that formulates media policy in South Africa. In-depth interviews were also carried out with SABC TV managers and commissioning editors to investigate the motivations behind their programmes, their conception of national identity, and assess how far they assist the goal of creating a South African national identity. Qualitative methods were further employed in all aspects of the data collection process namely sampling, choice of research methods and data analysis.

6.4 A SUMMARY OF MAJOR FINDINGS

The findings presented here summarise the views and opinions of SABC television and ICASA staff. In the first place the findings ascertain that the role of public service broadcasters is altering to accommodate the forces of globalisation. Secondly, the findings indicate that there is a strong relationship between local content programming and the development of national identity in South Africa in the eyes of the media players in the public broadcasting sector. This relationship is interwoven with issues usually associated with the notion of the nation, i.e. national symbols, sport, religion, language and national development processes. The research further establishes that it is difficult to come up with a distinct South African national identity given the fragmented nature of the country’s ethnic, language and religious groups. The issue of language also features prominently as respondents differed on the role it plays in identity creation.

6.5 CONCLUSIONS ON NATIONAL IDENTITY

The study came up with a number of conclusions on national identity discussed below..

6.5.1 On its fluidity

As noted by Alberto Mancini (1985, cited in Zegeye and Harris, 2002:45) the research documented that as a form of a collective identity national identity is not fixed, but is always in a flux. The definition of identities is always in a process of transition because they are constructed and negotiated through the repeated interaction of the individuals who share and construct them. Since the end of apartheid South Africans appear to be adopting an overarching national identity. However, it has been difficult to exactly grasp what a typical South African national identity is or should be. In this research this is shown by the failure of the respondents to comprehend, in similar fashion, what a national identity is and what is involved in its creation. Failure to grasp what a national identity is may hinder attempts by SABC television in promoting it. The fluidity of national identity recorded in this research is not unique to the South African national identity. While they differ in terms of pinning down the origins and history of national identity various scholars agree that identity can be very slippery. Scholars arguing in this vein include Anderson, Hobsbawn, and many others.

6.5.2 On its potential to exclude

The research findings indicate the potential capacity of national identity to be used as an exclusionary tool in South Africa. Most respondents felt it was necessary to develop a national identity so as to guard against a ‘flood of migrants’ that come to South Africa to explore various opportunities the country offers on many fronts. Since the collapse of the apartheid system South Africa has attracted significant immigration with figures amounting to millions. Respondents in this research demonstrated elements of resentment and hostility to immigrants as they invoked a sense of ‘a nation under siege’. As the respondents confess in the study, under such circumstances a nation may seek to redefine itself by those who it seek to exclude. Scholarly research confirms that identity can be used for exclusionary purposes. Rhee (1992, cited in Spencer and Wollman, 2002) suggests that the very notion of an identity presumes an other from whom we are different. If identity is about sameness, about identifying with those considered similar, it is also about difference, distinguishing oneself from those who are dissimilar. Spencer and Wollman (2002:57) adds that the positing of a national identity involves drawing and invoking particular kinds of distinctions, contrasts between the putative ‘us’ and ‘them’ which may be problematic. Such distinctions can easily be hardened into value-laden absolutes of various kinds and lead to the construction of boundaries and barriers, both material and symbolic, whose intent or effect is to exclude a negatively defined ‘other’. The Proudly South African campaign whose logo accompanies almost all SABC television’s local programmes may fall into this category of excluding those that are not South African.

6.5.3 On its relationship with other identities

The research records respondents discussing national identity, but then made references to other identities that may not necessarily be national, even though they would be local identities. Thus, respondents tend to mistake national identity for other local identities. As a result they make some arguments or arrive at some conclusions based on this erroneous assumption. For example, most SABC commissioning editors argue that local content programming is promoting the development of a national identity because it portrays local cultures. As intimated earlier, this can lead to the construction of other identities that are not necessarily national. The editors actually confirmed the importance of and the highlighting on national television of the existence of numerous other identities by making references to ‘little pockets of resistance’ (to national identity), ‘shared identities’ and to ‘people creating their own reality’, on their programmes. It is thus, concluded that national identity appears not to be the paramount identity in South Africa. Closely related to the above discussion is the development of new identities that transcend the nation associated with the growing influence of globalisation. Respondents recognised this occurrence and point to the power of the media in relaying messages on these identities across the world. In light of this analysis, this research confirms what has been recorded in literature that national identity is no longer the paramount identity that people seek to associate themselves with. The report moves on to the major conclusions made on the role of public service broadcasters.

6.6 CONCLUSIONS ON THE CHANGING ROLE OF PUBLIC SERVICE BROADCASTERS

The other major conclusion of this study is that the role and operations of public broadcasters are changing in order to counter and negotiate the growing influence of globalisation. Public service broadcasters are now functioning in a market predominantly governed by free market principles, where goods and services are offered in a global media environment, characterised by rapid technological change. However, this research (through literature reviewed and interviews done) has established that the need to accommodate these changes has resulted in a dilemma for the SABC television service. This may also be affecting other public service broadcasters in similar positions. The public service broadcasters need to retain and reach significant audiences without being seen to abandon the core public service principles. They have to navigate carefully between popular programming and their public service obligations. SABC has tried to negotiate this trend by carrying out some changes to their stations. This has led to the classification of SABC 1 and 2 as public broadcasting services and SABC 3 as a public commercial broadcasting service. The categorisation of the last channel represents the attempt to balance between social functions and commercial demands. In addition SABC television has also introduced pay channels namely SABC Africa and Africa –2-Africa to widen their audience base. For the immediate future the survival of public service broadcasting in South Africa appears assured based on the prominence given by ICASA to institutions that ‘fulfil a political, social and cultural purpose and the preservation of the public sphere’. Public service broadcasting will also survive, in the near future, because it still has national appeal through its almost universal coverage. The funding of the SABC, however, remains problematic, as the government is not committed to 100 per cent funding. In addition total government funding might pose considerable problems to the Corporation. Hence, SABC has to look for other sources of income without compromising its ‘traditional’ role. The commercialisation of SABC 3 may be a positive step down that route. Its (SABC) survival depends on the ability to stand out from commercial rivals and cultivate a responsiveness to public concerns. In the final analysis, SABC television has to do more to provide a balance between its commercial and cultural priorities.

6.7 CONCLUSIONS ON SABC’S ROLE IN NATIONAL IDENTITY CREATION

Having articulated the conceptualisations of national identity as given in this research and the changed role of public service broadcasting in the above sections this part gives conclusive responses to the question posed throughout the research. The gist of the research was to investigate the views of SABC and ICASA personnel in terms of what role, if any, SABC television was playing, or is supposed to play, in the creation of a South African national identity. As shown above national identity is an ambiguous concept, while the ‘traditional’ role of public service broadcasters is changing. As a result the question this research asks is no longer as clear-cut as it appears. There are various factors that affect this relationship like differing definitions and conceptualisations of national identity, the impact of globalisation and the associated market demands on the media, in general, and public service broadcasters, in particular. Regardless of the noted changes and contradictions, this research established that SABC television, especially local programmes, with their capture of local cultures, languages, concerns and lifestyles, are better positioned to create feelings of national identity among South Africans, according to the respondents. This view is, largely, shared by ICASA members and SABC television programmers. A majority of SABC managers are of the same view but they believe there is no need to regulate the production of local programmes. Managers with this persuasion argue that more funding and training of local producers and actors will automatically lead to the production of more local programmes. These programmes will automatically reflect the local ways of life and enmeshed within this are issues of national identity. Therefore, despite failure to pin down what national identity is, the minor disagreements on the issue of regulation, funding and the noted impact of globalisation this research can safely conclude that there is some evidence that SABC television intends to play a part in national identity creation in South Africa.

6.8 CLOSING GAPS AND PAVING NEW WAYS

A gap in media research in South Africa was identified and established as the lack of research in the role of the electronic media in national identity formation and development in post-apartheid South Africa. With Epstein (1997) having researched on the role of the print media, establishing that it plays a major role in the creation of a South African national identity, there was need to investigate the role of the electronic media in the project. This research has added a piece to the puzzle by researching the views and opinions of media players on the role of SABC television in national identity creation and promotion. Though this research is limited to public service broadcasting, television in particular, it adds another significant dimension to media research and national identity. Therefore, it has gone a long way in closing the niche identified earlier on in the literature review. Even though the study adds a new dimension to research it also has some limits in some areas that need to be addressed if further research of a similar nature is to be more significant. For example, the focus on television alone makes it limited. It is important to recall that the Nationalist government in the apartheid time, mindful of the television’s reputation in undermining ‘traditional values’ only allowed SABC to introduce [A] television service as late as 1976. In addition the television footprint does not reach all areas. As a result television-viewing habits in South Africa might not be as entrenched as in other countries. Therefore, in order to complement the current research there is need to research the role of radio services in national identity creation because they are more accessible to a majority of South Africans. After Tau’s (2001) research that documented the role played by the Lesotho television service in national identity creation in that country, despite the fact that is has been privatised there could be a need to explore the role of other private television stations, particularly the free-to-air channel e-tv, in national identity creation in South Africa. Because the majority of respondents have lamented the use of different languages by SABC TV as a drawback in creating a single South African national identity it would be interesting to investigate whether e-tv is better placed to articulate a South African national identity because of its universal use of the English language in its programming. While most television or media research focused on the perceptions of audiences this research could be further enhanced if audiences’ responses were also gauged. While television programmers might have national identity in mind when they create programmes it would be interesting to note whether the intended recipients view the programmes in the same light. For example, selected respondents could be asked what kind of programmes elicits feelings of allegiance to the nation. These responses could then be supplemented by a content analysis of the said programmes. This might assist in establishing the popular indicators of national identity in television programmes. In this instance it will then be easier to establish whether television programmes are bound to elicit more feelings of national identity from audiences. Therefore, even though this research closes an important gap in media research it opens up some interesting possibilities for further research.

6.9 CONCLUDING REMARKS: BEYOND NATIONAL IDENTITY!

The reported research encounters the complexity and contradiction surrounding the concept of the nation. It appears that the ideas of nationalism and national identity have been in ascendance, not only in South Africa, but around the world. This ideology is, however, surrounded with contradictions, controversy and even exclusionary tendencies. Therefore, this research concludes with an analysis on the prospects of the withering away of the national identity and the potential for building other progressive identities in South Africa. The research indicates that, while the majority of SABC television employees researched in this study believe it is their role to create a new national identity the concept is problematic as there is no clear indication of what it is or what it ought to be. It is puzzling how the SABC editors seek to promote something that they do not have a full grasp or understanding of. Researchers are also left in a dilemma as they seek to unpack what national identity is and to investigate whether it is still relevant in the contemporary world. Because of various problems in contextualising national identity this research aligns with the growing calls for a re-look on the relevance of national identity in the contemporary world. The thrust of the argument, persuasively put across by Spencer and Wollman (2002), has been to move away from the nation, beyond the categories and promotion of nationalism. There is compelling evidence that many of the assumptions people have on national identity are fundamentally flawed. Even though it has been demonstrated that humans want to associate with in-groups, it does not necessarily mean that the groups have to be national. Group belonging and national identity are not synonymous. Defining a national identity is problematic in that it can be exclusionary. The question is who is to be included and who will be excluded by particular definitions of a given national identity. This may further relate to issues of citizenship and human rights that can be denied groups that would have been excluded in the definition. The other problem with national identity is who is going to be the source of the national identity. Is this identity imposed from without or chosen from within and to what extent the sense of being included, a sharing of a given national identity, is self determined or imposed by others. Therefore, it can be concluded that national identity is, but one among many competing identities, and the one whose scope comes in contrast to other non-national identities. The sanctity and primacy of national identity is questionable. There is need to move away/beyond nationalism and promote other identities that are inclusive and progressive. For this to happen people should not be forced to believe in a national identity, but be given adequate space to choose other identities that are less problematic. Applying the above-discussed observations to South Africa, we can observe that people can have other identities with which they identify more prominently than the national identity. For example, Africans as a racial category comprise ethnic groups such as Sothos, Vendas and Zulus and others. As hinted by Carrim (1999:259) ‘ethnicity is not inherently conflictual or irreconcilable with a national identity’. Thus, a nation has to be built on the basis of existing identities. A South African national identity has to be built on the positive and harmonious aspects of the ethnic identities prevalent in the country. In this case people can reconcile and combine their multiple identities without the national identity necessarily dominating. For example, one can be Xhosa, African, black and South African at the same time. In the final analysis, the challenge facing the new democracy in South Africa is to provide the space for people to express their multiple identities in a way that fosters the evolution of a genuine national identity. While no study, however wide its research objective, can be exhaustive enough to explore all questions formulated around an issue as complex as a people’s national identity this study seeks to contribute towards shedding some light on what is implied by this concept in the public broadcasting media. This research was designed not only to link cutting edge international theory on national identity to the role of public service broadcasters, but also to reconstitute it in terms of the conditions found in South Africa.

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APPENDIX : Interview Guideline

For both ICASA and SABC members

1. What is the role of the public broadcaster in a nation like South Africa? 2. What is the significance of the local content regulations? 3. Is there a distinctive South African national identity? 4. What is the relationship between local content programming and the creation of a South African national identity? 5. What is your perception of national identity? 6. What are the indicators of a national identity? 7. Does national identity matter in the contemporary world? 8. What role does language play in the creation of a South African national identity? 9. How don you characterise a typical South African? 10. Do you consider SABC as a typical public service broadcaster?

For SABC members only

11. To what extent does SABC perform the national identity creation and maintenance role? 12. Do you advance any specific government’s nation-building projects? 13. Do you have any examples of programmes that carry national identity indicators? 14. What are the differences between the pre and post 1994 SABC TV service? 15. What are your roles as a commissioning editor or station manager? 16. What are the constrains you face in trying to meet the prescribed local content quotas?

.