Map 11 Sequana-Rhenus Compiled by C. Haselgrove and J. Kunow (Rhineland), 1996 Introduction Gallia Belgica is one of the most extensively researched provinces of the Roman empire (note Wightman 1985). A combination of aerial survey–notably by Agache (1978) in Picardy–rescue excavations of various kinds (Bréart 1995; Bayard 1996), and most recently extensive ground survey (note Haselgrove 1996 for the Aisne valley) have identified literally thousands of major and minor Gallo-Roman sites spread right across the landscape; many are detectable only as surface scatters of pottery and building materials. These findings suggest that settlement densities in excess of one site per square mile were normal in many parts of the province during the Early empire, although site numbers fall again during the fourth and fifth centuries A.D. On present evidence, the process seems to have been a gradual one, rather than sudden (Van Ossel 1992). This explosion of knowledge has called for a highly selective approach to mapping Roman settlement in northern Gaul. The decision was therefore taken to limit the sites marked here essentially to those named in ancient sources, and to others of some significance. In addition to civitas capitals, the latter include nucleated settlements (vici, a few of which achieved the status of civitas capital in the Late Empire), road stations, rural sanctuary complexes, and the few Roman forts, mainly of early date. The category of road station has been used to denote roadside settlements of limited extent, as well as those places named in ItAnt or TabPeut for which satisfactory archaeological evidence is lacking. Isolated rural sanctuaries–comprising temples, baths and theaters–are a feature of the region, especially its western part; only the larger such complexes, often with significant monumental buildings, are marked. It would be unrealistic to mark the many small shrines (fana) which occur throughout the region and in every vicus. Cemeteries and burial mounds are omitted for similar reasons. While many vici clearly served a wide range of functions as local centers, some appear to have specialized in the manufacture of particular commodities, such as pottery and metal; but these are not distinguished here. Such activities, of course, occurred on at least a small scale at most larger sites as well (Petit 1994). In addition to localized industries, Gallia Belgica housed two of the major pottery production centers in the whole of the western empire, the Gallo-Belgic pottery industry in the Vesle valley south-east of Durocortorum and the Samian potteries in the Argonne forest; in each case, a single “cluster” symbol stands for the many kiln sites (Sept-Saulx and Lavoye respectively). Most major Gallic settlements (oppida) in the southern part of the region had at least indirect contacts with the Roman world prior to Caesar’s conquest, as evidenced by the wine amphorae and other imported goods found there. In view of their number, these settlements are not shown unless there was also significant Roman activity on the site (for instance use by the Roman army, or as a religious center), in which case the symbol chosen reflects their status after the Roman conquest. Many of the Augustan foundations (Augusta Suessionum, for example) represent in effect a shift to a valley site from a nearby hilltop fortified site, in this case Noviodunum? (D3). For the sake of clarity, only the names of those Gallic peoples whom the Romans later formalized into civitates appear on the map, thus omitting some lesser groups or tribes who are mentioned in Caesar’s time, but were subsequently subsumed into larger groupings or otherwise disappear from history. A category of site which is particularly well attested in Gallia Belgica, largely through the work of Agache (1975; 1978), is the rural villa. Given their numbers–over 600 are known in Somme alone–it would be impossible to plot either these, or other, small rural settlements comprehensively. It appears that their distribution was not uniform; large villas are most frequent in areas where there are fewer nucleated settlements (as in western Picardy), whereas in other regions the reverse applies (as in Nord and Hainault). As Wightman (1985) has noted, we are evidently dealing with genuine variations in the pattern of settlement, which may relate to the pre-existing pattern of social structure and land tenure, as much as to factors such as agricultural potential. Only a limited selection of 146 MAP 11 SEQUANA-RHENUS well-known or extensively excavated villas is shown; this can also give an indication of the areas where they are most abundant. The network of major roads attested in ItAnt and TabPeut can be augmented by other important routes between centers, as well as selected minor roads, based on information offered in TIR Lutetia and elsewhere (note Brulet 1990). Many Roman roads in this region are still preserved in the alignment of modern roads and tracks, or survive as cropmarks; the course of others, however, remains conjectural. The modern coastal zone in Flanders is low-lying, and includes tracts of land reclaimed from the sea. In the earlier Roman period, much of this area was probably marsh and dunes, as reflected by the sparseness of significant settlements. During the third century A.D., the zone was inundated as a result of the Dunkirk II marine transgression, so that by the Late Roman period the coastline had in places shifted several miles further inland (note Brulet 1990, map 1; Van Ossel 1992, map 1). The linework for it is rendered as approximate, but takes into account the distribution of marine clays and peats (Vermeulen 1992, 17-18 and figs. 2, 152). Rhineland The ancient geography of the region remains difficult to determine in many respects. Since the ancient courses of large rivers such as the Mosa and Rhenus are not well established, no attempt is made here to reconstruct the river system. Moreover the ancient names of many rivers remain unknown. A further palaeogeographical problem concerns the position of the North Sea shoreline: this can at least be reconstructed approximately on the basis of important research by van Es (1988, 89). The region has been the focus of much archaeological investigation ever since the early nineteenth century. From the outset, its exceptional nature as a frontier-zone led to particular concentration on military installations. Thus studies were made, for example, of the legionary fortresses at Castra Vetera, Novaesium, Bonna, Mogontiacum and Argentorate. Much attention was also given to auxiliary forts. The Reichslimes-Kommission undertook systematic work along the upper German and Raetian frontier line (limes), as did other institutions at various times along the lower German frontier. Although new discoveries are still being made–as in the case of Castra Herculis– the location of most auxiliary forts now seems established. More may remain to be found, however, along the R. Lupia and north-east of Mogontiacum. By contrast, research into large urban centers, nucleated settlements (vici) and other rural sites presents a much less even picture. The unique location of Col. Ulpia Traiana (some miles from the medieval foundation of Xanten) made it ideal for fieldwork, with the result that we are better informed about its development than that of any other city in the region. Significant fresh discoveries of vici cannot be expected. In the case of rural sites, on the other hand, the situation is entirely different. Because of aerial photography above all, new villas are constantly being discovered, and it would still be premature to make any confident estimate of the settlement density of the region during the Roman period. By definition, a single map cannot adequately reflect the continuous transformation which the region experienced from its occupation by Julius Caesar to the end of Late Roman period. Some former military installations slowly developed into civic centers, and in the Late Roman period many towns were fortified. Frequently, military installations and civil settlements coexisted at the same time. Our knowledge of the routes within the region is very limited. TabPeut and subsequent compilations based upon it still form the most important source (Hagen 1931). As a result, although it is certain that a network of roads linked the cities marked, their courses must frequently remain approximate. The courses of aqueducts, on the other hand, are much more secure (Grewe 1986). MAP 11 SEQUANA-RHENUS 147 Directory All place names are in France unless otherwise noted Abbreviations CAG 27 D. Cliquet, Carte archéologique de la Gaule 27. L’Eure,Paris,1993 CAG 28 A. Ollagnier and D. Joly, Carte archéologique de la Gaule 28. L’Eure-et-Loir,Paris,1994 CAG 45 M. Provost, Carte archéologique de la Gaule 45. Le Loiret,Paris,1988 CAG 52 J.-J. Thévenard, Carte archéologique de la Gaule 52. La Haute-Marne,Paris,1996 CAG 59 R. Delmaire et al., Carte archéologique de la Gaule 59. Le Nord,Paris,1996 CAG 60 G.-P. Woimant, Carte archéologique de la Gaule 60. Oise,Paris,1995 CAG 62 R. Delmaire, Carte archéologique de la Gaule 62. Pas de Calais,Paris,1993 CAG 68 M. Zehner, Carte archéologique de la Gaule 68. Haut-Rhin,Paris,1998 CAG 75 D. Busson, Carte archéologique de la Gaule 75. Paris,Paris,1998 CAG 76 I. Rogeret, Carte archéologique de la Gaule 76. Seine-Maritime,Paris,1997 ORL G. Fabricius, F. Hettner and O. von Sanvey, Der obergermanisch-raetische Limes des Römerreiches, Berlin and Leipzig, 1894-1937 Römer Baden-Württemberg P. Filtzinger, D. Planck and B. Cämmerer (eds.), Die Römer in Baden-Württemberg,3rd ed., Stuttgart and Aalen, 1986 Römer Hessen D. Baatz and F.-R. Herrmann (eds.), Die Römer in Hessen,2nd ed., Stuttgart and Aalen, 1989 Römer Nordrhein-Westfalen H.G.