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Home , Neva, Nikita Lomagin, Siege of Leningrad

The of Leningrad & the Mixed Results of Sovietization Dane Burrough

Abstract: The of Leningrad, a joint German-Finnish religion and criminality violated the basic tenets operation during World War II, lasted for 880 days and t.ook of Soviet society and these accounts were the lives ofa large number ofthe citizens ofthe dty. The dty therefore censored from the records of the was entirely cut offfrom the rest ofthe , causing blockade published after the war. The freezing mass starvation that was far deadlier than the military operations of the siege. Many scholars have argued that the and starving citizens of Leningrad were more Second World War served as the catalyst to fully "Sovietize" concerned with their individual survival and the the populations of the various Soviet Republics. Examining survival of their proud city than they were with primary sources from the siege, this paper explores the the fate of the Stalinist regime; as a result, their extent t.o which that process of Sovietization actually occurred in Leningrad and how the unique experiences ofthe previously patriotic attitudes faded. The blockade imprinted on the dtizens a sense of independence remarkable physical and emotional losses from the greater Soviet state. rendered some Leningraders fiercely Sovietization was the multi-faceted process independent and more proud of their city than by which Soviet central planners endeavored to of the Soviet Union. The was subordinate the whole U.S.S.R. to the power of possibly the most lethal siege in the history of the Communist government and thereby warfare. The siege began in early September transform ordinary citizens into driven 1941 after the of the communist ideologues. Many scholars have or German army moved through the argued that World War II, which Russians Baltic States to join with Finnish forces termed the Great Patriotic War, served as the surrounding Leningrad and cut off the railroad catalyst to fully "Sovietize" the populations of connection between and Leningrad at the various Soviet Republics. However, this the tiny village of . In doing so, German and Sovietization failed to occur in the city of Finnish forces effectively surrounded the city Leningrad, which suffered a joint and cut off its communication with the rest of German-Finnish siege for 880 days.1 the country. Throughout the siege, the Wehrmacht shelled and bombed the city to During the siege and subsequent blockade smoldering ashes. The Soviet leaders of which lasted from 1941 until 1944, the citizens Leningrad failed both to understand the gravity of Leningrad starved on an unprecedented of the situation and to properly ration for a scale. Estimates of how many citizens died prolonged siege until it was too late to save during the siege vary; the official Soviet figure much of the population from imminent 2 claims a death toll of 632,253, but many starvation. Most of the Soviet deaths due to historians place the number in a range from starvation occurred in the winter of 1941. 3 750,000 to 1,500,000 deaths out of a prewar According to Soviet official figures, likely vastly 4 population of 2,500,000. During the blockade, underreported, 101,583 people, or roughly four citizens resorted to both criminal activity and percent of the Soviet prewar population, died in religious practice as a means of survival. Both January 1942 alone.5 The harslmess of this

RICE HISTORICAL REVIEW 7 THE BLOCKADE OF LENINGRAD winter, one of the coldest in memory for many Although the siege diarists, was exacerbated by the German bombardments that had cut off power to the destroyed any sense city in the fall. Though the siege continued of normalcy for the until 1944, the majority of the damage and casualties occurred in the winter of 1941. ''citizens of Leningrad, the During the siege, the citizens of Leningrad survivors held immense pride went to extreme measures to procure food for in their ability to survive and themselves and their families, frequently resorting to crime and the bartering of valuable preserve the spirit of their pre-war goods to obtain bread. The bread itself city. was frequently mixed with sawdust and other fillers because the blockade had created a The citizens of Leningrad met the beginning major grain shortage in the area. People even of the war in the summer of 1941 with a resorted to boiling belts and eating binding mixture of shock and intense patriotism. A glue and other barely edible items to satiate week after the war began Yura Riabinkin, a their hunger. 6 The sight of dead bodies frozen teenage diarist, wrote, "[a]t first I felt a certain in snow or corpses being dragged on children's sense of pride, then a wave of fear-the first sleds became a common sight during the eventually got the upper hand of the second."9 height of the winter of 1941. Inhabitants' Georgi Kniazev, the Director of the Archives of contemporary diaries provide a vivid account the Academy of Sciences, wrote in July, "[t]his of their daily struggle to survive on meager is my city... can it really be true that it is rations of food. In late November 1941 the Red threatened by the danger of an enemy Army, or Soviet ground troops, established an occupation? No, no, no!" 10 Kniazev's across that served both observation is indicative of the greater as an evacuation route and a way to import sentiment shared amongst the Leningrad supplies into the city. The route however was intelligentsia as well as the Soviet leaders in dangerous and inefficient because the German the , the communist headquarters in army frequently bombarded it and transport Leningrad. It reflected the lack of preparedness If conditions were often terrible. 7 After the for the imminent siege and blockade. winter, fewer Leningraders died of starvation, Kniazev heard rumors of Germany marching and rations became less restrictive primarily towards Leningrad with the intent to occupy, due to collective gardening in residential areas the policymakers in the Smolny must also have and because there were fewer mouths to feed. had intelligence on the Wehrmacht's The conducted various offensives movements. However, , the throughout 1942 to break through the communist boss of Leningrad, and his staff did blockade, but its first successful operation, not believe that the Nazis would ever make it Operation Iskra, did not occur until January to Leningrad. Zhdanov had put responsibility 1943. Even after the Red Army broke the for the defense of Leningrad on his own blockade, constant shelling from the German shoulders in August, 11 mainly in response to forces would continue until the Soviets the political maneuvering occurring in the permanently broke the blockade on , Kremlin in Moscow. Thus, Soviet leaders made 1944.8 multiple mistakes that sparked distrust amongst the Leningraders. One such mistake that proved to be fatal was the creation of the so-called People's Levy. Immediately after the war began, the Soviet

8 SPRING 2016 DANE BURROUGH authorities called for citizens to volunteer for Leningrad in the event of the forced retreat of military service. Officials ordered women and our troops from the Leningrad area." 18 The children to dig along the public noticed these ultimately unnecessary Line and trained men to fight in battle. These contingency actions and increasingly feared troops, however, were vastly underprepared that the government would surrender the city and ill equipped, resulting in large numbers of to the Nazis. Once the siege began, the casualties among volunteer units. Of the plight Leningraders' attitudes towards Stalin and the of these volunteers, one diarist wrote, "[t]he U.S.S.R. became more apparent. Many entire cream of our Leningrad youth suffered Leningraders, particularly intellectuals and especially, forced to enlist as volunteers and in people whose family members Stalin had civilian battalions, driven to slaughter."12 purged in the 1930s, became hostile towards American journalist and author Harrison E. Stalin and the Soviet Union. One diarist wrote, Salisbury wrote of the volunteer regiments, "[a]s for Stalin, he has been grinding us to a "[the] officers were no more experienced than pulp for the past twenty years. He detests the men." 13 This deadly mix of desperation and Leningrad-no one here has known him or ineptitude did not engender support for the seen him since the Revolution."19 After Stalin Soviet cause from the average Leningrader; adopted the title of Marshal, a diarist instead, it bred resentment among the commented, "[a] man who possesses population once the blockade took its deadly everything in the world ... still needed the title, toll. the simple combination of sounds, the word 'marshal,' an innocent acoustical By , Leningrad had become a 20 dangerous place; German shelling had become window-dressing!" Another survivor recalled in an interview after the fall of the Soviet a common occurrence as the Wehrmacht began closing in on the blockade ring. At first, the Union, "[n]o one talked about the leaders ... Of course, the people didn't like Zhdanov, because Leningraders failed to understand the gravity 21 of their situation; the diarist Elena Kochina he was a 'fat cat,' the only fat cat we saw." Contrastingly, many historians have noted that wrote, "[a]ll roads to Leningrad are cut off. Is during and immediately following the siege, something about to happen?"14 One diarist more pictures of the Leningrad communist noted that, "Bread rations began to be cut on leader Zhdanov were hung in citizens' houses September 1,"15 while another recalled the bombing raids: "Every time there was a than those of Stalin or Lenin. Still, not all citizens shared these negative descriptions. bombing raid I expected to die."16 While citizens tried to adjust to life under siege, a One survivor remembered: dramatic political war erupted between the [We] fought for the Motherland ... but Soviet... Kremlin and the Smolny over who was at fault we thought less about it... Stalin, yes, but for for the city's lack of preparation. A telegraph the Soviet system... Stalin commanded our from the Kremlin to Zhdanov read, "[w]e are armed forces... in him we saw our eventual disgusted by your conduct. All you do is report victory... we thought he knew everything in his the surrender of this or that place, without head... we believed in him like a God. But, saying a word about how you plan to put a stop whether we were defending Socialism I to all these losses ... Perhaps you have already personallywas not thinking about that.22 decided to give up Leningrad?" 17 In late While the diarists held varying opinions of September, Moscow sent a document to the Stalin, they were united behind a strong Smolny to prepare for the worst, instructing devotion to the city of Leningrad. The people them "to verify the matter of preparations for of Leningrad felt much pride for their city with blowing up and destroying enterprises of a great appreciation for its immense beauty. important installations and bridges in

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Christina Hahn. 2016 Kniazev captured this feeling when he wrote, Soviet leaders pounced on this sense of •[i]f things tum out badly, it would be better to perceived heroism. Propaganda posters urged die here, somewhere along the embankment or Leningraders to remain strong, conserve their in the deep waters of the ... But our food, and continue fighting for the Motherland. city-and I firmly believe this-will never fall The propaganda posters worked. As one into the hands of the enemy1•23 In a later entry surviwr recalled, •[p]eople were absolutely Kniazev wrote, •[t]he ring can only be broken unprepared for war, because our communist from the outside, and if this does not happen, propaganda... was still effective. It worked. then the only thing left will be to die, Mass propaganda always reaches the people defending our native city.•24 Even during the quickly and spreads quickly among them. And fmt siege winter, Leningraders were still people were so patriotic.,.26 In contrast, ferociously proud of their city's independence, Kochina noted, •ct]he hurricane of war has tom history, culture and art. off these rags: now everyone has become what he was in fact, and not what he wanted to Riabinkin wrote, "[o]ur dead bodies will rot, our seem. Many have turned out to be pitiful bones will crumble to dust, but Leningrad will cowards 27 stand on the banks of the Neva for all eternity, and scoundrels.• Kniazev seemed perplexed by proud and invincible.''25 Remarkably, the his fellow citizens' heroic portrayal. diarists rarely extol the virtues of the Soviet In the fall of 1941 he wrote, ·[w]e are very ordinary people, nothing at all Union in the same way or even mention the remarkable, and I have nothing that is in any Soviet Union at all. Their pride was for way heroic record.•18 Although both Leningrad. alone. to

10 SPRING2016 DANE BURROUGH statements were penned before the blockade Soviet Union. Kniazev wrote in November of winter, they are still indicative of Leningraders' 1941, "Leningrad must defend itself, whatever general mood. To them, days were not about the outcomes might be. There can be no talk of committing heroic acts to save the Soviet surrender! We must bear all the burdens and Union, but rather about surviving another day ordeals that have fallen to our lot, including and gaining a sense of normalcy amongst the hunger."33 The feelings of Kniazev and his rapidly deteriorating conditions. Writing in fellow patriots, however, were not March of 1942, after the worst of the winter representative of the majority of the season, one diarist noted that the idealized population. Many others became despondent Soviet acts of heroism were coupled with, "How and unable to think of anything but food. often have they demonstrated brutality, Riabinkin wrote in late October that, "[t]o cruelty, often completely unnecessary and remain in Leningrad from now on is a sentence senseless. And how much and of death." 34 baseness!"29 This recollection illustrates the terrible circumstances Leningraders endured in For most citizens, the winter of 1941. Another diarist wrote, basic human needs "[o]rdinary people simply reeked of Soviet ' ' heroism, a heroism simply impersonal... trumped wartime Everything living, everything truthful was patriotism. inadmissible. Uncensored tragedy wafted through several lives."30 These are not the The hunger that the blockade brought to sentiments of Soviet patriots as they were Leningrad dampened the wave of loyalty portrayed by Stalin's propaganda. Rather, they among the city's citizens. For many, the food are the sentiments of people bitter about their shortages served to crystallize their feelings terrible experiences and frustrated at their about the Soviet Union as a whole; for some, inability to share those experiences with the hunger created feelings of despondency. To outside world. The authorities exploited their demonstrate their unrest, several resorted to people's deprivation and hunger to further the activities that were anti-Soviet in theory: crime causes of Soviet unity and victory. As the siege and religion. Nevertheless for most of the progressed into a blockade, it became clear to citizens trapped in the city, the blockade meant Leningraders that the daily bombings were a they only thought of food. Kachina wrote, "I lesser cause for concern than the leaders' dreamed that large white rabbits with eyes like ineptitude. Historian Anna Reid comments: cranberries had gotten caught in the "Failure to lay in adequate stores of food and mousetraps. I woke up and rushed to the traps. fuel before the siege ring closed was due to the They were empty! ... All the mice had evidently same lethal mixture of denial, disorganization died off long ago."35 Riabinkin wrote, "I have and carelessness of human life as the failure to absolutely no desire to study at all. The only evacuate the surplus civilian population."31 thoughts occupying my head are ones about Some of this incompetence stemmed from the food and about the bombing and shelling."36 siege of Moscow and Stalin's perceived The hunger made Leningraders indifferent to indifference towards Leningrad. The Kremlin everything, including each other. It destroyed was far more concerned with the situation personal relationships and caused people to around Moscow than they were about food betray their closest friends and family shortages in Leningrad.32 By October, members. These actions were characteristic not had become more severe and citizens were of heroism but of people desperate to survive. starting to feel the effects of food deprivation, Crime became rampant during the winter, as yet they maintained their patriotic zeal for the people were increasingly willing to do anything

RICE HISTORICAL REVIEW 11 THE BLOCKADE OF LENINGRAD

to survive. First-hand accounts of crime The most infamous of the crimes committed frequently went unpublished or were censored during the siege winter, and therefore the most out of published accounts because they censored in Soviet accounts, was cannibalism. contradicted the heroic narrative of the Harrison Salisbury was the first historian to blockade that the Soviet government wished to discuss at length the rumors of cannibalism promote. The crimes that Leningraders that had escaped the censors. He recounts the committed range from the macabre, such as story of a young man who was lured into an the widespread recollections of cannibalism, to abandoned building to exchange bread for the sad, like the crimes committed by Kochina's boots, but when he finally got there he realized starving husband Dima. Kochina's relationship that the man was a member of a cannibal with her husband tragically suffered as a result collective and had brought him there to eat of the rampant hunger. The couple bickered him.41 Reid discredits this particular story, but frequently over food and came to resent each historians have unearthed proof of cannibalism other. Kochina's first run-in with crime in besieged Leningrad following the release of occurred when one of the many trade school Soviet police records in 2004. For the survivors boys roaming the streets in search of food stole of the siege winter, cannibalism became the her daily ration of bread. 37 She was extremely subject of countless rumors. The acclaimed unhappy when, in late December, her husband Soviet poet Olga Berggolts recorded what one turned to stealing bread with the sharpened friend told her about a cannibal couple who end of a cane. After a woman caught Kochina's first ate the small corpse of their child and husband stealing, the woman demanded from then entrapped three more children to eat as him half of the bread, ""grabbed the bread... well.42 According to Reid's police records, and began to cram it greedily into her mouth. around 2,000 people had been arrested by June Then he sat down beside her and ate his half. of 1942 for either cannibalism or Thus they sat and ate, now and then cursing corpse-eating.43 The authorities' desperate one another, until they'd eaten all the bread."38 attempts to quash these rumors indicate that Despite the shame this brought her, she also Soviet policymakers viewed rumors of attempted to justify his actions, "Well after all, cannibalism as incompatible with their greater the salespeople really are robbing us blind. In heroic narrative about the siege survivors. return they have everything they want. Almost Crime driven by hunger accompanied all of them, without shame at all, wear gold and Leningraders' increasing numbness towards expensive furs. "39 Kochina was not alone in death and dying. Kochina wrote, "[d]eath is not witnessing or detailing the increase in crime. a casual visitor now. People have gotten used One diarist writes, "I myself was a witness to it. It's constantly hanging around among the when a teenager tore a piece of bread from the living."44 Kniazev wrote, "[e]ach of us can hear hands of a weakened old woman, quickly the swish of the scythe"45 and that "[i]t is shoved it into his mouth, and then fell onto the difficult to die, but it is extremely hard to be floor with his face to the ground and started to dying." 46 In addition, hunger turned people chew it feverishly."40 Crimes committed for into single-minded beings. One diarist food ran rampant in Leningrad during the commented, "excruciating hunger forces a blockade. The accounts, however, were person to think and talk only about one frequently suppressed because they did not thing-about food. "47 These reflections and portray the heroism that Stalin wished to diary entries all illustrate that hunger did not promote. The ideal of selflessness was cause the citizens of Leningrad to act more paramount and extolled as a virtue; fulfilling patriotically; rather, it served to evaporate basic human needs did not stoke the Soviet much of the patriotism that had arisen propaganda in the same way. immediately after the war began. People had

12 SPRING 2016 DANE BURROUGH little time for ideology when they were worried poster will be the pride of some museum. about survival. The realities of under-siege Those who come after us will bow their heads Leningrad, partly a consequence of poor before it. This tattered sheet, carefully pre-siege planning, contradicted the Soviet preserved, will tell the story of what Leningrad assertion that people were starving as part of went through better than hundreds of pages of the patriotic struggle. print. 52 His diary serves as one of the great The increased practice of religion also reminders of the fierce pride in Leningrad directly counteracted the process of many citizens had. A woman interviewed after the collapse of the Soviet Union described the Sovietization. One survivor interviewed in the early 2000s claimed that "along with bread the aftermath of the siege: "[a]nd then the victory. only other valuable commodity she recalled This was also a tragic moment. For when those salutes of arms began, everyone was already so was the religious icon."48 Riabikin addressed the intangible side of religiosity during the worn out they took them to be a routine attack 53 blockade writing, "[o]nly God, if such exists, on the city." One diarist writing about the can give us deliverance."49 He also noted that end of the siege commented, "[o]ur life must now change, Leningraders have to begin to live his mother remarked, in a completely different way. I don't know "[a]ll my hope now what it will be, but it will be completely 54 is in God. Here I am, different!" Vera Inber, a poet and one of the ' ' few diarists who continued to write through a Communist Party the spring of 1942, described the end of the siege as, "[t]he greatest event in the life of member, but I believe in Leningrad... Here words fail me."55 God." 50 Religious life remained a private Interestingly, Inber was not a native matter during the blockade, as the NKVD or Leningrader and had only arrived in the city at Soviet secret police, continued to crack down the beginning of the war, yet the experiences of on religious assemblies. But more and more the blockade bound all of the so-called people turned to religion as a way of consoling blokadniki to one another. During and after the themselves as their situations became blockade, the NKVD and the Kremlin did not untenable. Once again, the Stalinist censors endear themselves to the average Leningrader. were quick to eliminate any pro-religious Reid explained that there was no revolt within comments or discussions of God in the the city because "[t]his was in part a case of accounts they allowed published. better the devil you know." 56 The NKVD stayed active during the siege to suppress any As Leningraders emerged from the siege anti-Soviet thought. One historian writes of winter of 1941, the worst was behind them. the actions of the NKVD and other Stalinist People's allotted rations grew because many forces during the blockade: "Leningraders had either died or escaped on the Ice Road, suffered-but not in the name of a good cause, which evacuated around 500,000 people in four and no more than under the allegedly ordinary months. 51 Because of this mass death and circumstances of Stalinist peacetime."57 The displacement, many of the diaries did not historiography of the Siege of Leningrad and continue past the spring of 1942, making it validity of the primary sources are of interest increasingly difficult to accurately gauge the in discussing the mixed results of the thoughts of the Leningraders. However, Sovietization of the citizenry of Leningrad. Kniazev's diary includes a telling late entry Even today, Russians are fascinated by the regarding a poster that withstood the winter: experiences of the blokadniki. One commenter The Leningraders have stood by their city. In a notes that when the topic is discussed in few years' time-50 to 100 years, say-this

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modern , "[t]he issue of ideology 7 Salisbury, The 900 Days, 407-422. remains a thorny topic in siege discourse. 8 Vera Inber, Leningrad Diary (London: St. Martin's Interestingly, ideology is rarely if ever Press, 1971), 181. discussed in contemporary siege testimonies 9 Granin, Leningrad Under Siege, 10. published in Russian newspapers and journals."58 Moreover, people who were 10 Ibid., 18. children during the blockade and did not live 11 Richard Bidlack and , The through the Stalinist purges of the 1930s Leningrad Blockade, 1941-1944: A New Documentary account for many of the contemporary History from the Soviet Archives, trans. Marian accounts of the blockade. This fact may explain Schwartz (New Haven: Yale University Press, 2013), the pro-Stalinist sentiments expressed by some 91. of the surviving blokadniki. The negative 12 Cynthia Simmons and Nina Perlina, Writing The accounts, however, may have been influenced Siege OfLeningrad: Women's Diaries, Memoirs, and by the anti-Soviet feelings that emerged from Documentary Prose, 1st edition (Pittsburgh: the 1980s. Kirschenbaum notes that accounts University of Pittsburgh Press, 2005), 68. from the 1980s and '90s, "[b]ecame a heroic 13 Salisbury, The 900 Days, 191. defense of the ideals and traditions of St. 14 Elena Kochina, Blockade Diary: Under Siege in Petersburg-Leningrad, rather than those of Leningrad, 1941-1942, trans. Samuel C. Ramer, (Ann 59 the Soviet state." However, this does not Arbor: Ardis, 1990), 40. undermine the validity of these new sources, 15 but rather provides more nuance and balance Simmons and Perlina, Writing the Siege, 22. to the preexisting narrative of the blockade. 16 Granin, Leningrad Under Siege, 57. This new historical approach to the 17 Reid, Leningrad, 114. experiences of the citizens during the blockade 18 Bidlack and Lomagin, The Leningrad Blockade, demonstrates that the nature of the 116. experiences did not conform to the dominant narrative about the blockade constructed by 19 Simmons and Perlina, Writing the Siege, 24. the Soviet authorities. 1\ 20 Ibid., 65. 21 Ibid., 110.

22 James Clapperton, "The Siege of Leningrad as Sacred Narrative: Conversations with Survivors," Oral History 35, no. 1 (2007): 57-58. NOTES: 23 Granin, Leningrad Under Siege, 18. Georgi Kniazev in Leningrad Under Siege, 18. 1 Harrison E. Salisbury, The 900 Days: The Siege Of 24 Leningrad (New York: Harper & Row, 1969), 567. Ibid., 62. 25 2 Ibid., 514 Granin, Leningrad Under Siege, 143. 26 3 Anna Reid, Leningrad: The Epic Siege of World War Simmons and Perlina, Writing the Siege, 173. II, 1941-1944 (New York: Walker Books, 2012), 418. 27 Kochina, Blockade Diary, 44.

4 Salisbury, The 900 Days, 515-516. 28 Granin, Leningrad Under Siege, 68.

5 Reid, Leningrad, 419. 29 Simmons and Perlina, Writing the Siege, 30.

6 Daniil Alexandrovich Granin, Leningrad Under 30 Ibid., 73. Siege: First-Hand Accounts of the Ordeal, trans. Clare 31 Anna Reid. Leningrad, 161. Burstal and Dr Kisselnikov (Barnsley, South Yorkshire: Pen and Sword, 2007), 114. 32 Bidlack and Lomagin, The Leningrad Blockade, 127-128. 14 SPRING 2016 DANE BURROUGH

33 Granin, Leningrad Under Siege, 85. Barber, John, and Andrei Dneziskevich. Life and Death in Besieged Leningrad, 1941-44. Houndmills, 34 Ibid., 97. Basingstoke, Hampshire: Palgrave Macmillan, 2005. 35 Kochina, Blockade Diary, 58. Bidlack, Richard, and Nikita Lomagin. The Leningrad 36 Granin, Leningrad Under Siege, 100. Blockade, 1941-1944: A New Documentary History from the Soviet Archives. New Haven: Yale University 37 Kochina, Blockade Diary, 55. Press, 2012. 38 Ibid., 61. 39 Ibid., 62. Clapperton, rames. "The Siege of Leningrad as Sacred Narrative: Conversations with Survivors." 40 Simmons and Perlina, Writing the Siege, 98. Oral History 35, no. 1 (2007): 49-60. Accessed 41 Salisbury, The 900 Days, 480. December 11, 2014. http://www.jstor.org/stable/40179922. 42 Reid, Leningrad, 286. 43 Ibid., 290. Inber, Vera. New York: St. Martin's 44 Leningrad Diary. Kochina, Blockade Diary, 64. Press, 1971. 45 Granin, Leningrad Under Siege, 166. 46 Ibid., 174. Kirschenbaum, Lisa A. The Legacy ofthe Siege of Leningrad, 1941-1995: Myth, Memories, and 47 Simmons and Perlina, Writing the Siege, 60. Monuments. New York: Cambridge University Press, 48 Clapperton, "The Siege as a Sacred Narrative," 56. 2006. 49 Granin, Leningrad Under Siege, 152. Kochina, Elena, and Samuel Carroll Ramer. Blockade 50 Ibid., 145. Diary. Ann Arbor: Ardis, 1990. 51 Reid, Leningrad, 278. 52 Granin, Leningrad Under Siege, 194. Reid, Anna. Leningrad: The Epic Siege of World War 53 Simmons and Perlina, Writing the Siege, 117. 54 II, 1941-1944.NewYork:Walker &,2011. 54 Ibid., 45. Salisbury, Harrison E. The 900 Days: The Siege of 55 Inber,Leningrad Diary, 181. Leningrad. New York: Harper & Row, 1969. 56 Reid. Leningrad, 303. 57 Lisa A. Kirschenbaum, The Legacy ofthe Siege of Sandomirskaia, Irina. "A Politeia in Besiegement: Leningrad, 1941-1995: Myth, Memories, and Lidiia Ginzburg on the Siege of Leningrad as a Monuments, 1 edition (Cambridge: Cambridge Political Paradigm." Slavic Review 69, no. 2 (2010): University Press, 2009), 248. 306-26. Accessed December 11, 2014. http://www.jstor.org/stable/25677100. 58 Clapperton, "The Siege as a Sacred Narrative," 51. 59 Kirschenbaum, Legacy of the Siege, 252. "Siege of Leningrad Museum.· Siege of Leningrad Museum. Accessed December 13, 2014. http://users.stlcc.edu/mfuller/siege.html. BIBLIOGRAPHY: Simmons, Cynthia, and Nina Perlina. Writing the Adamovich, Ales, and Daniil Aleksandrovich Siege ofLeningrad: Women's Diaries, Memoirs, and Granin. Leningrad Under Siege: First-hand Accounts Documentary Prose. Pittsburgh: University of ofthe Ordeal. Barnsley, South Yorkshire: Pen & Pittsburgh Press, 2002. Sword Military, 2007.

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