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Die Entwicklung Der Christlich-Arabischen Studien in Deutschland*

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Die Entwicklung Der Christlich-Arabischen Studien in Deutschland* Journal of Eastern Christian Studies 58(3-4), 253-263. doi: 10.2143/JECS.58.3.2020831 D© IE2006 ENTWICKLUNG by Journal of DER Eastern CHRISTLICH Christian-ARABISCHEN Studies. All S rightsTUDIEN reserved. IN DEUTSCHLAND 253 DIE ENTWICKLUNG DER CHRISTLICH-ARABISCHEN STUDIEN IN DEUTSCHLAND* EIN KURZER ÜBERBLICK CARSTEN-MICHAEL WALBINER Die Beschäftigung mit den arabischen Christen, insonderheit mit ihren kul- turellen Errungenschaften, gehört heutzutage zur übergreifenden Wissen- schaftsdisziplin der Orientalistik oder Orientwissenschaft, trägt allerdings häufig – und das erklärt sich aus der Natur der Sache – auch einen stark theologischen Charakter. Überhaupt waren ja die orientalischen Studien über Jahrhunderte hinweg nicht viel mehr als eine Hilfswissenschaft für die christliche Theologie in ihrem Ringen um ein besseres Verständnis der bibli- schen Texte oder auch in ihrer apologetischen und polemischen Auseinan- dersetzung mit dem Islam. Angesichts dieser Interessenlage ist es verständ- lich, dass anfänglich in Europa christlich-arabische Schriften stärkeres Inter- esse fanden als muslimische. Und so griffen auch die deutschen Theologen- Orientalisten des 16., 17. und 18. Jahrhunderts für ihre Beschäftigung mit der arabischen Sprache und Geschichte häufig auf christlich-arabische Quel- len zurück.1 Die Situation änderte sich, als Johann Jakob Reiske (1716- * Überarbeitete, ergänzte und ins Deutsche übertragene Fassung eines auf dem 35th In- ternational Congress of Asian and North African Studies 1997 in Budapest in Englisch gehaltenen Vortrags (vgl. Alexander Fodor [Hrsg.], Proceedings of the Arabic and Islamic Sections of the 35th International Congress of Asian and North African Studies (ICANAS), Part Two, The Arabist. Budapest Studies in Arabic, 21-22 [Budapest, 1999], S. 239-247). 1 Siehe Johann Fück, Die arabischen Studien in Europa (Leipzig, 1955), vor allem S. 45- 47, 58, 91f. Da es weit über die Möglichkeiten und Absichten eines kurzen Überblicks hinausginge, eine umfassende Bibliographie der christlich-arabischen Studien in Deutsch- land zu geben, sei hier und in den folgenden Anmerkungen nur auf einige Beispiele ver- wiesen. Für das 18. Jahrhundert können die o. g. Angaben Fücks noch um die Arbeiten des Theologen Johann Friedrich Rehkopf (1733-1789) über die seinerzeit noch Severus Ibn al-Muqaffa¨ zugeschriebene Geschichte der Patriarchen von Alexandria ergänzt wer- den: Vitae patriarcharum Alexandrinorum quinque. Specimen primum. Arabice edidit latine vertit notasque adiecit (Leipzig, 1758); Specimen secundum (Leipzig, 1759); Animad- versiones historico-criticae ad vitas patriarcharum Alexandrinorum saeculi primi et secundi, (Leipzig, o. D.), siehe Georg Graf, Geschichte der christlichen arabischen Literatur, Bd. 2 9991-07_JECS06_07_Walbiner 253 06-06-2007, 9:29 254 CARSTEN-MICHAEL WALBINER 1774), der als der Begründer der arabischen Philologie als eigenständiger Wissenschaftsdisziplin in Deutschland gilt, Mitte des 18. Jahrhunderts „Ernst (machte), mit der Einsicht, dass das christlich-arabische Schrifttum in jeder Hinsicht hinter dem der Muslims zurücksteht“ und „deshalb […] den Zugang zu den Schätzen der arabisch-muslimischen Literatur“ suchte und darin „anderen den Weg“ wies, wie Johann Fück (1894-1974), der große Historiker der deutschen Arabistik, es formulierte.2 Als sich die Orientalistik bzw. in einem engeren Verständnis die Arabistik dann in der Mitte des 19. Jahrhunderts weitgehend von den Fesseln der Theologie befreit und als eigenständige Wissenschaftsdisziplin etabliert hat- te, war die Meinung Reiskes zur uneingeschränkt vorherrschenden gewor- den. Dies wird deutlich, wenn man die Bände der ersten drei oder vier Jahr- zehnte der Zeitschrift der Deutschen Morgenländischen Gesellschaft (ZDMG) durchsieht. Die ZDMG war für lange Zeit die einzige wissenschaftliche Zeitschrift der deutschen Orientalistik. Nach der Einschätzung Carl Brockelmanns (1868-1956), des wohl bekanntesten deutschen Orientali- sten, hat sie „etwa 40 Jahre lang […] ihre Aufgabe mit unbestrittenem Erfolg gelöst, ihre Führerstellung in der deutschen Orientwissenschaft be- haupten können und deren gesamte Entwicklung getreu widergespiegelt“.3 Dabei waren die Anfänge aus Sicht jener, die die arabische Kultur nicht einseitig als eine islamische begreifen, durchaus hoffnungsvoll. Band 1 der ZDMG, der 1847 in Leipzig erschien, räumte der Beschäftigung mit dem Christlichen Orient einen angemessenen Raum ein. Friedrich Tuch (1806- 1867) gab „Erläuterungen und Berichtigungen zu orientalischen Schriftstel- lern“, darunter auch den christlichen Historikern Barhebraeus (Abu l-Farag) und Eutychius (Sa¨id Ibn Ba†riq).4 Der bekannte Heinrich Leberecht Flei- scher (1801-1888) unterrichtete „Ueber einen griechisch-arabischen Codex (Vatikanstadt 1947), S. 304. Zu den zahlreichen Publikationen von Johann Heinrich Callenberg (1694-1760) siehe Hartmut Bobzin, „Die arabischen und arabistischen Publi- kationen von Johann Heinrich Callenberg“, in Walter Beltz (Hrsg.), Übersetzungen und Übersetzer im Verlag Jh. H. Callenbergs. Internationales Kolloquium in Halle (Saale) vom 22.-24. Mai 1995, Hallesche Beiträge zur Orientwissenschaft, 19 (Halle, 1995), S. 14-22. 2 Fück, Die arabischen Studien (s. Anm. 1), S. 123. 3 Carl Brockelmann, „Die morgenländischen Studien in Deutschland“, ZDMG, 76 (1922), S. 12. 4 ZDMG, 1 (1847), S. 57-65. 9991-07_JECS06_07_Walbiner 254 06-06-2007, 9:29 DIE ENTWICKLUNG DER CHRISTLICH-ARABISCHEN STUDIEN IN DEUTSCHLAND 255 rescriptus der Leipziger Universitäts-Bibliothek“.5 Fleischer wies in seiner Untersuchung der arabischen Passagen der Handschrift, die „Bruchstücke einer legendenartigen Lebensbeschreibung von vier Klosterheiligen der grie- chischen Kirche enthält“6, auf die grammatikalischen, orthographischen, syntaktischen und lexikalischen Eigenheiten „des“ – wie er es nennt – „christlichen Arabismus“ hin.7 Er lieferte so eine erste und durchaus treffen- de Analyse jener nachklassischen Form des Arabischen, die heute gemeinhin als Mittelarabisch bezeichnet wird. In Band 8 der ZDMG war es abermals Fleischer, der sich der christlich- arabischen Literatur zuwandte und eine kurze „Beschreibung der von Prof. Dr. Tischendorf im J. 1853 aus dem Morgenlande zurückgebrachten christ- lich-arabischen Handschriften“ präsentierte.8 Aber die so gegebenen Anregungen zu einer näheren Untersuchung der Sprache und Literatur der christlichen Araber fanden keinen Widerhall un- ter den anderen deutschen Orientalisten. Während syrologische Studien in den ersten Jahrzehnten in der ZDMG ihren festen Platz hatten und z. T. breiten Raum einnahmen, blieb die christlich-arabische Literatur im glei- chen Zeitraum von den oben genannten Veröffentlichungen abgesehen un- erwähnt. Ein Indiz für die fast völlige Vernachlässigung dieses Forschungsgegen- standes in der deutschen Orientalistik9 bietet auch der „Wissenschaftliche Jahresbericht über die Morgenländischen Studien im Jahre 1880“10, in wel- 5 ZDMG, 1 (1847), S. 148-160. 6 Ebd., S. 150. 7 Ebd., S. 155-160. 8 ZDMG, 8 (1854), S. 584-587. 9 Als rühmliche Ausnahmen sei allerdings auf zwei Arbeiten verwiesen. Der bekannte Judaist Moritz Steinschneider (1816-1907) veröffentlichte 1877 eine Studie über die Pole- mische und apologetische Literatur in arabischer Sprache zwischen Muslimen, Christen und Juden, nebst Anhängen verwandten Inhalts, Abhandlungen für die Kunde des Morgenlan- des, VI,3 (Leipzig), die von Georg Graf als bedeutsame Vorarbeit für seine eigene Ge- schichte der christlichen-arabischen Literatur gewürdigt wurde (Bd. 1., [Vatikanstadt, 1944], S. 9). Ferdinand Wüstenfeld (1808-1899), einer der herausragenden Arabisten sei- ner Zeit, edierte und übersetzte das koptische Synaxar nach einer arabischen Vorlage (Synaxarium das ist Heiligen-Kalender der Coptischen Christen [Gotha, 1879]). 10 Herausgegeben von Ernst Kuhn und August Müller, ZDMG – Supplement zum vier und dreissigsten Bande (Leipzig, 1883). 9991-07_JECS06_07_Walbiner 255 06-06-2007, 9:29 256 CARSTEN-MICHAEL WALBINER chem dem Syrischen ein eigener Abschnitt gewidmet ist, während „das Ge- biet der jüdischen und christlichen Geschichte und Litteratur auf islami- schem Gebiet“ nur kurz in acht Zeilen innerhalb des Berichtes über Arabien und den Islam berührt wird, wobei die angeführten Titel sich meist mit der jüdischen Literatur beschäftigen.11 Auch einige wenige, gegen Ende des 19. Jahrhunderts in der ZDMG er- schienene Aufsätze und Notizen ändern nichts an diesem Bild fast völliger Vernachlässigung der christlich-arabischen Studien seitens der deutschen Orientalistik12 und es muss konstatiert werden, dass es den christlich-arabi- schen Studien nicht gelungen war, sich innerhalb der allmählich konstituie- renden wissenschaftlichen Orientalistik einen Platz als Teildisziplin zu ver- schaffen. Für die meisten etablierten Orientalisten, also jene, die die Uni- versitätslaufbahn gewählt hatten, war die christlich-arabische Literatur von keinem oder doch nur sehr marginalem Interesse. Als Beispiel für diese Haltung mag der schon erwähnte Carl Brockelmann dienen. Zwischen 1898 und 1902 veröffentlichte Brockelmann die erste Ausgabe seiner le- gendären Geschichte der arabischen Litteratur,13 die in ihrer überarbeiteten Form bis heute als Standardwerk gilt. Da Brockelmann das Arabische als die „Litteratursprache“ und das „gemeinsame geistige Band“ der „den Islam bekennenden Völker“ ansah, schloss er für seine Untersuchung zwei Gebie- te aus, „die sich nicht an die Gesamtheit der arabisch Redenden wenden, sondern nur an einen ausdrücklich beschränkten
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