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Appendix I: Analysis of Abbé Sicard's Library in 1822 (June 26–July 4

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Appendix I: Analysis of Abbé Sicard's Library in 1822 (June 26–July 4 Appendix I: Analysis of Abbé Sicard’s Library in 1822 (June 26–July 4, 1822) Subject No. of Volumes % of Collection Philosophy 471 23.05 Ecclesiology 407 19.9 History 369 18.06 Grammar 218 10.67 Literature 120 5.87 Natural History 95 4.65 Pedagogy 83 4.06 Classics 56 2.74 Government 54 2.64 Foreign Languages 35 1.71 Geography 34 1.66 Arts and Métiers 30 1.46 Poetry 23 1.12 Museums 21 1.02 Mathematics 16 .078 Non-Christian Religions 5 .024 Art 3 .014 Drama 3 .014 Total 2043 99.95% Most of the creditors of the estate are named, but the relationship to Sicard is mostly unknown. The library, on the other hand, is itemized in a breakdown of eighteen categories from philosophy to art, which can be visualized in the table above. The inventory of any library is problematic. That of Hérault de Séchelles, the member the Committee of Public Safety, contained many works of theology that would not seem to have been his reading matter. Did it derive from an earlier period in his life? Was it inherited and never read by him? In Sicard’s case, the presence of butchers and 140 Appendix I wood merchants among his heirs suggests a working- and merchant- class family—persons unlikely to have had educated or “philosophi- cal” backgrounds. Sicard, the academician and “célèbre instituteur” was conspicuous in this family. We proceed, therefore, by assuming that these were books bought by or given to him during his career. The extent of his debts could be due in good measure to their purchase. He was probably, like most academicians-educators-authors, a bibliophile, if not a bibliomaniac. The second question is whether Sicard read the volumes he acquired. Since the library was sold in 1822, there are no ex libris or marginalia to document acquisition or use. Sicard did not cite a great number of these or other books in his own works. The age of the twenty-centimeter footnote or the fifty page bibliography lay in the future (after the 1870 German invasion of troops and erudition). Certain voluminous titles weigh heavily, such as long or entire runs of the Mercure, the Journal de Trévoux, the Encyclopédie, and even the works of Voltaire. But their mere presence on his shelves indicates an interest in them, if not a spiritual affinity. The preponderance of certain categories is fairly typical of a man of letters: philosophy occupying first place (471), history (369), and classics (56) considerably lower in the scale. There are very few works related to the Revolution, the most significant being abbé Grégoire’s, Essai sur la régénération des Juifs (1788). Sicard had a great love for history and the classics, which were interrelated, since much of his history holdings were classical. They included Demosthenes, Epictetus, Plutarch, Virgil, Horace, Cicero, Pliny, Tacitus. His history holdings also included over 40 volumes of the Mémoires de l’Académie des Inscriptions, a biographical dic- tionary, 10 volumes of the Sorbonne historian Rollin, 9 volumes of Montequieu, Condorcet’s Esquisse d’un tableau historique du progrès de l’esprit humain, Gibbon’s Memoirs, isolated histories of Louis XVI, the Jews, the Franks, and the Roman Empire, and a universal history. Only one relates to the Empire, that being the campaigns of Pichegru, with whom he was involved. Characteristic of the eighteenth-century notable was a lively interest in natural history, collections of speci- mens, and cabinets d’histoire naturelle, many of which were confis- cated by the Commission des Monuments after 1790. Sicard was no exception to this fashion. Natural history ranked sixth in his book holdings and included 20 volumes of abbé Pluche’s Spectâcle de la nature (the creationist alternative to Holbach’s materialist Système de la nature). Buffon made up eighteen volumes; Robinet, 2; the metric system, 9; and 5 on insects. One is struck by the total absence of any Appendix I 141 works of the science faculty of the Ecole Normale of Year III or the National Institute from the Empire and Restoration—the foremost scientific body in the world. The notable exception to the pattern is the large number of works of ecclesiology (407)—a choice perfectly consistent with an abbé who took the church seriously. His interest in language is marked by sig- nificant representations in grammar (218), foreign languages (35), literature (120), pedagogy (83), and government (54). He had little interest in collecting the laws and pamphlets of the Revolution that were the staple of many nineteenth-century bibliophiles. Sicard collected books almost equally from the Grand Siècle and the Enlightenment. This will come as a surprise. An orthodox abbé, who was so critical of the Enlightenment in the Annales religieuses of the Directory, evidently esteemed Boileau (5 volumes), La Rochefoucauld, La Bruyère (2 volumes), Bossuet (7 volumes), the Port-Royalists, Pas- cal, and Malebranche, as well as Fontenelle (120 volumes), Rousseau (17 volumes), Diderot, Voltaire (65 volumes), La Mettrie, Helvétius (2 volumes), Buffon (18 volumes), Condillac (18 volumes), the Ency- clopédie (35 volumes), and the abbé Raynal (2 volumes). The significant number of seventeenth-century works is not sur- prising for a traditionalist and an imperial grammarian in the lycées, where these works were prescribed. The heavy representation of the Enlightenment is more puzzling. Sicard matured in its heyday, and deaf education and sign language were one of its products. When he became critical of philosophes after the Terror, it was because he, like his caste, blamed the Terror on lumières (see Darrin McMahon). But Sicard was more reasonable than the theocrats or the abbé Barruel, who attributed the Revolution to Freemasonry and illuminism (philos- ophie). He performed a triage of the Enlightenment, rescuing Bacon, Buffon, and Annisson-Duperon, who were compatible with Christi- anity, and emphasized any evidence of last conversions of the philos- ophes (D’Alembert, Voltaire). Works such as his Cours d’instruction des sourds-muets drew from the common Enlightenment font of lin- guistics, learning, and Aristotelian metaphysics. The works Sicard did not own are equally significant as the ones he did. For a grammarian, it is astounding that the works of Buffier, Beauzée, Dumarsais, Domergue, and even Epée are missing, as are the reports on public instruction of the Convention, which estab- lished the institution he presided over in 1794. The educational works of Humboldt or Pestalozzi are missing. Doubtless some of these were wrapped up in the 60 packets that fatigued his heirs so much that they chose not to even open them. 142 Appendix I Aside from obvious dictionaries, grammars, and school manuals, he owns an infinitesimal number of nineteenth-century works, proving that he was an “ancient” rather than a “modern.” What he definitely excluded from his shelves were the radical Idéologues who sought to eliminate theology and metaphysics from their philosophy. Nei- ther Garat, Volney, Destutt de Tracy, nor Cabanis are present. The split between Sicard and them was one of the intellectual “faults” of the age. But he also surprisingly owned no Chateaubriand, no Mme de Staël, no Benjamin Constant, no Bernardin de Saint-Pierre, and no M. J. Chénier, or any works of living members of the Académie Française, of which he had been a member for more than fifteen years. Appendix II: Johanna von Schopenhauer Visits Sicard’s Institution J. Schopenhauer. “The Abbé Sicard’s Institute for the Deaf and Dumb.” In Youthful Life, and Pictures of Travel: Being the Autobiog- raphy of Madame Schopenhauer. Translated from the German in two volumes (London: Longman, Brown, Green, and Longmans, 1847). I was very much interested one morning with a public examination in the Abbé Sicard’s Institution for the Deaf and Dumb: an exhibi- tion like that which I witnessed took place at that time almost every month. We started with the indispensable card of admission at ten o’clock in order to secure good seats; for the crowd of persons whom curiosity draws together on such occasions in Paris is very great, and the hall of the good Sicard, which was neither spacious nor handsome, would soon become overcrowded. This time, however, we had arrived too soon, the large room was still closed: we were therefore obliged to walk about for some time in the corridor and in the entrance hall, until the doors were thrown open. Of this delay we had no reason to complain, as it afforded us an opportunity we should not otherwise have enjoyed, of seeing the pupils quite unconstrained, to observe them in their ordinary pur- suits, and to obtain ocular demonstration that they were not crammed for public performances, but educated for actual life, as well as their unhappy condition allows them to be so prepared. A large number of these unfortunate children passed us in all the bloom of health, moving about as silently as little elves. Their sad condition is here ameliorated to the utmost, and they looked anything but unhappy. It was a strange sight, causing at the same time both pain and plea- sure. The little girls of their own accord separated themselves from the boys: many of them were very fine children. They walked arm-in-arm, or, in maidenly style, they broke up into little groups, and seemed as 144 Appendix II they went up and down to have a great deal to say and tell each other, for heads, and eyes, and fingers were in unceasing motion. The amusements of the boys seemed rougher. In their own fash- ion, they ran after each other, played tricks, quarreled, and made it up again, and all without the least noise: as they never heard, probably they do not feel the same desire as other children to shout and bawl.
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