Scottish Gaelic Dialects (Continued) Author(S): Charles M

Total Page:16

File Type:pdf, Size:1020Kb

Scottish Gaelic Dialects (Continued) Author(S): Charles M Scottish Gaelic Dialects (Continued) Author(s): Charles M. Robertson Source: The Celtic Review, Vol. 4, No. 13 (Jul., 1907), pp. 69-80 Stable URL: http://www.jstor.org/stable/30069921 Accessed: 27-06-2016 11:00 UTC Your use of the JSTOR archive indicates your acceptance of the Terms & Conditions of Use, available at http://about.jstor.org/terms JSTOR is a not-for-profit service that helps scholars, researchers, and students discover, use, and build upon a wide range of content in a trusted digital archive. We use information technology and tools to increase productivity and facilitate new forms of scholarship. For more information about JSTOR, please contact [email protected]. is collaborating with JSTOR to digitize, preserve and extend access to The Celtic Review This content downloaded from 131.247.112.3 on Mon, 27 Jun 2016 11:00:20 UTC All use subject to http://about.jstor.org/terms SCOTTISH GAELIC DIALECTS 69 SCOTTISH GAELIC DIALECTS CHARLES M. ROBERTSON (Continued from vol. iii. p. 332) The mutual action and interaction of vowels and consonants upon one another are exceptionally prominent in the pro- nunciation of Gaelic, and show themselves very insistently in the orthography of the language. The silent vowels that form a part of that orthography have their explanation in most cases in the history of the language, but practically they owe their retention, or their presence, in the modern spelling to the adjacent consonants. Cois, the dative of cas, foot, for example, derived the i from a retraction of the ending of coxi, the prehistoric form of the dative of the word, but phonetically the preservation of the i is due to the fact that s has its slender or narrow sound or the dis- tinctive sound that it has when in contact with either of the slender vowels e and i. On the other hand the retention and sometimes even the introduction of silent consonants are often due to adjoining vowels. One general use of such consonants in the modern language is to show that the vowels on either side of the consonant are to be sounded apart, or that, in other words, they belong to different syllables. Accordingly such consonants are introduced when required for that purpose in inflection and word formation. As Munro has it in his Grammar: 'In the course of inflecting a primitive word, or combining a termination or compositive syllable therewith, if two vowels belonging to distinct syllables meet together, they must be separated by a silent dh, gh, or th,' and he gives amongst other examples ceb, mist; but cebthar, misty. Silent consonants in this way serve the same purpose as the diaeresis mark in English orthography. Other purposes also are served by them. After liquids they indicate that the liquids are sounded long. After a vowel they often indicate that the sound of the vowel differs from what it This content downloaded from 131.247.112.3 on Mon, 27 Jun 2016 11:00:20 UTC All use subject to http://about.jstor.org/terms 70 THE CELTIC REVIEW would be otherwise, as when a and o are changed to ao before dh and gh. The number of instances in which consonants are absolutely silent, however, is by no means great. ' Silent' consonants are not always silent. They may be silent in one dialect and not in another. Indeed, apart from the cases in which there is immediate contact with a liquid or another consonant the instances of consonants that are silent in every dialect are comparatively few in number, and even where they are in contact with liquids or other consonants they are not without phonetic influence in the pronunciation of the word. Even th at the end of accented syllables in many instances is not silent in Arran, Kintyre, and Islay, or, though with a different pronunciation, in the west of Ross-shire. Silent consonants owe not only their retention or introduction in many cases to their vowel neighbours. They often owe their silence to those same vowels. They have lost their sounds through aspiration, and aspiration has been caused by the vowels. Aspiration took place whenever a single consonant stood between two vowels in early Gaelic speech. No consonant, unless supported by its own double or by some other consonant, was strong enough to resist the force of vowels on either side of it, and remain unchanged in such a position. In the case, for example, of those consonants called mutes or stops, b, p, c, g, d, t, the organs of utterance which should be closed completely so as to stop or intercept the emission of breath between the two vowels, were only partially closed in anticipation of the coming vowel, and so permitted an emission of breath or aspiration that in place of the 'stops' caused the sounds that were really uttered to be the corresponding ' aspirates' or aspirated consonants. The consonants that were themselves spirants, as v and s, when they came into such a position, vanished altogether. The liquids in such positions also underwent a change, and though it is not properly aspiration, though often conveniently included under that distinctive designation, it agrees with aspiration in that it takes place in the same circumstances and arises from the same cause. The great cause of many, This content downloaded from 131.247.112.3 on Mon, 27 Jun 2016 11:00:20 UTC All use subject to http://about.jstor.org/terms SCOTTISH GAELIC DIALECTS 71 perhaps of most such changes, is ease of utterance. When one sound gives place to another the displacing sound is generally the easier to enunciate. Aspiration is not unknown of course in other languages. In English, for example, father shows what we call aspiration in f and th of the original p and t seen in the Latin pater, only th in this as in some other instances has the sound of dh-not that of th as in 'thin '-and is the aspiration of d which took the place of t as seen in the Anglo-Saxon form faeder, Gothic fadar, etc. In our Gaelic athair p as usual has been lost and t has become th now either sounded as h or altogether silent. Perhaps the most curious apparent parallel to this treat- ment of the particular consonant t is found in the Glasgow vernacular, as when such a word as 'water' is pronounced 'wa'er' or 'waher.' Though the process of change in this case is hardly to be called aspiration, the result certainly is oddly similar. Gaelic orthography, strange though it looks when first examined by those familiar with English and other languages, is in reality highly phonetic and well fitted to distinguish simply and effectively the sounds of the language. MacAlpine did not speak without knowledge when he uttered such an encomium as-' The orthography of the Gaelic shows more acuteness and ingenuity in its structure than any other language the author knows anything of.' In that orthography it is possible to distinguish simply and effectively four different sounds of each consonant in the event of its having so many. First there are the broad and the narrow or slender sounds. These are distinguished in spelling according as the flanking vowels are broad or narrow. If the vowel nearest to the consonant is broad, that is, if it is a or o or u, the consonant has what is called its broad sound. If the vowel is a narrow one, that is e or i, the consonant has its narrow or slender sound. This distinction in the sounds of the consonants is the foundation for the rule in Gaelic spelling that the vowels on either side of a consonant or group of consonants must This content downloaded from 131.247.112.3 on Mon, 27 Jun 2016 11:00:20 UTC All use subject to http://about.jstor.org/terms 72 THE CELTIC REVIEW be of the same class, that is, either both broad or both narrow. To quote the old couplet as given by Armstrong:- 'Leathan ri leathan is caol ri caol Leughar na sgriobhar gach facal 'san t-saoghal' 'Broad to broad and small (vowel) to small, you may read or write every word in the world.' Then there are the aspirated sounds of both the broad and the slender consonants. These are marked, except in the case of the liquids, by writing h after the consonant, a method which both indicates the change of sound and preserves the identity of the consonant. In the case of some consonants the distinction of broad and slender, of course, is not, at least usually, recognised, and aspirated sounds that might be looked for and that did exist, no doubt, in the language at one time, are not now to be found, and have had their place taken by others. Thus dh gets the sound of gh both broad and slender, and sh, fh, and even in a few instances ch, get the same sound as th. The liquids 1, n, r The four different pronunciations are recognised in the case of each of the liquids 1, n, and r, also in the orthography. That is without taking into account difference of length. There are broad and slender sounds, as in the case of the other consonants, and they are distinguished in the same way by means of the flanking vowels. Both the broad and the slender sounds here also have their respective changes of sound, which correspond in their occurrence to the aspirations of other consonants, and are therefore commonly called their 'aspirated' sounds.
Recommended publications
  • Standardization in Early English Orthography
    Standardization in Early English Orthography Over thirty years ago Fred Brengelman pointed out that since at least 1909 and George Krapp’s Modern English: Its Growth and Present Use, it was widely assumed that English printers played the major role in the standardization of English spelling.1 Brengelman demonstrated convincingly that the role of the printers was at best minimal and that much more important was the work done in the late 16th and 17th centuries by early English orthoepists and spelling reformers – people like Richard Mulcaster, John Cheke, Thomas Smith, John Hart, William Bullokar, Alexander Gil, and Richard Hodges.2 Brengelman’s argument is completely convincing, but it concentrates on developments rather late in the history of English orthography – developments that were external to the system itself and basically top-down. It necessarily ignores the extent to which much standardization occurred naturally and internally during the 11th through 16th centuries. This early standardization was not a top-down process, but rather bottom-up, arising from the communication acts of individual spellers and their readers – many small actions by many agents. In what follows I argue that English orthography is an evolving system, and that this evolution produced a degree of standardization upon which the 16th and 17th century orthoepists could base their work, work that not only further rationalized and standardized our orthography, as Brengelman has shown, but also marked the beginning of the essentially top-down system that we have today. English Orthography as an Evolving Complex System. English orthography is not just an evolving system; it is an evolving complex system – adaptive, self-regulating, and self-organizing.
    [Show full text]
  • ELL101: Intro to Linguistics Week 1 Phonetics &
    ELL101: Intro to Linguistics Week 1 Phonetics & IPA Tomonori Nagano <[email protected]> Education and Language Acquisition Dept. LaGuardia Community College August 16, 2017 . Tomonori Nagano <[email protected]> Edu&Lang Acq. Dept., LaGuardia CC 1/41 Fields of linguistics • Week 1-2: Phonetics (physical sound properties) • Week 2-3: Phonology (speech sound rules) • Week 4: Morphology (word parts) • Week 5-6: Syntax (structure) • Week 7-8: Semantics (meaning) • Week 7-8: Pragmatics (conversation & convention) • Week 9: First & Second language acquisition • Week 10-12: Historical linguistics (history of language) • Week 10-12: Socio-linguistics (language in society) • Week 10-12: Neuro-linguistics (the brain and language) • Week 10-12: Computational linguistics (computer and language) • Week 10-12: Evolutional linguistics (how language evolved in human history) . Tomonori Nagano <[email protected]> Edu&Lang Acq. Dept., LaGuardia CC 2/41 Overview Phonetics Phonetics is a study of the characteristics of the speech sound (p.30; Yule (2010)) Branches of phonetics • Articulatory phonetics • how speech sounds are made • Acoustic phonetics • physical properties of speech sounds • Auditory phonetics • how speech sounds are perceived • See some examples of phonetics research: • Speech visualization (acoustic / auditory phonetics) • ”McGurk effect” (auditory phonetics) . Tomonori Nagano <[email protected]> Edu&Lang Acq. Dept., LaGuardia CC 3/41 Acoustic phonetics (example) • The speech wave (spectorogram) of ”[a] (as in above), [ɛ] (as in bed), and [ɪ] (as in bit)” 5000 ) z H ( y c n e u q e r F 0 0 . .0.3799. Time (s) . Tomonori Nagano <[email protected]> Edu&Lang Acq. Dept., LaGuardia CC 4/41 Acoustic phonetics (example) • The speech wave (spectorogram) of ”Was that a good movie you saw?” 5000 ) z H ( y c n e u q e r F 0 0 2.926 Time (s) .
    [Show full text]
  • 1 English Spelling and Pronunciation
    ISSN: 2456-8104 http://www.jrspelt.com Issue 5, Vol. 2, 2018 English Spelling and Pronunciation - A Brief Study Prof. V. Chandra Sekhar Rao ([email protected] ) Professor in English, SITECH, Hyderabad Abstract The present paper aims at the correlation between spelling and pronunciation of English words. English spelling is almost divorced from its pronunciation and there is no perfect guide how to 1 learn the pronunciation of the words. The letters of alphabet used are always inadequate to represent the sounds. English alphabet contains only 26 letters but the sounds 44. IPA symbols are needed to understand the intelligibility of the pronunciation and the spelling-designed. Learners of English language have to understand that words from other languages may be adopted without being adapted to the spelling system. Most of the letters of English alphabet produce multiple pronunciations. English Pronouncing Dictionary is needed for better understanding of the spelling and pronunciation. Keywords: Spelling and Pronunciation, Orthography, Intelligibility, Phonetic Symbols Introduction "If we know the sounds of a word (in English) we can't know how to spell it; if we know the ` spelling, we can't know how to pronounce it." (Otto Jespersen, philologist, Essentials of English Grammar, 1905, page 11). "English spelling is almost divorced from its pronunciation and forms hardly any guide as to how words should be pronounced." (Mont Follick, The Case for Spelling Reform, 1964, page 87). English, as a global language of communication, is spoken, written and used widely for many different purposes - international diplomatic relations, business, science and technology. It is also called the library language and medium of instructions in higher education - science and technology, computer and software engineering, medicine and law, pharmacy and nursing, commerce and management, fashion technology and so on.
    [Show full text]
  • Sound and Fury: English Phonology 2
    Sound and Fury: English Phonology 2 Sound and Fury: English Phonology /'sawnd @n 'fjU®ij: 'IèglIS f@'nAl@Aij/ In this chapter, we look at English sound patterns. We learn about the distinct sounds that make up words (phonemes), and the mech- anisms in the vocal tract that are employed to produce them. We learn a system of writing that can be used to accurately represent pronunciation, the International Phonetic Alphabet. We think about how sounds group into families, and consider one example of sound change from the prehistory of English. This groundwork will allow us, in future chapters, to understand restrictions on phonological words in English, to look at other historical changes that have altered the pronunciation of English words in the past, and to discuss differences between dialects of English spoken today. It will also enable us to analyze other kinds of processes in English words, when we look at morphology. 2.1 English Spelling and English Pronunciation The first thing we have to do, when considering the pronunciation of English words, is find a way to represent their pronunciation accurately in print (since you can’t hear me talking). English spelling is notoriously bad at this: probably, at least once in your life as a literate English speaker, you have mispronounced a word in speech that you learned from a book; that is, you’ve probably used a spelling pronunciation. (I certainly have.) The mismatch between spelling and pronunciation is the reason that English spelling is a hard thing to master. 21 EWC02 21 17/10/05, 11:13 AM Sound and Fury: English Phonology orthography, n.
    [Show full text]
  • Hebrew Names and Name Authority in Library Catalogs by Daniel D
    Hebrew Names and Name Authority in Library Catalogs by Daniel D. Stuhlman BHL, BA, MS LS, MHL In support of the Doctor of Hebrew Literature degree Jewish University of America Skokie, IL 2004 Page 1 Abstract Hebrew Names and Name Authority in Library Catalogs By Daniel D. Stuhlman, BA, BHL, MS LS, MHL Because of the differences in alphabets, entering Hebrew names and words in English works has always been a challenge. The Hebrew Bible (Tanakh) is the source for many names both in American, Jewish and European society. This work examines given names, starting with theophoric names in the Bible, then continues with other names from the Bible and contemporary sources. The list of theophoric names is comprehensive. The other names are chosen from library catalogs and the personal records of the author. Hebrew names present challenges because of the variety of pronunciations. The same name is transliterated differently for a writer in Yiddish and Hebrew, but Yiddish names are not covered in this document. Family names are included only as they relate to the study of given names. One chapter deals with why Jacob and Joseph start with “J.” Transliteration tables from many sources are included for comparison purposes. Because parents may give any name they desire, there can be no absolute rules for using Hebrew names in English (or Latin character) library catalogs. When the cataloger can not find the Latin letter version of a name that the author prefers, the cataloger uses the rules for systematic Romanization. Through the use of rules and the understanding of the history of orthography, a library research can find the materials needed.
    [Show full text]
  • Patterns of Invented Spelling in Spanish
    California State University, San Bernardino CSUSB ScholarWorks Theses Digitization Project John M. Pfau Library 2002 Patterns of invented spelling in Spanish Mercedes Pérez Follow this and additional works at: https://scholarworks.lib.csusb.edu/etd-project Part of the Bilingual, Multilingual, and Multicultural Education Commons Recommended Citation Pérez, Mercedes, "Patterns of invented spelling in Spanish" (2002). Theses Digitization Project. 2209. https://scholarworks.lib.csusb.edu/etd-project/2209 This Thesis is brought to you for free and open access by the John M. Pfau Library at CSUSB ScholarWorks. It has been accepted for inclusion in Theses Digitization Project by an authorized administrator of CSUSB ScholarWorks. For more information, please contact [email protected]. PATTERNS OF INVENTED SPELLING IN SPANISH A Thesis Presented to the Faculty of California State University, San Bernardino In Partial Fulfillment of the Requirements for the Degree Master of Arts in ' Education: Bilingual/Cross-Cultural Education by Mercedes Perez September 2002 PATTERNS OF INVENTED SPELLING IN SPANISH A Thesis Presented to the Faculty of California State University, San Bernardino by Mercedes Perez September 2002 Approved by: 7- Dr. Barbara Flores, First Reader Date ABSTRACT This study proposed to examine' the invented spelling patterns that Spanish speaking children create in their writing. On a monthly basis four students submitted a first draft of a journal entry or a story for a two year time period, which covered both their second and third grade years. Their writing samples were then transcribed and each word used was categorized as either a conventional or an invented spelling. The invented spellings were then classified into eight categories.
    [Show full text]
  • Maccoinnich, A. (2008) Where and How Was Gaelic Written in Late Medieval and Early Modern Scotland? Orthographic Practices and Cultural Identities
    MacCoinnich, A. (2008) Where and how was Gaelic written in late medieval and early modern Scotland? Orthographic practices and cultural identities. Scottish Gaelic Studies, XXIV . pp. 309-356. ISSN 0080-8024 http://eprints.gla.ac.uk/4940/ Deposited on: 13 February 2009 Enlighten – Research publications by members of the University of Glasgow http://eprints.gla.ac.uk WHERE AND HOW WAS GAELIC WRITTEN IN LATE MEDIEVAL AND EARLY MODERN SCOTLAND? ORTHOGRAPHIC PRACTICES AND CULTURAL IDENTITIES This article owes its origins less to the paper by Kathleen Hughes (1980) suggested by this title, than to the interpretation put forward by Professor Derick Thomson (1968: 68; 1994: 100) that the Scots- based orthography used by the scribe of the Book of the Dean of Lismore (c.1514–42) to write his Gaelic was anomalous or an aberration − a view challenged by Professor Donald Meek in his articles ‘Gàidhlig is Gaylick anns na Meadhon Aoisean’ and ‘The Scoto-Gaelic scribes of late medieval Perth-shire’ (Meek 1989a; 1989b). The orthography and script used in the Book of the Dean has been described as ‘Middle Scots’ and ‘secretary’ hand, in sharp contrast to traditional Classical Gaelic spelling and corra-litir (Meek 1989b: 390). Scholarly debate surrounding the nature and extent of traditional Gaelic scribal activity and literacy in Scotland in the late medieval and early modern period (roughly 1400–1700) has flourished in the interim. It is hoped that this article will provide further impetus to the discussion of the nature of the literacy and literary culture of Gaelic Scots by drawing on the work of these scholars, adding to the debate concerning the nature, extent and status of the literacy and literary activity of Gaelic Scots in Scotland during the period c.1400–1700, by considering the patterns of where people were writing Gaelic in Scotland, with an eye to the usage of Scots orthography to write such Gaelic.
    [Show full text]
  • English Orthography:Its Graphical Structure and Its Relation to Sound
    (QJOLVK2UWKRJUDSK\,WV*UDSKLFDO6WUXFWXUHDQG,WV5HODWLRQWRVRXQG $XWKRU V 5LFKDUG/9HQH]N\ 6RXUFH5HDGLQJ5HVHDUFK4XDUWHUO\9RO1R 6SULQJ SS 3XEOLVKHGE\International Reading Association 6WDEOH85/http://www.jstor.org/stable/747031 . $FFHVVHG Your use of the JSTOR archive indicates your acceptance of JSTOR's Terms and Conditions of Use, available at . http://www.jstor.org/page/info/about/policies/terms.jsp. JSTOR's Terms and Conditions of Use provides, in part, that unless you have obtained prior permission, you may not download an entire issue of a journal or multiple copies of articles, and you may use content in the JSTOR archive only for your personal, non-commercial use. Please contact the publisher regarding any further use of this work. Publisher contact information may be obtained at . http://www.jstor.org/action/showPublisher?publisherCode=ira. Each copy of any part of a JSTOR transmission must contain the same copyright notice that appears on the screen or printed page of such transmission. JSTOR is a not-for-profit service that helps scholars, researchers, and students discover, use, and build upon a wide range of content in a trusted digital archive. We use information technology and tools to increase productivity and facilitate new forms of scholarship. For more information about JSTOR, please contact [email protected]. International Reading Association is collaborating with JSTOR to digitize, preserve and extend access to Reading Research Quarterly. http://www.jstor.org English orthography:its graphical structure and its relation to sound RICHARD L. V E N E Z K Y University of Wisconsin PRESENTS AND organizes sets of orthographic patterns, based upon an analysis of the spellings and pronunciations of the 20,000 most common English words.
    [Show full text]
  • Areal Script Form Patterns with Chinese Characteristics James Myers
    Areal script form patterns with Chinese characteristics James Myers National Chung Cheng University http://personal.ccu.edu.tw/~lngmyers/ To appear in Written Language & Literacy This study was made possible through a grant from Taiwan’s Ministry of Science and Technology (103-2410-H-194-119-MY3). Iwano Mariko helped with katakana and Minju Kim with hangul, while Tsung-Ying Chen, Daniel Harbour, Sven Osterkamp, two anonymous reviewers and the special issue editors provided all sorts of useful suggestions as well. Abstract It has often been claimed that writing systems have formal grammars structurally analogous to those of spoken and signed phonology. This paper demonstrates one consequence of this analogy for Chinese script and the writing systems that it has influenced: as with phonology, areal script patterns include the borrowing of formal regularities, not just of formal elements or interpretive functions. Whether particular formal Chinese script regularities were borrowed, modified, or ignored also turns out not to depend on functional typology (in morphemic/syllabic Tangut script, moraic Japanese katakana, and featural/phonemic/syllabic Korean hangul) but on the benefits of making the borrowing system visually distinct from Chinese, the relative productivity of the regularities within Chinese character grammar, and the level at which the borrowing takes place. Keywords: Chinese characters, Tangut script, Japanese katakana, Korean hangul, writing system grammar, script outer form, areal patterns 1. Areal phonological patterns and areal script patterns Sinoform writing systems look Chinese, even when they are functionally quite different. The visual traits of non-logographic Japanese katakana and Korean hangul are nontrivially like those of logographic Chinese script, as are those of the logographic but structurally unique script of Tangut, an extinct Tibeto-Burman language of what is now north-central China.
    [Show full text]
  • Orthographies in Early Modern Europe
    Orthographies in Early Modern Europe Orthographies in Early Modern Europe Edited by Susan Baddeley Anja Voeste De Gruyter Mouton An electronic version of this book is freely available, thanks to the support of libra- ries working with Knowledge Unlatched. KU is a collaborative initiative designed to make high quality books Open Access. More information about the initiative can be found at www.knowledgeunlatched.org An electronic version of this book is freely available, thanks to the support of libra- ries working with Knowledge Unlatched. KU is a collaborative initiative designed to make high quality books Open Access. More information about the initiative can be found at www.knowledgeunlatched.org ISBN 978-3-11-021808-4 e-ISBN (PDF) 978-3-11-021809-1 e-ISBN (EPUB) 978-3-11-021806-2 ISSN 0179-0986 e-ISSN 0179-3256 ThisISBN work 978-3-11-021808-4 is licensed under the Creative Commons Attribution-NonCommercial-NoDerivs 3.0 License, ase-ISBN of February (PDF) 978-3-11-021809-1 23, 2017. For details go to http://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-nc-nd/3.0/. e-ISBN (EPUB) 978-3-11-021806-2 LibraryISSN 0179-0986 of Congress Cataloging-in-Publication Data Ae-ISSN CIP catalog 0179-3256 record for this book has been applied for at the Library of Congress. ISBN 978-3-11-028812-4 e-ISBNBibliografische 978-3-11-028817-9 Information der Deutschen Nationalbibliothek Die Deutsche Nationalbibliothek verzeichnet diese Publikation in der Deutschen Nationalbibliogra- fie;This detaillierte work is licensed bibliografische under the DatenCreative sind Commons im Internet Attribution-NonCommercial-NoDerivs über 3.0 License, Libraryhttp://dnb.dnb.deas of February of Congress 23, 2017.abrufbar.
    [Show full text]
  • The Effects of Orthographic Depth on Learning to Read Alphabetic, Syllabic, and Logographic Scripts
    RRQ4-04 Ellis 9/22/04 11:51 AM Page 438 Reading Research Quarterly Vol. 39, No. 4 October/November/December 2004 © 2004 International Reading Association (pp. 438–468) doi:10.1598/RRQ.39.4.5 The effects of orthographic depth on learning to read alphabetic, syllabic, and logographic scripts NICK C. ELLIS, MIWA NATSUME, KATERINA STAVROPOULOU, LORENC HOXHALLARI, VICTOR H.P. VAN DAAL, NICOLETTA POLYZOE, MARIA-LOUISA TSIPA, MICHALIS PETALAS University of Wales, Bangor, United Kingdom he problem of how to represent spoken language in writing has historically been solved in different ways (Daniels & Bright, 1996; Gaur, 1992). One distinction is whether to “write what you mean” or “write what you say.” Logographic systems such as Chinese and Japanese kanji use symbols to represent meaning directly and have no or comparatively few cues to pronunciation. Other writing systems repre- sent speech sounds. The characters of syllabic systems such as the Japanese kana Tcorrespond with spoken syllables, whereas those of alphabetic systems correspond with separate phonemes. However, alphabetic orthographies vary in the degree to which they are regular in their representation of sound. The writing systems of Serbo-Croatian, Finnish, Welsh, Spanish, Dutch, Turkish, and German are on the whole much more regular in symbol–sound correspondences than those of English and French. The former are referred to as transparent or shallow orthographies in which sound–symbol correspondences are highly consistent, while the latter are re- ferred to as opaque or deep orthographies that are less consistent because each let- ter or group of letters may represent different sounds in different words.
    [Show full text]
  • CROSS-LINGUISTIC STUDY of SPELLING in ENGLISH AS a FOREIGN LANGUAGE: the ROLE of FIRST LANGUAGE ORTHOGRAPHY in EFL SPELLING a Di
    CROSS-LINGUISTIC STUDY OF SPELLING IN ENGLISH AS A FOREIGN LANGUAGE: THE ROLE OF FIRST LANGUAGE ORTHOGRAPHY IN EFL SPELLING A Dissertation Presented to the Faculty of the Graduate School of Cornell University In Partial Fulfillment of the Requirements for the Degree of Doctor of Philosophy by Nadezda Lvovna Dich August 2011 © 2011 Nadezda Lvovna Dich CROSS-LINGUISTIC STUDY OF SPELLING IN ENGLISH AS A FOREIGN LANGUAGE: THE ROLE OF FIRST LANGUAGE ORTHOGRAPHY IN EFL SPELLING Nadezda Lvovna Dich, Ph. D. Cornell University 2011 The study investigated the effects of learning literacy in different first languages (L1s) on the acquisition of spelling in English as a foreign language (EFL). The hypothesis of the study was that given the same amount of practice, English learners from different first language backgrounds would differ on their English spelling proficiency because different orthographies “train” spelling skills differently and therefore the opportunities for positive cross-linguistic transfer that benefits English spelling would differ across L1s. The study also predicted that cross-linguistic differences in English spelling would not be the same across different components of spelling proficiency because cross-linguistic transfer would affect some skills involved in spelling competence, but not others. The study tested native speakers of Danish, Italian, and Russian with intermediate to advanced EFL proficiency. The three languages were chosen for this study based on the differences in native language spelling skills required to learn the three orthographies. One hundred Danish, 98 Italian, and 104 Russian university students, as well as a control group of 95 American students were recruited to participate in the web-based study, which was composed of four tasks testing four skills previously identified as components of English spelling proficiency: irregular word spelling, sensitivity to morphological spelling cues, sensitivity to context-driven probabilistic orthographic patterns, and phonological awareness.
    [Show full text]