Euripides' Telephus

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Euripides' Telephus This is a repository copy of Euripides’ Telephus. White Rose Research Online URL for this paper: http://eprints.whiterose.ac.uk/521/ Article: Heath, M. (1987) Euripides’ Telephus. Classical Quarterly, 37. pp. 272-280. ISSN 0009-8388 Reuse Unless indicated otherwise, fulltext items are protected by copyright with all rights reserved. The copyright exception in section 29 of the Copyright, Designs and Patents Act 1988 allows the making of a single copy solely for the purpose of non-commercial research or private study within the limits of fair dealing. The publisher or other rights-holder may allow further reproduction and re-use of this version - refer to the White Rose Research Online record for this item. Where records identify the publisher as the copyright holder, users can verify any specific terms of use on the publisher’s website. Takedown If you consider content in White Rose Research Online to be in breach of UK law, please notify us by emailing [email protected] including the URL of the record and the reason for the withdrawal request. [email protected] https://eprints.whiterose.ac.uk/ This is a pre-copy-editing, author-produced PDF of an article accepted for publication in Classical Quarterly following peer review. The definitive publisher-authenticated version can be found in Classical Quarterly 37 (1987), 272-80. Euripides’ Telephus MALCOLM HEATH (UNIVERSITY OF LEEDS) ABSTRACT: This paper offers a hypothetical reconstruction of Euripides' lost Telephus, burlesqued in Aristophanes' Acharnians and Thesmophoriazusae. It defends the position that Telephus defended the Trojans, and suggests that Telephus made two defence speeches: one in defence of the Trojans, another in defence of Telephus himself. Whom did Telephus defend in Telephus? We know that he defended himself; fr. 710 proves that. It is widely, and I believe rightly, held that he defended the Trojans also; but this has been denied by some scholars, most recently by David Sansone in an article on the date of Herodotus’ publication.1 In the first part of this paper I shall comment on Sansone’s arguments and offer a defence of the conventional view; I shall then make some rather speculative suggestions concerning the reconstruction of the play. I Sansone tries to prove that the account of the origins of the war which Dicaeopolis gives in Acharnians 523-9 alludes to Herodotus 1.1-4; it would follow from this, obviously, that Herodotus had published that material before 425. To exclude the alternative view, favoured by Fornara,2 that the motif of reciprocal abductions was taken (like so much else in this speech) from Telephus, Sansone begins by arguing that Telephus did not defend the Trojans in Euripides’ play; he then offers two arguments which, he thinks, clinch the case for a Herodotean allusion. (i) Telephus’ main concern, Sansone argues, must have been to defend himself and the Mysians; a defence of Troy would be irrelevant to this self-defence, and would indeed damage his case, since any reference to Trojan guilt would detract from his argument that the Greeks were in the wrong. In Herodotus, however, and in Aristophanes the abductions are used to show, not only that the blame for the war was shared, but that it was foolish of the Greeks/Athenians to go to war over so trivial a cause; and that point could have been made just as well by Telephus as part of his attempt to discredit the Greek expedition which he had resisted. I do not think that this was in fact the way that Telephus argued—I shall propose a different view in due course; but it is a possibility which Sansone has done nothing to render implausible, and he has therefore failed to show that Telelphus did not defend the Trojans. 1 D.Sansone, ‘The date of Herodotus’ publication’, ICS 10 (1985), 1-9, a reply to C.W. Fornara, JHS 91 (1971), 25-34 (I should stress that I am not concerned here to adjudicate the question about Herodotus). The defence of Troy is rejected also by P. Rau, Paratragodia (Zetemata 45, Munich 1967), 22-23. 2 Fornara (n.1) 28; cf. Starkie on Ach. 524ff., Rostagni, RFIC 5 (1927), 323-7. 1 MALCOLM HEATH, EURIPIDES’ TELEPHUS (ii) Dicaeopolis’ speech uses the transitional formula mān d» (Ach. 523), an idiom uncharacteristic of Aristophanes, but which Sansone regards as ‘characteristically and recognisably Herodotean’. It is certainly common in Herodotus; but Sansone’s own evidence shows that it is not distinctively Herodotean. It is common enough in other historians, and is not unexampled in tragedy; perfectly good Euripidean parallels can be found in Alc. 156, Hec. 603, Su. 456. It is quite possible, therefore, that its occurrence in Ach. 523 is an echo of Telephus’ speech. Without the support of (i), this point does nothing to further Sansone’s case. (iii) The motif of reciprocal abductions, Sansone claims, occurs only in Aristophanes and Herodotus. This claim could not, after the failure of (i), be maintained without question-begging. But consider also: where did Herodotus get the motif? Presumably not, as he claims, from the Persians. He might, of course, himself have been its originator; but it might have come from some contemporary sophist. In that case Aristophanes and might may have derived it from a common source.3 But Euripides has a taste for sophistic argumentation; so it is also possible that the source was common to Herodotus and Euripides, and that Aristophanes derived it from the latter. Sansone has therefore failed to exclude Telephus as Aristophanes’ source, and has done nothing to show that Herodotus is a more probable source than Telephus. That Telephus did use the motif of reciprocal abductions cannot be proved, but I think that this would be an reasonable inference from its use in Acharnians if we could establish that Telephus did include a defence of Troy in some form. A strong presumption does exist, however, in favour of that more general point. A defence of Telephus and the Mysians alone, however provocative to the Greeks in the play, would not have struck Euripides’ audience as very paradoxical; yet the attractions which Telephus’ arguments had for Aristophanes suggest that the original was something strikingly out of the ordinary. A defence of Troy would have offered Euripides an opportunity for just the kind of sophistic paradox which he relished, and which might have attracted the parodist’s attention. We may go further. There is no difficulty in seeing why Aristophanes chose Telephus as a model for Thesmophoriazusae; whether or not Telephus defended Troy, the disguised infiltration of the enemy camp is common to both plots and admirably motivates the burlesque. It is harder to see why Aristophanes should have chosen Telephus as a model for Acharnians if Telephus did not defend Troy. Plot-elements such as the disguise, integral to Thesmophoriazusae, have no intrinsic function in the plot of Acharnians; they are contrived to sustain the burlesque, which must therefore have been motivated by some other point of analogy. The most striking fact about Dicaeopolis is his willingness to defend the Athenian arch-enemy, Sparta; the need to defend himself is merely a consequence of that. A Telephus who defends only himself and his Mysian compatriots provides a rather tenuous analogy; a much better analogy, and so a more convincing motivation of the burlesque, is provided by a Telephus who also, and shockingly, defends the Greek arch-enemy, Troy. Even in Thesmophoriazusae, the relative’s speech is not a self-defence but a defence of Euripides, the women’s 3 That the source is not extant is no objection; the idea might have circulated orally. 2 MALCOLM HEATH, EURIPIDES’ TELEPHUS arch-enemy; again, the burlesque works better if Telephus defended Troy as well as defending himself.4 II I believe, therefore, that Telephus in Euripides’ play defended Troy as well as himself; the need to motivate both themes of his defence provides an important constraint on the reconstruction of the play. It is, as we have seen, not difficult to see how a defence of Troy could have been included in a speech concerned primarily to defend Telephus; it is less easy to see how a defence of Telephus could have been introduced into a speech primarily concerned to defend Troy. But this reveals a difficulty. It is generally agreed that the play’s first episode began with a dispute between Menelaus and Agamemnon over the war against Troy; on the usual view Menelaus, eager to recover Helen, wants to make another attempt, while Agamemnon, discouraged (perhaps) by the Mysian fiasco, is inclined to abandon the expedition entirely. A different view has been proposed by Rau; he suggests that Agamemnon’s inclination is to launch another raid on Mysia in reprisal for the previous reverse there.5 But Agamemnon is frequently portrayed, in tragedy as in Homer, as a vacillating character, easily discouraged, and that is the interpretation suggested by fr. 722; ‘I won’t die for Helen—I am going to fight another war instead’ is not a compellingly plausible reconstruction of Agamemnon’s position. So we may presume that the conventional view is right; the brothers are arguing about whether to attack Troy or to abandon the expedition entirely. It is easy to see how that argument might prompt Telephus to defend the Trojans; but that, as we have seen, makes it difficult to work in his defence of himself. The defence of himself, which might plausibly include a defence of Troy, is not easily understood as a response to the brothers’ argument. This difficulty is illustrated by Jouan’s reconstruction.6 He suggests that Menelaus storms off in indignation at the end of the quarrel, to be replaced by Odysseus; Telephus makes his appeal for healing, using a cover-story that refers to the Mysian king; this evokes a tirade against Telephus from Odysseus, which in turn provokes Telephus to respond.
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