Examining the Lack of Gender Parity Within Canadian Parliament

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Examining the Lack of Gender Parity Within Canadian Parliament Climbing Parliament’s Hill: Examining the Lack of Gender Parity Within Canadian Parliament The Harvard community has made this article openly available. Please share how this access benefits you. Your story matters Citation Rakhra, Avninder. 2018. Climbing Parliament’s Hill: Examining the Lack of Gender Parity Within Canadian Parliament. Master's thesis, Harvard Extension School. Citable link http://nrs.harvard.edu/urn-3:HUL.InstRepos:42004054 Terms of Use This article was downloaded from Harvard University’s DASH repository, and is made available under the terms and conditions applicable to Other Posted Material, as set forth at http:// nrs.harvard.edu/urn-3:HUL.InstRepos:dash.current.terms-of- use#LAA Climbing Parliament’s Hill: Examining the Lack of Gender Parity within Canadian Parliament Avninder Rakhra A Thesis in the Field of Government for the Degree of Master of Liberal Arts Harvard University November 2018 Abstract The goal of this thesis is to examine the question: why the current 42nd Parliament of Canada fails to achieve gender parity within the House of Commons? Additionally, it assists in comprehending why Canada’s Parliament does not have a substantial number of female Members of Parliament (MPs). The paper also looks at the low number of women candidates in the 2015 election in comparison to the number of male candidates. I also study the contributing factors hindering the progress of parity. My initial hypothesis is that the lack of gender parity in the House of Commons is due to the political process, which includes the role of political parties, the electoral system, the lifestyle of MPs and the role of the media. I also hypothesize that it is due to incumbency and the lack of priority given to achieving gender parity. Thus, with a lack of priority and more male candidates, achieving gender parity is more difficult. This also includes the lack of willingness on the part of certain leaders and parities. While certain scholars have studied components of gender parity, I believe there is a gap in the literature. Furthermore, the vast majority of scholarship tends to focus on one specific component of gender parity and not the various components together. The literature also does not delve deep enough into the issue and for this reason I hope to add to the existing literature. Subsequently, this may further assist in helping close the gap. Within the thesis, I employ various research methods. One of the research methods is the use of both primary sources and secondary academic studies. This includes both Canadian and non-Canadian sources which are then applied to my arguments. Another method is the conducting of interviews with current and former MPs. I also look at newspaper articles, government databases and websites, bills presented by MPs and public speeches/statements. After conducting my research, I find a number of factors contributing to the lack of gender parity in Parliament. I also examine the various regional patterns of female candidacy within in Canada, prior to presenting my findings. I find that one of the factors contributing to the lack of gender parity is due to the role and responsibility of political parties and leaders. Another factor is the electoral system. Other factors include the role of the media and the profession itself. I also examine a number of potential solutions that can assist in achieving gender parity, although I do not endorse any one particular remedy. These include quotas, electoral reform, the appointment and promotion of women within parties, making Parliament more “women friendly” or “family friendly”, role models and mentoring, financial penalties and incentives, and running women in more “winnable ridings”. In conclusion, after researching and examining these factors, my findings reveal that my initial hypothesize was only partly correct and did not go far enough. Furthermore, my initial hypothesis did not include potential solutions for gender inequality. On a personal level, I find the role of political parties and leaders the most convincing. Acknowledgements To my family, thank you for your constant love and support and for always being there. To my friends, thank you for your continuous support, encouragement and friendship. I would also like to express my gratitude to Dr. Carpenter. I am immensely grateful for your time, patience, advise and help. Thank you for agreeing and showing interest in the topic and helping me turn this research topic into a reality. I greatly appreciate your wisdom, guidance and assistance. It could not have been possible without you. Thank you also to everyone at the department and the advisors for making this possible and for your assistance with any inquiries or questions I had. To those that I interviewed, thank you for your time, perspective and insight into the issue. To the women, both past and present, who have served and done their part in trying to bring about parity. Thank you for your inspiration, accomplishments and for always striving to make a difference. v Table of Contents Acknowledgements………………………………………………………………………………. v List of Tables……………………………………………………………………………………viii I. Introduction……………………………………………………………………………1 Research Methods…………………………………………………………………4 Research Limitations…………………………………………………………...…6 Definition of Terms…………………………………………………………….…6 Literature Review…………………………………………………………………8 II. Who Is to Blame?.........................................................................................................20 Part 1: Patterns of Female Candidacy and Electoral Success……………..……..21 National Findings……………………………………………………...…22 Provincial Findings………………………………………………………24 Additional Provincial Observations…………………………………...…27 Urban vs. Rural Patterns…………………………………………………29 Part 2: The Role of Parties and Leaders……………………………...…………..31 III. The Electoral System………………………………………………………………...46 Incumbency………………………………………………………….………...…53 IV. The Role of the Media……………………………………………………………….59 V. The Profession……………………………………………………………………….67 VI. Solutions……………………………………………………………………………..85 VII. Conclusions…………………………………………………………………………100 vi Appendices……………………………………………………………………………………...105 Appendix I. 2015 Candidates and Results……………………………………………...105 Appendix II. 2015 Women Candidates and Results……………………………………178 Bibliography……………………………………………………………………………………200 vii List of Tables Table 1. Women Candidates and Results in Alberta…………………………………………….24 Table 2. Women Candidates and Results in Ontario…………………………………………….25 Table 3. Women Candidates and Results in British Columbia………………………….……….26 Table 4. Women Candidates and Results in Quebec…………………………………………….27 viii Chapter I Introduction In October 2015, Canadians elected Justin Trudeau and a new Liberal government, ending nearly a decade of Conservative rule. The newly minted Prime Minister was elected on a platform of equality, economic fairness, and social inclusion, along with a number of other progressive priorities.1 Nevertheless, it was a few weeks later when Prime Minister Trudeau stole headlines for boldly stating “[b]ecause it’s 2015” while answering a question regarding his appointment of a gender-balanced cabinet, the first of its kind in the history of the nation.2 While such an initiative was embraced, what has been overlooked and ought to be studied is why women were elected to only 88 out of the 338 seats in the House of Commons,3 the chamber directly elected by Canadians. More importantly, it fails to address the larger issue at hand; the idea that a gender balanced Parliament is not a given and is not correlated with cabinet selection. It also exposes the difference between Canada’s elected body compared to political appointments. Therefore, this makes the issue of equality in Parliament much more complicated, while understanding that a nation which elected a progressive Prime Minister did not have much progress in the election of its House. 1 “What Does Real Change Mean to You?,” Liberal Party of Canada, accessed June 16, 2017, https://www.liberal.ca/realchange/. 2 Jennifer Ditchburn, “‘Because it’s 2015’: Trudeau Forms Canada’s 1st Gender-balanced Cabinet,” CBC, November 4, 2015, accessed June 16, 2017, http://www.cbc.ca/news/politics/canada-trudeau-liberal-government- cabinet-1.3304590. 3 “Women Candidates in General Elections – 1921 to Date,” Library of Parliament, accessed September 9, 2017, https://lop.parl.ca/About/Parliament/FederalRidingsHistory/hfer.asp?Language=E&Search=WomenElection. 1 My thesis addresses the question: why the current 42nd Parliament of Canada fails to achieve gender parity within the House of Commons? Additionally, it helps to further comprehend how a western democracy like Canada, which is the largest democracy by geography,4 and has a population consisting of 50.4 percent of women,5 manages to have women hold only 26 percent of the seats, after the 2015 election, in its highest elected body.6 Furthermore, I attempt to gain a better understanding of the factors contributing to such a discrepancy and why a nation that is considered to be liberal, open-minded and inclusive, has yet to have a gender-balanced parliament elected by its citizens. This includes the question of why gender parity is not being given a priority specifically within the House of Commons. I also aim to understand why women accounted for only 29.7 percent of the candidates in the last election.7 Additionally, I examine what is hindering the progress of parity and why it is yet to occur. I hypothesize that the political process within Canada is a major contributor
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