Jews and the Christian Right

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Jews and the Christian Right JEWS AND THE CHRISTIAN RIGHT PHIL ZUCKERMAN, PH.D. Department of Sociology, University of Oregon, Eugene, Oregon Although Jews are generally critical or suspicious of the Christian Right, the two groups do have points of nonconflicting intersection: (l)Jews play a significant role in Christian Right theology, (2) they have common political ground in support for Zionism/Is­ rael, and (3) several individual Jews are leading or supporting figures within the Christian Right itself. Why these Jews are involved in this conservative religious movement is ex­ plored. lthough many aspects of the Christian Lachman, 1993; Raab, 1996; Reichley, ARight have been examined, such as its 1985), Jews are not involved with the historical roots (Ammerman, 1991; Dia­ Christian Right in any substantial numbers mond, 1995), leaders (Fitzgerald, 1981), in­ in terms of grassroots activity, voting re­ novative methods of operation (Frankl, sponse, or financial support. However, they 1897), and social and political impact are nonetheless significant to the Christian (Bates, 1993; Boston, 1993; Bruce, 1992; Right: first, Jews figure centrally into the Capps, 1990; Convray & Siegelman, 1982; religious belief system of the Christian Diamond, 1989; Johnson, 1985; Jorstad, Right; second, mutual ground has been 1981; Liebman & Wuthnow, 1983; Lien- found between various Jews and the Chris­ esch, 1993; Moen, 1992, 1989; Reichley, tian Right concerning Zionism/Israel, and 1985; Shriver, 1981; Vaid, 1995; Wilcox, finally, a few Jews have surprisingly proven 1994, 1992; Zwier, 1982), no work has been to be some of the strongest allies and lead­ done specifically on how the Christian ers of the Christian Right. Right is related to Jews. Earl Raab (1996, p. 44) notes that "Jews THE CHRISTIAN RIGHT have regularly rated Christian fiindamental- An amalgam of multimillion dollar media ists as the American group most inimical to empires, sympathetic politicians, grassroots them," and Norman Podhoretz (1995, p. 30) organizations, and millions of money- observes that "most American Jews *e pledging supporters, the Christian Right liberals...and have lined up behind policies mixes conservative political aspirations that are repugnant to the conservative with fimdamentalist, evangelical Christian Christian commuiuty." However, Jews and beliefs in an attempt to influence American the Christian Right do have relatively non- politics and society. conflicting points of relation. Bolstered by an ever-growing tie to the After describing the Christian Right, this Republican party (Kosmin & Lachman, article examines the areas of intersection 1993; Moen, 1992), the activities of the between the Christian Right and Jews. This Christian Right include everything fi-om examination will add to our understanding supporting military dictators in Central of the Christian Right's ability to attract al­ America to winning seats on local school lies from seemingly oppositional groups in boards (Bates, 1993; Diamond, 1989). carrying out its social and political agenda, as well as explore the role some Jews play Conservative Christian social and politi­ within this conservative movement. cal activism currently permeates the United States: The anti-gay movement is gaining As the most consistently democratic-lib­ momentum in state after state; one of the eral voting white ethno-religious group in largest grassroots movements in American the country (Johnson, 1985; Kosmin & politics today is the Christian Coalition; 21 Journal of Jewish Communal Service / 12 and the Christian Right dominates the Re- the Christian Right's significant influence pubHcan Party in more than eighteen states, throughout the 1980s (Diamond, 1995; with significant influence in thirteen others Johnson, 1985; Kosmin andLachman, (Stan, 1995). In the 1994 elections, a lib­ 1993; Lienesch, 1993). eral lobbying group monitored 600 state and Currently, the most formidable Christian local races and found that 60 percent of the Right organization is the Christian Coali­ candidates backed by the Christian Right tion. Led by Pat Robertson and Ralph won election to office (Diamond, 1995). Reed, who has developed strong ties with Today's Christian Right is concemed Newt Gingrich and Jesse Helms, this orga­ with issues of anti-homosexuality, anti- nization has over one miUion members with women's equality, anti-reproductive rights, more than 870 chapters (Vaid, 1995) and anti-separation of church and state, and op­ an annual budget of $25 million (Stan, position to the teaching of sex education in 1995). The Christian Coalition is one of public schools—all embedded within a the best-organized grassroots political hyper-patriotic, fi-ee-market capitalist ideol­ movements in the country. For example, in ogy that is marked by social critiques of the 1990, it targeted San Diego for political in­ needy and unrelenting attacks against wel­ fluence. Its efforts were overwhelmingly fare legislation (Lahaye, 1980; Robertson, successful, as 60 candidates (of 88) affili­ 1990). ated with the religious right were elected to Combining a potentially intolerant mor- city and county positions. Three hundred alism based on a literal interpretation of the Christian Coalition delegates attended the Bible with a nostalgic yearning for the 1992 Republican National Convention. In mythical "Leave it to Beaver" patriarchal 1995, the Christian Coalition's intention to family stmcture, the Christian Right is influence politics was revealed in its "Con­ working hand in hand with the Republican tract with the American Family," a loud call party to shape American society and politics for an evangelical Christian presence in all along lines that some would consider quite levels of American society, which was threatening. According to activist/author warmly embraced by the Republican major­ Urvashi Vaid (1995, p. 310), the Christian ity in Congress. One of the Christian Right is a "militantly antidemocratic move­ Coalition's projects is fighting for the re­ ment that is turning American constitu­ peal of the constitutional separation of tional democracy inside out... .Prejudice, in­ church and state, which Robertson has suc­ justice, inequality, intolerance, hatred, vio­ cinctly labeled "a lie of the left" (Vaid, lence are all evils being strengthened by the 1995). The Christian Coalition vowed to religious and supremacist right." spend over $1 million to help defeat Presi­ dent Clinton's health care plan (ADL, MAJOR ORGAISIZATIONS OF THE 1994). CHRISTIAN RIGHT The exact number of Christian Coalition delegates who attended the 1996 Repubh- The four primary organizations of the can National Convention is uncertain. Christian Right throughout the 1980s were However, a Times/CNN poll conducted in the National Christian Action Coalition, the August 1996 claimed that II percent of del­ Religious Roundtable, Christian Voice, and egates were members of the Christian Coa­ Moral Majority (Moen, 1992). The success- lition, with an additional 55 percent claim­ fill registration of millions of new conserva­ ing to "favor" the organization. Republican tive voters and the sound defeat of the candidate Bob Dole has openly embraced Equal Rights Amendment, the Nuclear the Christian Coalition. Bowing to Chris­ Freeze Initiative, pubhc fiinding for abor­ tian Right pressure, he ensured that the Re­ tions for poor women, and fiinding for publican platform remained strongly anti- AIDS research are but a few examples of abortion, and in mid-September he spoke at FALL 1996 Jews and the Christian Right / 23 the Christian Coalition's annual meeting in merous religio-political books. Pat Washington. He appeared on stage with Pat Robertson, in the words of Walter Capps Robertson, clasping hands and joining him (1990, p. 181), "is the personification of the in calling on God's help in the upcoming Religious Right." election. Robertson's attitude toward Jews is one Other major conservative Christian orga­ of well-noted contradiction. On the one nizations include anti-gay movements, such hand, he is a staunch public supporter of Is­ as Colorado for Family Values and the Or­ rael and in recent times has made several egon Citizens Alliance. The American open gestures of good will toward the Freedom Coalition is a large, grassroots American Jewish commuiuty. On the other movement that fights fimding for public hand, he is notorious for his steatfy stream schools and enviroimiental protection of anti-Senutic sentiments. In his book 77ze (Moen, 1992). With an annual budget of New Millennium (1990), he charges that all $62 miUion, the Promise Keepers, led by religions that deny the deity of Christ are Colorado for Family Values board member Satanic at root (p. 77); liberal Jews are in­ Bill McCartney, spreads the message of tent on "diminishing Christian influence" male dominance within an evangelical in America (p. 289) and are out "to destroy Christian context (Diamond, 1995). Anti- the Christian position" (p. 290); and "Jew­ feminist organizations, such as Phyllis ish intellectuals and media activists" have Schlafly's Eagle Forum and Concerned waged an assault on Christianity (p. 292). Women for America (with a budget of $10 Although repeatedly noting the special rela­ million), have been quite active, with mem­ tionship between God and the Jews, bership possibly reaching close to 500,000 Robertson also repeatedly makes it clear (Moen, 1992; Vaid, 1995). Pat Robertson's that there will be no room for Jews in his American Center for Law and Justice new millennium, for "the destiny of this na­
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