Armed Conflicts 1946 - 2004 *
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A Short Outline of the History of the Communist Party of Burma
A SHORT OUTLINE OF THE HISTORY OF .· THE COMMUNIST PARTY OF BURMA I Burma was an independent kingdom before annexation by the British imperialist in 1824. In 1885 British imperialist annexed whole of Burma. Since that time, Burmese people have never given up their fight for regaining their independence. Various armed uprisings and other legal forms of strug gle were used by the Burmese people in their fight to regain indep~ndence. In 19~8 the biggest and the broadest anti-British general _strike over-ran the whole country. The workers were on strike, the peasants marched up to Rangoon and all the students deserted their class-room to join the workers and peasants. It was an unprecendented anti-British movement in Burma popularly called in Burmese as "1300th movement". Out of this national and class struggle of the Burmese people and working class emerges the Communist Party of Burma. II The Communist Party of Burma was of!i~ially founded on 15th ~_!l_g~s_b 1939 by _!!nitil)K all MarxisLgr.9J!l!§ in Burma, III From the day of inception, CPB launched an active anti-British struggles up till 1941. It was the core of CPB leadership that led ahti British struggles up till the second world war. IV In 1941, after the Hitlerites treacherously attacked the Soviet Union, CPB changed its tactics and directed its blows against the fascists. v In 1942, Burma was invaded by the Japanese fascists. From that time onwards up till 1945, CPB worked unt~ringly to oppose the Japanese fa~ists 1 . -
Participatory Democracy? Exploring Peru's Efforts to Engage Civil
Participatory Democracy? Exploring Peru’s Efforts to Engage Civil Society in Local Governance Stephanie McNulty ABSTRACT As institutions are created to engage citizens and civil society organizations more directly, who participates, and what effect does participation have? This article explores two of Peru’s participatory institutions, the Regional Coordination Councils and the participatory budgets, created in 2002. Specifically it asks, once these institutions are set up, do organizations participate in them? and what effect does this participation have on the organizations? The data show that the participatory processes in Peru are including new voices in decisionmaking, but this inclusion has limits. Limited inclu- sion has, in turn, led to limited changes specifically in nongovernmental organizations. As a result, the democratizing potential of the participatory institutions is evident yet not fully realized. s institutions are created around Latin America to engage citizens and civil soci- Aety organizations directly, who participates? What effect does this participation have? Increasingly, local, regional, and national governments around Latin America are designing new institutions that allow citizens and civil society organizations (CSOs) to participate directly in policy decisionmaking with voice and vote. Partic- ipatory institutions (or PIs), such as development councils, participatory perform- ance monitoring, and participatory budgets, have been implemented around the region in countries such as Mexico, Brazil, Venezuela, Colombia, Ecuador, the Dominican Republic, Guatemala, Honduras, Nicaragua, and Peru.1 Often, these institutions are created to complement existing representative democratic institu- tions that are failing to meet the needs and demands of citizens. Reformers hope to increase transparency and accountability, as well as to encourage a more active and engaged civil society. -
The Making of a Leftist Milieu: Anti-Colonialism, Anti-Fascism, and the Political Engagement of Intellectuals in Mandate Lebanon, 1920- 1948
THE MAKING OF A LEFTIST MILIEU: ANTI-COLONIALISM, ANTI-FASCISM, AND THE POLITICAL ENGAGEMENT OF INTELLECTUALS IN MANDATE LEBANON, 1920- 1948. A dissertation presented By Sana Tannoury Karam to The Department of History In partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy In the field of History Northeastern University Boston, Massachusetts December 2017 1 THE MAKING OF A LEFTIST MILIEU: ANTI-COLONIALISM, ANTI-FASCISM, AND THE POLITICAL ENGAGEMENT OF INTELLECTUALS IN MANDATE LEBANON, 1920- 1948. A dissertation presented By Sana Tannoury Karam ABSTRACT OF DISSERTATION Submitted in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy in History in the College of Social Sciences and Humanities of Northeastern University December 2017 2 This dissertation is an intellectual and cultural history of an invisible generation of leftists that were active in Lebanon, and more generally in the Levant, between the years 1920 and 1948. It chronicles the foundation and development of this intellectual milieu within the political Left, and how intellectuals interpreted leftist principles and struggled to maintain a fluid, ideologically non-rigid space, in which they incorporated an array of ideas and affinities, and formulated their own distinct worldviews. More broadly, this study is concerned with how intellectuals in the post-World War One period engaged with the political sphere and negotiated their presence within new structures of power. It explains the social, political, as well as personal contexts that prompted intellectuals embrace certain ideas. Using periodicals, personal papers, memoirs, and collections of primary material produced by this milieu, this dissertation argues that leftist intellectuals pushed to politicize the role and figure of the ‘intellectual’. -
Forming the New Tunisian Government
Viewpoints No. 71 Forming the New Tunisian Government: “Relative Majority” and the Reality Principle Lilia Labidi Fellow, Woodrow Wilson Center and former Minister for Women’s Affairs, Tunisia February 2015 After peaceful legislative and presidential elections in Tunisia toward the end of 2014, which were lauded on both the national and international levels, the attempt to form a new government reveals the tensions among the various political forces and the difficulties of constructing a democratic system in the country that was the birthplace of the "Arab Spring." Middle East Program 0 ~ ~ ~ ~ ~ ~ ~ ~ ~ On January 23, 2015, Prime Minister Habib Essid announced the members of the new Tunisian government after much negotiation with the various political parties. Did Prime Minister Essid intend to give a political lesson to Tunisians, both to those who had been elected to the Assembly of the People’s Representatives (ARP) and to civil society? The ARP’s situation is worrisome for two reasons. First, 76 percent of the groups in political parties elected to the ARP have not submitted the required financial documents to the appropriate authorities in a timely manner. They therefore run the risk of losing their seats. Second, ARP members are debating the rules and regulations of the parliament as well as the definition of parliamentary opposition. They have been unable to reach an agreement on this last issue; without an agreement, the ARP is unable to vote on approval for a proposed government. There is conflict within a number of political parties in this context. In Nidaa Tounes, some members of the party, including MP Abdelaziz Kotti, have argued that there has been no exchange of information within the party regarding the formation of the government. -
Militarized Conflicts in Northern Shan State
A Return to War: Militarized Conflicts in Northern Shan State ASIA PAPER May 2018 EUROPEAN UNION A Return to War: Militarized Conflicts in Northern Shan State © Institute for Security and Development Policy V. Finnbodavägen 2, Stockholm-Nacka, Sweden www.isdp.eu “A Return to War: Militarized Conflicts in Northern Shan State” is an Asia Paper published by the published by the Institute for Security and Development Policy. The Asia Paper Series is the Occasional Paper series of the Institute’s Asia Program, and addresses topical and timely subjects. The Institute is based in Stockholm, Sweden, and cooperates closely with research centers worldwide. The Institute serves a large and diverse community of analysts, scholars, policy-watchers, business leaders, and journalists. It is at the forefront of research on issues of conflict, security, and development. Through its applied research, publications, research cooperation, public lectures, and seminars, it functions as a focal point for academic, policy, and public discussion. This publication has been produced with funding by the European Union. The content of this publication does not reflect the official opinion of the European Union. Responsibility for the information and views expressed in the paper lies entirely with the authors. No third-party textual or artistic material is included in the publication without the copyright holder’s prior consent to further dissemination by other third parties. Reproduction is authorised provided the source is acknowledged. © European Union and ISDP, 2018 Printed in Lithuania ISBN: 978-91-88551-11-5 Cover photo: Patrick Brown patrickbrownphoto.com Distributed in Europe by: Institute for Security and Development Policy Västra Finnbodavägen 2, 131 30 Stockholm-Nacka, Sweden Tel. -
ESS9 Appendix A3 Political Parties Ed
APPENDIX A3 POLITICAL PARTIES, ESS9 - 2018 ed. 3.0 Austria 2 Belgium 4 Bulgaria 7 Croatia 8 Cyprus 10 Czechia 12 Denmark 14 Estonia 15 Finland 17 France 19 Germany 20 Hungary 21 Iceland 23 Ireland 25 Italy 26 Latvia 28 Lithuania 31 Montenegro 34 Netherlands 36 Norway 38 Poland 40 Portugal 44 Serbia 47 Slovakia 52 Slovenia 53 Spain 54 Sweden 57 Switzerland 58 United Kingdom 61 Version Notes, ESS9 Appendix A3 POLITICAL PARTIES ESS9 edition 3.0 (published 10.12.20): Changes from previous edition: Additional countries: Denmark, Iceland. ESS9 edition 2.0 (published 15.06.20): Changes from previous edition: Additional countries: Croatia, Latvia, Lithuania, Montenegro, Portugal, Slovakia, Spain, Sweden. Austria 1. Political parties Language used in data file: German Year of last election: 2017 Official party names, English 1. Sozialdemokratische Partei Österreichs (SPÖ) - Social Democratic Party of Austria - 26.9 % names/translation, and size in last 2. Österreichische Volkspartei (ÖVP) - Austrian People's Party - 31.5 % election: 3. Freiheitliche Partei Österreichs (FPÖ) - Freedom Party of Austria - 26.0 % 4. Liste Peter Pilz (PILZ) - PILZ - 4.4 % 5. Die Grünen – Die Grüne Alternative (Grüne) - The Greens – The Green Alternative - 3.8 % 6. Kommunistische Partei Österreichs (KPÖ) - Communist Party of Austria - 0.8 % 7. NEOS – Das Neue Österreich und Liberales Forum (NEOS) - NEOS – The New Austria and Liberal Forum - 5.3 % 8. G!LT - Verein zur Förderung der Offenen Demokratie (GILT) - My Vote Counts! - 1.0 % Description of political parties listed 1. The Social Democratic Party (Sozialdemokratische Partei Österreichs, or SPÖ) is a social above democratic/center-left political party that was founded in 1888 as the Social Democratic Worker's Party (Sozialdemokratische Arbeiterpartei, or SDAP), when Victor Adler managed to unite the various opposing factions. -
Nationwide Ceasefire Coordination Team
Nationwide Ceasefire Coordination Team Seventeen Ethnic Armed Organizations held a conference in Laiza, the headquarters of KIO/KIA on 30 Oct – 2 Nov 2013. At the end of the conference, ethnic leaders established Nationwide Ceasefire Coordination Team (NCCT) on Nov 2, 2013. The NCCT will represent to member ethnic armed organizations when negotiating with government peace negotiation team, UPWC. NCCT Leader: • Vice-Chairman : Nai Hong Sar, New Mon State Party • Deputy Leader 1 : General Secretary – Padoh Kwe Htoo Win (Karen National Union) • Deputy Leader 2 : Deputy Commander-in-Chief – Maj. Gen. Gun Maw (KIA) Member • Lt. Col. Kyaw Han, Arakan Army • Central Committee Member Ms. Mra Raza Lin, Arakan Liberation Party • General Secretary Twan Zaw, Arakan National Council • Presidium Dr. Lian Sakhong, Chin National Front • Col. Saw Lont Lon, Democratic Karen Benevolent Army • Secretary-2 Shwe Myo Thant, Karenni National Progressive Party • Gen. Dr. Timothy, Foreign Affairs, KNU/KNLA Peace Council • Col. Hkun Okker, Patron, Pa-Oh National Liberation Organization • Central Committee member Sai Ba Tun, Shan State Progress Party • Secretary-General Ta Aik Nyunt, Wa National Organization NCCT member Organizations: 1. Arakan Liberation Party 2. Arakan National Council 3. Arakan Army 4. Chin National Front 5. Democratic Karen Benevolent Army 6. Karenni National Progressive Party 7. Chairman, Karen National Union 8. KNU/KNLA Peace Council 9. Lahu Democratic Union 10. Myanmar National Democratic Alliance Army 11. New Mon State Party 12. Pa-Oh National Liberation Organization 13. Palaung State Liberation Front 14. Shan State Progress Party 15. Wa National Organiztion 16. Kachin Independence Organization Note: Representatives of Restoration Council of Shan State attended the ethnic armed organizations conference held in Laiza, the headquarters of KIO. -
June 17, 1949 Untitled Note Concerning a Secret Memo Distributed by the Central Committee of the Lebanese Communist Party
Digital Archive digitalarchive.wilsoncenter.org International History Declassified June 17, 1949 Untitled note concerning a secret memo distributed by the Central Committee of the Lebanese Communist Party Citation: “Untitled note concerning a secret memo distributed by the Central Committee of the Lebanese Communist Party,” June 17, 1949, History and Public Policy Program Digital Archive, Emir Farid Chehab Collection, GB165-0384, Box 1, File 157/1, Middle East Centre Archive, St Antony’s College, Oxford. https://digitalarchive.wilsoncenter.org/document/119854 Summary: On the eve of the 50th anniversary of Syrian and Lebanese Communist independence, a secret memo is distributed by the Lebanese Community Party defining the role of the Regional Secretary. Credits: This document was made possible with support from Youmna and Tony Asseily. Original Language: Arabic Contents: English Translation Scan of Original Document 1/157 Beirut, Jun 17, 1949 Number 85/ The communists are preparing to celebrate the fifth anniversary of the independence of the Syrian and Lebanese Communist Parties with the strengthening of their branches in the regional specific committees by finding strong elements as supervisory secretaries for these committees. I have come across the text of a secret memo distributed by the central committee of the Lebanese Communist Party entitled; (The role of the Regional Secretary) that included the following: “We remind you that article 19 of the Party bylaws [page 2] states that “ The Regional Committee consults the Central Committee regarding the candidacy of the Regional Secretary.” If the party conference votes on this bylaw; that means that this matter has become insignificant and the Regional Secretary is a fighter with great responsibility, on whom party action is great dependent. -
January 01, 1956 Communist Activities
Digital Archive digitalarchive.wilsoncenter.org International History Declassified January 01, 1956 Communist Activities Citation: “Communist Activities,” January 01, 1956, History and Public Policy Program Digital Archive, Emir Farid Chehab Collection, GB165-0384, Box 10, File 30C/10, Middle East Centre Archive, St Antony’s College, Oxford. https://digitalarchive.wilsoncenter.org/document/176068 Summary: Report on a meeting between the Syrian and Lebanese Communist Parties in Damascus. Credits: This document was made possible with support from Youmna and Tony Asseily. Original Language: Arabic Contents: English Translation Scan of Original Document 30C/ 10 Communist activities The Conference of the Syrian-Lebanese Communist Party did not convene in Damascus on 20/12/1955 as I reported to you in an earlier message, but rather on 14/1/1956 in Damascus, at the home of Mr Ahmad Abaza located in the Kurdish area, under the Chairmanship of Khaled Beikdache (Khālid Bikdāsh). The events that impacted on the situation in Jordan and the mass demonstration that accompanied them were the reason behind the postponement; the Communist Party at the time wanted to postpone the meeting until the situation which followed these events becomes clearer. The first session of the meeting, which took place in the morning of 14/1/1956, was devoted to the Secretary General of the Communist Party, Khaled Beikdache’s report on the current situation in the Arab countries as a result of foreign pressure on Syria, Lebanon, and Jordan. This pressure, he said, aims at isolating Syria from other Arab countries, involving Lebanon and Jordan in the Iraqi- Turkish Pact, and countering the strong position adopted by the Communist Party in support of the National Front established in these three countries to combat all kinds of colonial schemes. -
Armed Conflicts, 1946–2014
Special Data Features Journal of Peace Research 2015, Vol. 52(4) 536–550 Armed conflicts, 1946–2014 ª The Author(s) 2015 Reprints and permission: sagepub.co.uk/journalsPermissions.nav DOI: 10.1177/0022343315595927 jpr.sagepub.com There´se Pettersson & Peter Wallensteen Uppsala Conflict Data Program, Uppsala University Abstract In 2014, the Uppsala Conflict Data Program (UCDP) recorded 40 armed conflicts with a minimum of 25 battle- related deaths, up by six from 2013. This is the highest number of conflicts reported since 1999, and 11 of these con- flicts were defined as wars, that is, conflicts generating 1,000 or more battle-related deaths in one calendar year. Further, an escalation of several conflicts, coupled with the extreme violence in Syria, resulted in the highest number of battle- related deaths in the post-1989 period. Yet, compared to the large-scale interstate wars of the 20th century, the number of fatalities caused by armed conflicts in 2014 was relatively low. Additionally, seven conflicts identified in 2013 were no longer active in 2014. However, four new conflicts erupted in 2014, all of them in Ukraine, and three previously reg- istered conflicts were restarted by new actors. Furthermore, six conflicts reoccurred with previously registered actors. A positive development, however, is the increase to ten of the number of peace agreements concluded and signed in 2014, which represents a further four compared with 2013. And although this increase is part of a positive trend since 2011, it is worth noting that several peace processes remained fragile by the end of the year. -
Political Culture and Risk Analysis: 36 an Outline of Somalia, Tunisia, and Libya M
Call for Submissions MCU Journal Marine Corps University Press (MCUP) publishes full-length mono- graphs and a scholarly journal focusing on contemporary issues. The editors are looking for articles to publish in the MCU Journal on top- ics of concern to the Marine Corps and the Department of Defense through the lens of various disciplines, including international rela- tions, political science, and security studies. For the 2017 publishing year, we are looking for new, engaged book reviewers as well as proposals or submissions for a possible special issue on global health concerns and policy. MCU Journal is a peer-reviewed journal, and submissions should be 4,000–10,000 words, footnoted, and formatted according to Chicago Manual of Style (16th edition). Junior faculty and advanced graduate students are encouraged to submit. MCUP is also looking for book reviewers from international studies, political science, and contempo- rary history fields. To receive a copy of the journal or to discuss an article idea or book review, please contact acquisitions editor Alexandra Kindell at [email protected]. Cover: Fighters of the Ras Kimboni Brigade, a Somali government-allied militia, wait in a thicket on a machine- gun-mounted battle wagon to join troops from the Kenyan contingent of the African Union Mission in Somalia (AMISOM) during an advance on the Somali port city of Kismayo. Courtesy of AMISOM. Published by Marine Corps University Press 111 South Street | Quantico, VA 22134 MARINE CORPS UNIVERSITY Established in 2008, Marine Corps University Press BGen Thomas A. Gorry, USMC (MCUP) recognizes the importance of an open dia- President logue between scholars, policy makers, analysts, and military leaders and of crossing civilian-military bound- Col Scott E. -
La Lutte Pour L'azawad: MNLA Public Relations Responses to Conflict In
LA LUTTE POUR L’AZAWAD: MNLA PUBLIC RELATIONS RESPONSES TO CONFLICT IN NORTHERN MALI, 2011-2014 SEAN NEIL CURTIS Intelligence and National Security Studies Program APPROVED: Damien Van Puyvelde, Ph.D., Chair Larry Valero, Ph.D. Jean-Philippe Peltier, Ph.D. Charles Ambler, Ph.D. Dean of the Graduate School Copyright © by Sean Neil Curtis 2015 LA LUTTE POUR L’AZAWAD: MNLA PUBLIC RELATIONS RESPONSES TO CONFLICT IN NORTHERN MALI, 2011-2014 By SEAN NEIL CURTIS THESIS Presented to the Faculty of the Graduate School of The University of Texas at El Paso in Partial Fulfillment of the Requirements for the Degree of MASTER OF SCIENCE Intelligence and National Security Studies Program THE UNIVERSITY OF TEXAS AT EL PASO May 2015 Acknowledgements Thank you to my thesis committee, the faculty and staff of the University of Texas at El Paso’s National Security Studies Institute, my parents, my friends, Steven Seagal, and Jean- Claude Van Damme for all of their help and support during my graduate education. Thank you to Dr. Gerard Prunier and his work which was my introduction to the world of African studies. iv Abstract This thesis examines the Internet public relations content of Mali’s Tuareg rebel group, the Mouvement National de la Liberation de l’Azawad (MNLA). Content analysis grounded in speech act securitization theory is applied to the 259 posts on the MNLA’s primary French language website in order to determine if MNLA website posts correlate with the events occurring in the northern Mali conflict. The data reveals that various characteristics of MNLA statements do correlate with events in the conflict.